China in Revolt/The Situation in China
China. In my opinion, the final aim of the whole matter must be the nationalization of the land.
Everything else is a matter of course.
THE SITUATION IN CHINA.
A Speech Delivered by Tan-Ping-Shan in the
Plenary Session of the Executive
Committee of the Comintern.
A written report has already been submitted to the Plenum. But since too little fight has been thrown upon the Chinese question I consider it desirable that the situation in China be characterized briefly, in such a manner as to bring into relief the principal questions.
The entire period prior to the Shanghai events in May of last year can be divided into three stages:
1. From the Shanghai events to the mutiny of Kwo-Sung-Lin against Chang Tso-lin. This was a period of full revolutionary offensive against the imperialists.
2. From the defeat of Kwo-Sun-Min up to the time of the northern expedition of the Canton troops. This period might be described as the counter-attack of the Imperialists against the Revolution.
3. From the northern expedition of the Canton troops down to the present, during which the revolutionary forces are resuming the offensive against the Imperialists.
It is not necessary to discuss the first and second of these stages—these are already sufficiently well known.
With the third stage the Chinese Revolution has entered upon a new period in its development. Many important changes in the situation are to be noted, among them being:
1. The occupation of Wuchang and Hankow by Cantonese troops, whereby the revolutionary forces have spread out in Central China.
2. Consolidation of the Left wing of the Kuomintang. Thanks to mass pressure, the C. C, of the Kuomintang has adopted a resolution calling upon Wang Ting-Wei to resume his position.
3. A leftward turn of the Kuomintang centrists as a result of which there is the chance that this wing can work together with the Left.
4. The movement for the re-admission of the expelled Kuomintang members who formed a group, a fraction, last year in Sischan, near Peking.
5. The official organizational relationship between the People's Armies of Feng-Yu-hsiang and the Canton Government,
6. The victories of the II, III and V People's Armies and the occupation of Kiangsi province and its capital Sianfu.
7. The broadening of the organization of the Communist Party of China.
8. The new boom in the labor movement of Hankow and the new strikes in Shanghai, etc.
9. The rapid development of the peasant movement in the provinces of Kwantung and Honan.
10. The disorders and uprisings of the well-known "League of Red Spears" in the provinces of Honan, Shantung, and Chipli.
11. Formation of organizations of intermediate and small merchants in the towns of Shanghai, Hankow, Canton, etc.
12. The sympathy of the bourgeoisie in Shanghai for the Canton revolutionary government.
13. The differentiation within the military cliques in the provinces of Szechuan, Kweichow, Honan, Cheklang, etc.
14. Differentiation in the nationalist organizations and among the so-called Sun-Yat-Senists.
These facts are to be accounted for by the revolutionary clan and the military victories of the Canton troops.
To summarize we may say that, firstly, the revolutionary movement is more and more finding support and confidence among the masses; secondly, that a gradual concentration of revolutionary forces is in process. If this broadening, spreading, and concentration of revolutionary forces goes further, we may, to some extent say, that there is a very good chance of a revolutionary unification. We know, however, that the Chinese Revolutionary movement is only in its opening stages. There cannot yet be any talk of a completion of the revolution. Anyone who maintains that the Chinese Revolution is already accomplished, that the mission of 1911 is already fulfilled, is entirely wrong. We can only say at this time that there is the greatest possibility of a revolutionary unification.
How do matters stand in the other camp, in the camp of our enemy in China? We can see this from the following facts:
1. Conflicts between the British and American, between the British and Japanese, and between the Japanese and American imperialists.
2. The disintegration of the semi-feudal military camps, the disintegration of the troops of Wu-Pei-Fu and of Sun-Chuan-Fang; and finally, the conflict between Chang-Tso-Lin and Chang-Zuen-Chang in the Mukden camp.
