Letters of Cortes to Emperor Charles V - Vol 1/Second Letter, October 30, 1520
SECOND LETTER
Sent to his Sacred Majesty, the Emperor of Our Realm, by the Captain-General of New Spain, called Don Fernando Cortes, in which he gives an account of the countries and innumerable provinces which he has discovered in Yucatan, from the year 1519 to the present time, and has subjected to the Crown of His Royal Majesty. He makes special relation of a very great, and very rich, province called Culua, in which there are many great cities, and marvellous edifices, having much commerce and wealth. Amongst these there is one more marvellous and richer than all the others, called Temixtitan, which by marvellous art has been built on a great lake; of which city and province, a very great lord, called Montezuma, is king; in which, things, frightful to be heard, were suffered by the Captain, and the Spaniards. He describes at length the vast dominion of the said Montezuma, and its customs and ceremonies, and how he is served.
Very Great and Powerful, and Very Catholic Prince, Most Invincible Emperor, Our Lord. In a ship, which I despatched from this Your Sacred Majesty's New Spain, on the sixteenth of July 1519, I sent to Your Royal Highness a very long and particular account of everything which had happened from the time of my arrival here until that time; this said account was taken by Alonzo Hernandez Puertocarrero, and Francisco de Montejo, procurators of the Rica Villa de la Vera Cruz, which I had founded in the name of Your Royal Highness. Having had no opportunity since then, not only for the want of ships, and being myself occupied in the conquest and pacification of this country, but also because nothing has been heard of the said ships and the procurators, I have related nothing more to Your Majesty concerning what has since been done. God knows the pain which this has caused me, for I have wished that Your Highness should understand the affairs of this country, which is so great and important, since, as I have already said in my other account, it is no less worthy to warrant your assuming anew the title of Emperor, than is Germany, of which, by the grace of God, Your Sacred Majesty already possesses the title.
It would entail going on indefinitely, were I to attempt to tell Your Highness all the particulars, and everything relating to these parts and new kingdoms, and everything in them worthy to be told; I beg Your Sacred Majesty to hold me pardoned, if I do not give so full an account to Your Highness as I ought, because neither my ability, nor my opportunity at this time, favour my doing so. I shall, nevertheless, endeavour to tell Your Highness the truth in the best manner possible, and what, for the present, is necessary that Your Majesty should know; and I must likewise crave Your Highness's pardon if I do not recount all that is necessary, the precise when and how, and if I should not specify some names, not only of cities and towns, but also of provinces which, giving themselves for your subjects and vassals, have offered their allegiance to Your Majesty. This I beg, because, in a certain recent misfortune, of which I will hereafter in this writing give a full account to Your Highness, I have lost all my papers, and the official agreements, which I had made with the natives of this country, besides many other things.
In my other account, Most Excellent Prince, I told Your Majesty of all the cities and towns which until then had offered themselves to your royal service, and which I held subjugated and conquered for you. I also mentioned that I had information of a great lord called Montezuma,[1] of whom the natives of this country had told me, and who lived, according to their computation of distances, about ninety or a hundred leagues from the coast and port where I had disembarked; and that, confiding in the greatness of God, and relying on the power of Your Highness's Royal name, I had decided to go and see him, wherever he might be. I even remember that I offered, so far as this lord was concerned, to accomplish the impossible, for I vowed to Your Royal Highness, that I would have him prisoner, or dead, or subject to the Royal Crown of Your Majesty.
