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��INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS
��VOL. I
��ited hunting-territories which were desig- nated by the totemic animal names. So we find those families located near the ocean bearing marine-animal names, while the terri- tories of the land-animal families are situated in the interior. The latter trace their origins to independent causes. The family hunting- territory is called nzi-'bum ("my river"). The family groups had no definite marriage regula- tions, or taboos against killing the associated animals. Aside from nicknames, individuals were generally known by their family-group names.
In this phase of Penobscot social life we have the most interesting case of the sort encoun- tered in a series of family social-unit studies made among the northern Algonkian tribes. 1
8. GLUSKA'BE KILLS THE MONSTER MOOSE AND CREATES LANDMARKS
naGluskp'be odjr'madjelan kada - 'gi"hi Then Gluskp'be departed others
agwHa'ohan a'lnaba' ma'lam be'djHat he searched for people. At last he reached
ktcri - nagwa - 'sabem dali'mskaowat
a very big lake where he met
a'lnoba' udr'tagun ga'matc sa'naTjgwa'di people. They told him, "Very dangerous
yu ndode'nena namas - elo"tohogona
here our village. Many of us he has killed
ktaha'n'dwi' mu's a"tame'lawe
a great magic moose, not hardly
ngi'zika'don'ka'zoldi'bana udi-'Jan nra'tc can we go hunting." Said he, "I
ngwHa'oha ni'a'tc k3nr"tamo'lana
will search for him, I will destroy him for you."
1 A brief discussion of this feature of Algonkian social organization has been given by the writer in "The Family Hunting Band as the Basis of Algonkian Social Organization" (A A 17 [1915], and "Game Totems of the Northeastern Algonkians" (A A 19 [1917]). A more intensive study of the Penobscot family group is now in preparation.
2 In the winter the moose congregate in a common feeding-ground where they trample down the snow in paths from which they browse. This is called a "yard."
��wespoza"ki'wik odjrmadje'lan agwrla'ohan In the morning he departed to search for
��ktcrmo'sul' the big moose.
awu'sanudi 2 in his yard *
��ma'lam At last
��amaska-'man he found him
��uga'la'banan he started him up,
��edala'sanelit na'ste
where he yarded. Soon
nuno"so'kawan then he followed him.
elmi'p'hogwet mo'zul' sala"ki e'labit As he was following the moose, suddenly looking
nr'ka'n'i e'lkwelat una - 'mr'tun
ahead where he was going he saw
wi-'gwomsrs sadi'k'ansis* na'ste
little wigwam, little bough shelter,' soon
uza'jjk'hi-no'des-an phe'nam elp'bit
came walking out a woman looking
Gluska'be pukadji'nskwes'u 4 ma'nit'e Glusk^'be (it was) Squatty- Woman. 4 Then
bmr'le a"tamo udpzide'mawial ke'di going by not he answered her when
pa"pi'mago't be-'sagun e'lHat
she joked with him still going on.
pukodji'nskwes'u mu'skweldam r'dak Squatty-Woman became angry. She said,
ga'matc ka'di pplr'gweyu ni'"kwupa'skwe "Very you want to be haughty, now then
kdli'na-'mi-'tundj ne'dudji no"so'ka'w0t you will see." Then she followed him
Glu'skobal' e'lamHat e'lamrlat ta'maba- Gluskp'be going along going along wherever
ni'lotc na'w^ba-'magwek 5 a"tama
she reached a viewing-place* not
- This is a sort of temporary shelter made by leaning spruce-branches together. It is conical in shape,
like the regular bark wigwam.
4 This creature is also known popularly as "Jug- Woman." She is conceived of as a short, ugly woman, with no curves at the waist. So when the Indians first saw a stone jug or pitcher, they nicknamed it Puksdji'nskwes'u. This hag figures prominently in mythology.
6 An opening in the woods where a view can be had of game.
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