3. The mutiny of Hsia Chow against Chuan.
4. The beginning of disintegration in the armed forces in the provinces of Honan and Anhwei.
5. The movement against Sun-Chuan-Fang by the governors in Shanghai;
6. The anti-militarist movement of the merchants in Peking, Tientstin, etc, because of the unbearable tax burdens.
7. The movement against foreign stocks and bonds in Harbin.
8. The uprisings of the League of Red Spears against the rule of the reactionary militarists.
These facts show that on the one hand the militarists are going through a process of disintegration, that the strongholds of the imperialists are shaken and weakened, and that on the other hand, the oppressed and exploited are embarking upon the revolutionary road more consciously than heretofore. The statement, therefore, that the Chinese Revolution has the greatest chance to unite China, is not exaggerated.
Lenin once said:
"A basic revolutionary law, which has been confirmed by all revolutions and particularly by the three Russian Revolutions of the 20th century, consists in the following: it will not suffice for a revolution that the exploited and enslaved masses realize the impossibility of continuing to live in the old way, and in that they demand a change; what is necessary for the revolution is that the exploiters can no longer live and govern in the old way. Only if the "lower strata" no longer intend to live as they have been living, and the "upper strata" no longer can live in the old manner, only then can the revolution be victorious."
The correctness of this thesis was also confirmed by the Chinese Revolution. The oppressed masses of China have in fact become conscious that they cannot continue to live in this way, and likewise the contradictions and differences among the rulers are beginning to intervene in a period in which they cannot continue their rule along the old lines.
The Chinese Revolution will be victorious. It has already won a partial victory. But we should not get, firstly, that revolutionists should not lose their heads, either because of victories or of difficulties, secondly, that they must consolidate victories already won so that they may maintain their power; thirdly, that the enemy must be destroyed because they have thus far been defeated, but are still far from being obliterated. Comrade Lenin uttered these words in 1907 at the London Party Congress. I believe that these words will help the comrades who are much too optimistic about the Chinese Revolution. The Chinese Revolution has only made its first step. The foe is not yet beaten, and there can be no talk whatever of his having been already destroyed. How, then, can we be altogether too optimistic? A great Chinese strategist of old once said that victories can be won only if one knows oneself and the foe perfectly. In order to maintain our victory, and in order to win new success, we must be clear as to our own weaknesses and as to how we can consolidate our victories.
We have many weaknesses:
1. Our military forces are not yet fully concentrated.
2. The development of military power is outstripping the development of the power exerted by the masses of the people.
3. Our material support is inadequate.
4. The mass organizations are still weak and the masses which live under the military rule are not yet in position to form, organizationally and systematically, organizations for the uprisings.
5. The policy that the present Canton Government has put into effect by no means meets the demands and requirements of the masses.
Many critical points can still be felt within the Chinese Revolutionary movement.
1. The military intervention and imperialist intrigues, i. g. when last year Japan sent its forces to Mukden and Taku, when England concentrated its fleet, its cruisers, in the Pacific Ocean. The imperialists intend to maintain their privileges in China, and hence we have such happenings.
2. A disintegration of the revolutionary forces is also to be feared, as well as a degeneration in the revolutionary camps.
A further danger consists in the possibility that the imperialists and militarists will again combine against the Canton groups.
In order to consolidate our already won victories, we must:
1. Develop the peasant movement broadly and lead it to a direct participation in the actual struggles.
2. Establish a united battle front of all classes for the national revolution, which includes the proletariat, peasantry, and the urban petty and middle bourgeoisie. Under certain conditions we can also work together with the that big bourgeoisie which has thus far held no relations with the imperialists, in connection with which we must, by all means, relentlessly expose its treacherous, compromising character,
3. Have the support of the West European proletariat which must prevent a free hand for the imperialists in suppressing and destroying the Chinese Revolution. A united revolutionary battlefront without the active support of the proletariat in the advanced countries, without the struggle of these proletariats against their own imperialisms, is hopeless. This is the kernel of Leninism on the national question, and is simultaneously one of the chief premises for the consolidation of the victory of the Chinese Revolution.