With this purpose and determination, I left the city of Cempoal,[2] which I had named Seville, on the sixteenthCortes Be-
gins his
March to
Mexico
of August, with fifteen horsemen, and three hundred foot soldiers, all equipped for war, as to best I was able, and as time permitted. I left in the town of Vera Cruz, two horsemen, and one hundred and fifty men, engaged in building a fort, which I have now almost finished, and I left all that province of Cempoal, and all the neighbouring mountain regions near the said town, which contained some fifty thousand warriors, and fifty towns and forts, all well pacified, and secure, and very devoted as loyal vassals of Your Majesty, such as they have been, and are, until now. According to my information, they were subjects of that lord, Montezuma, by force, and since a short time only, and, when they learned from me of Your Highness's great and royal power, they declared they wished to become vassals of Your Royal Majesty, and my friends, and they prayed me to protect them against that great lord, who held them subject by force and tyranny, and took away their sons, to kill and sacrifice them to their idols; and making many other complaints against him. Thus, they are, and have continued, very, firm and loyal in the service of Your Highness, and I believe they will
From Conquista de Mexico, vol. iv., by Orozco y Berra
| 1. Montezuma's palace. | 2. Temple of Texcatlipoca. |
| 3. Aviary | 4. Palace of Axayacatl (Spanish quarters). |
| 5. Great temple | 6. Palace of Montezuma I., Ilhuicamina. |
| 7. Palace of Tlilancolqui. | 8. The great square. |
| 9. Menagerie. | 10. Market-palace of Mexico. |
| 11. Tezoutlalamacoyan (teocalli) present site of S. Catherine, Martyr. | 12. Huitznahiac (teocalli). |
| 13. Meeting-place of Montezuma and Cortes. | 14. Temple of Atzacualo. |
| 15. Palace of Xacaculco (Quauhtemotzin's residence during the siege). | 16. Market-place of Tlateloco. |
| 17. Temple of Tlateloco. | 18. Temple of Xoluco. |
| 19. Bridge of Techautzinco. | 20. Bridge of Tolteacalli (site of the Church of the Martyrs). |
| 21. Bridge of Toltecaacaplan (Alvarado's leap). | 22. Audience hall (present church of Santa Ana). |
| 23. Temple of Cihuatecpan or Xochotilla (present S. Francisco). | 24. Temple of Coyonacazco also called Amaxac. |
| 25. Tetinantitech: final stand of the Mexicans, where the present Curch of the Conception stands. | 26. Temple of Apahuaztlan. |
| 27. Temple of Nomoxco. | 28. Temple of Petlacalli. |
| 29. Fortress of Xoloc. | 30. Nonohualco. |
| 31. Cuicacolco (teocalli). |
I believe I have already written to Your Majesty, in my first account, that some of my company, who had been servants and friends of Diego Velasquez, were vexed by what I had accomplished in the service of Your Highness, and some of them even wanted to rebel, and desert me in the country; especially four Spaniards who were called Juan Escudero, Diego Cermeño, a pilot, Gonzalo de Ungria, also a pilot, and Alonzo Peñate. These, as they voluntarily confessed, had determined to seize a brigantine, then in the port, with a certain quantity of bread and meat, to kill the master of it, and return to the island of Femandina, that they might report to Diego Velasquez that I was sending to Your Royal Highness the ship, which I sent with what it contained, and the course it would take. This was to enable the said Diego Velasquez to put ships on guard, for the purpose of capturing it, as he did when he afterwards came to know it, for, as I was informed, he sent a caravel after the said ship, which would have been captured, if it had not already passed. And they likewise confessed, that other persons shared the same wish to warn the said Diego Velasquez. Having seen the confessions of these delinquents, I punished them according to justice, and as it seemed to me the needs of the times, and the interests of Your Royal Highness's service demanded.
Besides those, who acted thus because they were servants and friends of Diego Velasquez, there
Destruction
of the
Fleet
were others who wanted to leave on seeing how large and populous the country was, while the Spaniards were so few. Believing that, if I left the ships there, they would revolt with them, and, all those of like mind deserting, I would be left almost alone, by which the great service which I had rendered to God and Your Highness in this country would be undone, I determined, on the pretext that they were unseaworthy, to have the said ships beached.[3] Thus, everybody lost hope of ever leaving the country, and I set out on my march, securely, without fear that, when I turned my back, the people whom I had left in the town would fail me.
Eight or ten days after having beached the ships, and when I had gone to the city of Cempoal, which is about four leagues distant, whence to continue my march, they brought me news in that town, that four ships were running along the coast, and that the captain, whom I had left there, had gone out to them in a boat. I had been told that they belonged to Francisco de Garay,[4] Lieutenant, and Governor of the Island of Jamaica, and had come to make discoveries. My captain had told them, that I had already settled the country in the name of Your Highness, and had laid out a town about a league from where the said ships were, where they could go and make their arrival known to me, and there make any repairs they might need. He said he would conduct them in his barque to the port, pointing out to them where it was. They had answered him, that they had already seen the port, having passed in front of it, and that they would do as he said, so he had returned with the barque, but the ships had not followed him nor come to the port. They had still sailed along the coast, and, as they had not entered the port, he did not know what object they had in view. Within an hour after hearing what the said captain made known to me, I left for Vera Cruz, where I learned that the ships were anchored about three leagues down the coast, and that no one had landed. I then went along the coast with some people, to reconnoitre, and, when I was about one league from the ships, I met three men from them, amongst whom there was one who called himself a notary public, who told me he had brought the other two as witnesses to a certain notification and requirement with which he said their captain had ordered him to serve me on his behalf, and which he had brought with him. They desired to make it known to me, that he had discovered that country, and wished to settle in it, for which reason he required me to define the boundaries with him, as he wished to make his settlement down the coast five leagues below Nautical,[5] which is a city now called Almeria, twelve leagues from Vera Cruz. I answered that their captain should come with his ships to the port of Vera Cruz, where we could talk, and I would learn his intentions, and, if his ships and people needed anything, I would help them with what I could. Inasmuch as he said that he had come in the service of Your Sacred Majesty, I only desired that occasion should be given me to serve Your Highness, and, in helping him, I believed that I would do this. They replied, that neither the captain, nor any of his people, would on any account land an}n,'here that I might be.
