NO. I
��NOTES ON ALGONQUIAN LANGUAGES
��55
��1. Glottal Stop. The glottal stop is often found where other writers have recorded nothing. Examples are nick&'dis? HE is ANGRY, minona'gusi* SHE is GOOD-LOOKING. The glottal stop doubtless is a relic of the personal pronoun, Fox -w" in Jones's tran- scription; or -w', as I think correct. The si in both cases is the copula.
2. Weakly Articulated Vowels. Long vowels at times are followed by corresponding weakly articulated short vowels which are voiced, not voiceless. At present I cannot formulate a rule governing the usage. Exam- ples are: s^bi' RIVER, pimuse' e HE WALKS PAST, na a nA r n FIVE, mlfLa'c AND, wa'JbAng' TO-MORROW, wl^Ad' IT is DIRTY. Something like this apparently occurs in the dialects of Bois Fort and Fort William.
3. The Correspondent to 'k of Other Dialects. The 'k of other Ojibwa dialects goes back to a sibilant followed by a palatal surd stop. In the Gull Lake dialect we have a marked aspiration, followed by a glottal stop and then a surd stop, which is certainly velar as compared with English k, but not as pro- nounced as the surd velar stop of the North- west-coast Indian languages. Probably it is akin to the corresponding Paiute sound. Examples are, a'*qi' GROUND, ntA ls qwa BEAR.
4. Terminal Aspirations. Terminally after stops I hear very distinct aspirations. It is very probable that sonant stops glide into surds before the aspiration, as is the case in Potawatomi, but I find that I have not recorded the glide in most cases. In Fox, sonant stops always glide into surds before terminal vowels which are both voiceless and aspirated. We may therefore conclude that the phenomenon is old. Examples from the Gull Lake dialect are, mA'*qwAg kl BEARS, un-nAd ' IT is DIRTY, md"'jimagwAd li IT SMELLS
BADLY.
MISCELLANEOUS NOTES. The miscellany presented here deals with a number of novel points in Algonquian philology, which are assembled in the belief that, as our knowledge
��is so woefully deficient, it is suitable to promptly publish any new facts that are firmly established. I have adhered to Jones's Fox phonetic scheme for the reasons set forth on p. 50.
The Change of n to c. In the "American Anthropologist" (N. s., 15:470 et seq.) and "Journal of the Washington Academy of Sciences" (4:403) I have shown that n becomes c before i, which is either a new morphological element or the initial sound of such an element in Fox, Potawatomi, Ojibwa, and probably in Shawnee. From my last summer's field- work this last is amply confirmed. I also find, from my early work with the Menominee, that we have the same or an allied phenome- non (s for c) in that dialect. From the material contained in the works of Cuoq and Lemoine, it is patent that in Algonkin we have the same or a similar phenomenon (e.g., mikaj BATS-LE, in which a final ' has been lost, as shown by Fox, etc.). From my work in Peoria last summer, it is evident that the same phenomenon occurs in that dialect, but apparently a preceding original I cancels the law. The n, of course, is replaced by /. Examples are: ma'ci'V' HE WHO COPULATED WITH ME (stem VIA; vowel-change, as the form is a participial; -it a ' HE ME) as con- trasted with mAlititawd"' LET us COPULATE (i, to prevent the combination It; ti, sign of the reciprocal, as in Fox, etc.; tawa n , the termination of the intransitive first person inclusive of the imperative, corresponding to Fox taW); pl'ci't"' HE WHO BROUGHT ME (stem pi, for older pyd [Fox pyd], hence not contradicting the law; c, the instrumental particle DONE BY THE HAND, owing to the action of the law; t' for I before sibilants); pl'cf" BRING THOU HIM (i", THOU HIM of the imper- ative mode, Fox ') ; pl'cl'yang ktl YE BROUGHT us (lydng ktl , YE us of the conjunctive mode [Ojibwa iidng, from Baraga; Algonkin Hang, from Lemoine]) ; kipl"clmiva" YE BROUGHT ME (ki Imwa", the pronominal elements for YE ME in the independent mode [Ojibwa and
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