I shall now take up the chief aim of the Chinese Revolution and the relations between the Chinese Revolution and capitalist stabilization. At the present time the Chinese Revolution must set for itself the following aims:
1. Consequent emancipation from imperialism.
2. Complete destruction of the semi-feudal military system, and the establishment of a united revolutionary government.
3. Democratization of politics.
We must fight under the following practical slogans:
a) A movement for the annulment of the unequal treaties. This movement has already called forth, since the Shanghai events of last year, mass movements even in far-distant villages. We must demand: self-administration of customs, withdrawal of foreign military forces, restitution of leaseholds and abolition of extra-territoriality.
We must fight for the slogan of the national assembly. This slogan concretizes the so-called democratization of politics. Organizations supporting and fostering this movement are spreading throughout the whole of China. The masses demand not only one uniform national assembly that will cover the whole country, but they also demand the democratization of local political power. They demand Provincial country meetings, etc.
With regard to the annulment of the unequal treaties we must first shatter the prestige of the foreigners, and then, after a certain time in which we are sufficiently entrenched, we must tear these treaties into shreds. The imperialists, particularly the British, have already partially lost their prestige, especially in Kwantung where the Canton Government has put into effect its own customs tariffs, and also in Peking, where the Government which is dominated by the reactionary militarists, was forced by mass pressure to declare invalid the Belgo-Chinese Treaties. These facts have inspired great fear, especially among the British imperialists. They believe that China has already adopted the Bolshevik theory of repudiating all foreign loans and unequal treaties.
As far as the stabilization of capitalism is concerned, we must note that the Chinese Revolution has delivered a heavy blow to imperialism in that it is beginning to cut down the market for commodity capital.
It further intensifies the conflicts between the imperialist groups, and arouses and strengthens the liberation struggle of colonial countries such as Indonesia, India, Corea, etc., which undoubtedly still further undermines the labile capitalist stabilization.
We realize that two possibilities are characteristic of the present Chinese Revolution: either the Chinese proletariat, with the support of the world proletariat, will succeed in carrying out a consequent national revolution, or else the new Chinese bourgeoisie will be in position to take into its hands the leadership of the Chinese Revolution, and by means of the imperialists' support, develop a Chinese capitalism or slowly liquidate the Chinese Revolution by means of compromises.
Since the Shanghai events, the Chinese proletariat has proven its political importance. Especially in the strikes in Shanghai, Hongkong and Canton, the latter lasting over a year, broad anti-imperialist movements were instigated, and the Canton Government was consolidated. The peasant masses in Kwantung also followed the propaganda and slogans of the Communist Party of China. Under the initiative of the Communist Party of China, the peasant movement in other provinces is growing more and more, and is developing further and further under the leadership of our Party.
These facts prove that the Chinese proletariat really has a chance to capture the hegemony of the national revolution. The Chinese bourgeoisie also, which suffers under the political and economic oppression of the imperialists, is spurred on by the general revolutionary mood and is beginning gradually to participate in the national revolutionary movement. It has already tried, and continues to try to seize the leadership of the revolution. In May of last year, the Shanghai bourgeoisie deserted the 17 demands of the Union of Workers, Merchants and Students and formulated a set of 13 demands of its own. The formation of Dal-Tsi-Taoism and the March affair this year in Canton, are attempts on the part of the bourgeoisie to take the leadership of the revolution away from the proletariat. Hence there are two possibilities, two tendencies in the Chinese Revolution. The leading position of the Chinese proletariat in the national revolution is not sufficienly secure. The Chinese proletariat is still in a period in which it must fight the bourgeoisie for the leadership of the national revolution. In order to capture the leadership of the Chinese revolution, the proletariat must:
1. Win the broad peasant masses and the supporto f the urban petty-bourgeoisie, while preventing the rightward swing of the bourgeoisie. Only then will it be possible for the proletariat to organize a united battlefront under its leadership.