Believing that they must have done some harm in the country, inasmuch as they were afraid to come before me, when night came on I hid myself near the coast, opposite to where the said ships were anchored. There I remained concealed until the next day about noon, expecting the captain or his pilot to come on shore, from whom I would learn what they had been doing, and where they had been, intending, that if they had done any harm in the country, to send them to Your Sacred Majesty; but neither they nor anyone else ever landed. Seeing that they did not come, I made some of my Spaniards put on the clothes of those who had come to make me the requirements, and directed them to go to the beach, and signal to those on board the ships. As soon as these were observed by those on board, a barque, carrying some ten or twelve men, armed with arquebuses and muskets, came towards the land. The Spaniards who were calling from the shore retired from the beach to some bushes near by, as if to take shelter in their shade, and thus four landed, two men with arquebuses, and two with muskets. These were surrounded, and taken prisoners by the people whom I had placed on the beach. One of the captives, the master of the ship, tried to fire his weapon, and would have killed my captain of Vera Cruz, but that, by Our Lord's will, the fuse did not burn. Those who had remained in the boat, put to sea, but before they could reach their ships, sail had been set, without waiting, or troubling to hear anything about them.
I learned from my prisoners, how they had arrived at a river,[6] which is some thirty leagues down the coast, after passing Almeria, and had had a good reception there from the natives, and had traded for some provisions, and seen some gold which the Indians wore, although it was scarce, that they had obtained by trading, as much as three thousand castellanos[7] worth of gold, and that they had not landed, but had seen certain towns on the banks of the river so near, that they could distinguish them well from the ships, and that there were no buildings of stone, the houses being of thatch, but very high and well built. All this I knew more fully afterwards, through that great lord Montezuma, and from certain interpreters from that country whom he had about him.
I took these men, and an Indian whom they had brought in their ships from the said river, and sent
Negotiations with the Cacique of Panuco
them, with other messengers of the said Montezuma, to the lord of that river, called Panuco, to win him to Your Sacred Majesty's service. With them, he sent me back a chief who, it was said, was chief of a town, who brought me on behalf of his lord certain stuffs, and stones, and feathers, telling me that he and all his people would be very happy to become vassals of Your Majesty, and my friends. I in turn presented them with some things from Spain, which so satisfied him, that, when some other ships of the said Francisco de Garay arrived (of which I will make relation to Your Highness hereafter), the said Panuco sent me word that those ships were in another river, some five or six days' journey from that place, asking that I should tell him whether those who had come in them belonged to me, so that he might give them whatever they needed, and that he already had sent some women and chickens and other provisions. I marched, Very Powerful Lord, three days through the country and lordship of Cempoal, where I was well received, and entertained by the natives, and, on the fourth day, I arrived in the province called Sienchimalen,[8] where there is a very strong town ably fortified. It is situated on the side of a steep mountain slope, and is approached by a single pass of steps, by which it is impossible to enter except on foot, and even thus with great difficulty, if the natives wished to defend it.
In the plains, there are many hamlets and villages, with five, three, and two hundred families, which will furnish altogether some five or six thousand warriors; and they are subject to the rule of Montezuma. Here, they Second Letter 195 received me very well, and courteously gave me the necessary provisions for my march, saying that they knew very well I was going to see Montezuma their lord, and that I might rest assured he was my friend, for he had ordered them, in every case, to give me a good reception, as by so doing they would render him a seryice. I thanked them for their courtesy, saying that Your Majesty already knew of Montezuma, and had ordered me to visit him.
I next crossed a pass, which is at the end of this province, and to which we gave the name of Puerto del Nombre de Dios,[9] on account of its being the first we have traversed in this country. So steep, and so high, is it, that in all Spain there is none so difficult. I passed with entire safety, and without any opposition, and, on the descent of the said pass, there are other hamlets belonging to a town and fort, called Ceycocnacan,[10] which also belongs to Montezuma. Here we were as well received as we had been at Sienchimalen, and the people repeated what the others had told us of Montezuma's good will, and I satisfied them in the same manner.