2. The proletariat must consolidate and extend the trade union movement, in the course of which it must work for the organization of all industrial workers, handicraftsmen and agricultural laborers. The Communist Party must do everything possible in order to lead these elements directly into the revolutionary struggle. And, finally, the Chinese proletariat must get the support of the entire international proletariat.
The Kuomintang is precisely a united organization of the revolutionary forces of all classes. We must do everything possible in order to develop the Knomintang further, and with its aid carry out consequently the national revolution. If it is maintained that the Communists should withdraw from the Kuomintang, or that they should organize a third party in the place of Kuomintang, then this would mean the splitting of the united battlefront. Through our own initiative, we must develop and consolidate the power of the Left wing in the Kuomintang, while at the same time not forgetting to prevent the further rightward swings of the Kuomintang's right wing.
What is the Status of the Chinese peasantry in this national revolution? The landowning class forms the basis of.the Chinese military system. In order completely to put an end to the semi-feudal system of the militarists, we must solve the agrarian question, we must smash the weapons by which the big landowning class oppresses the peasant masses. Only thereby can the bases of the militarists be shattered. Under the rule of the Canton National Government we must win the support and sympathy of the broad masses of peasantry in order to maintain the victories we have won. We must enrole the peasantry in the united revolutionary battlefront.
We now come to the question of the Chinese labor movement and of the development and importance of the Communist Party of China. The Chinese proletariat will not only be the driving force of the future proletarian revolution, it is also the directing power in the present national revolution, Without a mighty labor movement the national struggle cannot develop further. The ups and downs of the labor movement in China at the same time mark the trend of the national movement as a whole, In the three stages of the Chinese labor movement, from the sailors' strike in 1922 up to the railwaymen's strike of 1923, from this to the Shanghai events, and from the Shanghai events to the present time, the Chinese working class has shown its fighting ability and its valour in the front ranks of the revolution. The whole Shanghai movement rallied around the strikes in Shanghai and Hankow. The Canton Government could wipe out the counter-revolutionary troops only with tha support of the masses of workers and peasants, And now also, after the oceupation of Hankow and Wuchang by the Canton troops, the victory can be maintained only of the labor movement is consolidated and strengthened.
The influence of the reformists in the Chinese labor movement must also be thwarted. The reformist movement can find no place among the Chinese laboring masses who suffer under a double oppression and exploitation by their own and by the foreign capitalists. The Asiatic Workers' Congress, which was called last year, was already a sign that the international reformists have made efforts to extend their influence among the Chinese laboring masses. While it is true that the Chinese working class has a low cultural level, in a revolutionary sense one can say that it is most revolutionary.
The Chinese Communist Party is thus far still weak, but of late it has grown very rapidly and consolidated itself. In the course of one year, it increased its membership four-fold. The Communist organizations in Canton, Shanghai, and in O-Ku-Han province, have already become mass organizations. The Chinese Communist Party is the vanguard of the national revolution. In the unification of Fontung Province during the war against Mukden, against Wu-Pei-Fu, and during the present Northern expedition of the Canton troops, it has further consolidated its influence in the masses, and it has accomplished a great deal. The working class has a constantly growing confidence in our Party. The peasants, petty-bourgeoisie, and democratic elements also follow us to some extent.
Our organization still has many shortcomings. It does not by far, extend over the whole country. The lower cadres are too weak. The organization is not altogether healthy. While the basic organizations consist of factory nuclei, yet because the comrades have insufficient experience and training, these organizations are not strong enough, the Party is weak in theory and also suffers from a lack of international experiences.
We must concentrate our work and forces upon the consolidation of the victories which the Chinese Revolution has already won, upon the consequent extension of the national revolution, and upon aiding the Kuomintang to broaden the united battlefront in order to complete the national revolution of China.