Thence I travelled three days through a desert, which, on account of its sterility, and want of water, and the very great cold which prevails, is uninhabitable; where God knows all the trouble which the men suffered from hunger and thirst, especially from tempests of hail and rain which overtook us, making me fear that many people would die of cold; and certain Indians from the Island of Fernandina did die, because they were ill-clad. At the end of these three days, we traversed another pass,[11] although not so steep as the first one, on the top of which was a small tower an oratory, where were kept certain idols, and around the tower were more than a thousand loads of cut wood, very well piled up, so we named it the Paso de la Leña. On the descent of the said pass, between some very rough mountain chains, there is a very populous valley, the people of which seem to be poor. After having marched about three leagues through the settlement without seeing anything of them, I arrived at a somewhat more level place, where it seemed the chief of that valley lived, and which had the largest and best built houses we had till then seen in this country, for they were of hewn stone, quite new, and had very large and beautiful rooms, and many well-arranged apartments. This valley and its people are called Caltanmi.[12] I was very well received, and lodged by the chief and his people. After having spoken to him on the part of Your Majesty, and told him the cause of my coming to these parts, I asked him if he also was a vassal of Montezuma's, or if he belonged to some other dominion. He, wondering at what I asked him, answered me, "And who is not a vassal of Montezuma's?" as much as to say that he was the sovereign of the world. I then replied, and told him about the vast power and jurisdiction of Your Majesty, and of all the many and greater lords than Montezuma who were vassals of Your Highness, even considering it as no small privilege to be so, as would Montezuma, and all the natives of these parts, likewise have to be; and thus I required him to be because he would then be much honoured and favoured, while on the contrary if he were unwilling to obey he would be punished. In recognition of his vassalage, I asked him to give me some gold to be sent to Your Majesty, when he answered that he had gold, but would not give it unless Montezuma commanded him to do so, but that, if the latter did so order, then he would give the gold, and his person, and all that he possessed. In order not to scandalise him, nor to hinder my designs and progress, I dissembled with him the best I could, saying that very soon Montezuma would order him to give the gold and everything he had.
The two other chiefs who had lands in this valley came to see me here, one of whom lived four leagues below, and the other two leagues above, and they gave me certain collars of gold of little weight or value, and seven or eight female slaves.
After stopping four or five days there, I left them very contented, and went to the city of the other chief, two leagues, as I said, up the valley which place is called Yztacmastitan.[13] This lordship has an extension of three or four leagues, one house after another along the valley, and on the banks of a small river which flows through it. The house of the chief stands on a very high hill, protected by a better fort than can be found in half Spain, well surrounded with walls, and barbicans, and moats, and, on the top of this hill, there is a town of about five or six thousand inhabitants, with very large houses, whose people are somewhat richer than those of the lower valley. Here I was also very well received, and its chief told me that he likewise was a vassal of Montezuma. I stayed in his house three days, not only for the purpose of resting the people from the hardship they had endured in the desert, but also to wait for four messengers, natives of Cempoal, who had come with me, and whom I had sent from Caltanmi to a very large province called Tascalteca,[14] which they told me was very near there, as in truth it was. They had also told me, that the natives of this province were their friends, and very deadly enemies of Montezuma, and that they wished me to confederate with them, as they were a large and powerful people (whose country was bounded on all sides by that of the said Montezuma, with whom they were in continual warfare), and would be glad to help me if the said Montezuma should oppose me. These messengers did not return during all the time that I remained in that valley, which was in all eight days. I asked the others, who had come with me from Cempoal, how it was that the messengers did not return, and they answered that it was a great distance, and that they could not get back so quickly. Seeing that their return was delayed, and that the chiefs of Cempoal were so positive about the friendship and fidelity of the people of that province, I set out for it.
At the exit of the said valley, I found a great wall of dry stones, about nine feet high, which crossed the whole valley from one mountain to the other;
The Wall of
Tlascala
it was twenty feet thick, and had a stone parapet, a foot and a half broad on the top so that one could fight from above. The single entrance was about ten paces broad, and in this entrance one wall doubled over the other, in the form of a ravelin, narrowly contracted within about forty paces, in such wise that the entrance was curved instead of being straight.[15] Having inquired the object of that wall they told me that it was built because they were on the frontier of that province of Tascalteca, whose people were Montezuma's enemies, and constantly at war with him.
The natives of this valley besought me, that, inasmuch as I was going to see Montezuma their lord, not to pass through the country of these his enemies, who perchance might be ill-disposed towards me, and do me some mischief, whereas they would guide me always through the land of the said Montezuma without going out of it, and that in it I would always be well received. The Cempoalans, however, advised me not to do this, but to go through Tascalteca, for what these people were telling me, was for the purpose of cutting me off from the amity of that province; they told me that all Montezuma's people were bad and treacherous, and would ensnare me in places whence I could never escape. As I had more confidence in the Cempoalans than in the others, I took their advice, and chose the road to Tascalteca, conducting my people with the best caution I could.
Accompanied by about six horsemen, I rode ahead about half a league or more, little thinking of what afterwards happened, but to reconnoitre the country, so that if anything should befall I might perceive it in time to take measures, and prepare my people. After having gone four leagues, and while ascending the hill, two horsemen who went ahead saw certain Indians, wearing the feathers they are accustomed to in war, armed with their swords, and lances, and rodelas, who took to flight when they perceived the horsemen. At the same time I came up, and had them called to to return without fear. I advanced to where there were about fifteen Indians, who, massing themselves, began to attack us with their swords, calling to their other people who were in the valley, and fighting with us in such wise that they killed two horses, and wounded three others and two horsemen. In the midst of this, others came up, numbering about four to five thousand. Meantime, eight other horsemen, besides those whose horses were killed, joined me, charging on them until the other Spaniards, to whom I had sent a summons by a horseman, arrived. We did them some harm, in the charges we made, killing fifty or sixty of them, without suffering any hurt ourselves, although they fought with great courage and daring; but, as we were all on horseback, we could charge them, and fall back in safety. When they saw our reinforcements approaching, they retreated, because they were so few, and left us the field.
After they were gone certain messengers came, who said they were the lords of the said province, and with them came two of the messengers whom I had sent. These explained that the said chiefs did not know anything of what those others had done, as they belonged to 
From Storia Antica del Messico, vol. ii., by Clavigero
That night, one league beyond where this happened, I was obliged to sleep in a dry river bed [baranca], not only because it was late, but also because my
Hostilities
in Tlascala
people were tired. I stayed there as well
guarded as possible, stationing my sentinels and scouts, both on horseback and on foot, and at daybreak I left, carrying my van-guard and rear-guard well organised, and my scouts on ahead.
Arriving at a very small village just at sunrise, the two other messengers came with lamentations saying that they had been bound, and would have been killed, but that they had escaped in the night. At not two stone' sthrows distance a great number of Indians appeared well armed, and with much shouting began to attack us, discharging many darts and arrows at us. When I undertook to make my requirements in due form, through the interpreters whom I had brought with me, and before a notary public, the more diligent I was to admonish and require them to keep the peace, just so much the more diligent were they in committing hostilities upon us, and, seeing that neither requirements nor protests were of any avail, we began to defend ourselves as best we could, and thus they kept us fighting, until we found ourselves in the midst of an hundred thousand warriors, who surrounded us on all sides. This went on all day long, until about an hour before sunset, when they retired. In this fight I did them a good deal of harm with about half a dozen cannon, and five or six muskets, forty archers, and thirteen horsemen, who had been left to me, without our receiving any hurt from them, except the labour and fatigue of fighting and hunger. And it truly appeared that it was God who battled for us, because amongst such a multitude of people, so courageous, and skilled in fighting, and with so many kinds of offensive arms,[16] we came out unhurt.
That night I fortified myself in a small tower of their idols, which stood on a small hill, and afterwards, at daybreak, I left two hundred men and all the artillery in the camp. As I was the attacking party I went out towards evening with the horsemen, and a hundred foot soldiers, and four hundred Indians whom I had brought from Cempoal, and three hundred from Yztacmastitan. Before the enemy had time to assemble, I set fire to five or six small places of about a hundred houses each, and brought away about four hundred prisoners, both men and women, fighting my way back to my camp without their doing me any harm. At daybreak the following morning, more than a hundred and forty-nine thousand men, covering all the country, attacked our camp so determinedly that some of them penetrated into it, rushing about, and thrusting with their swords at the Spaniards. We mustered against them, and Our Lord was pleased so to aid us, that, in about four hours, we managed that they should no more molest us in our camp, although they still kept up some attacks; thus we kept fighting until it grew to be late, when they retired.
The next day I again went out before daybreak, in another direction, without having been observed by the enemy, taking with me the horsemen, a hundred footsoldiers, and the friendly Indians. I burned more than a hundred villages, one of which had more than three thousand houses, where the villagers fought with me, though there were no other people there. As we carried the banner of the Holy Cross,[17] and were fighting for our Faith, and in the service of Your Sacred Majesty, to Your Royal good fortune God gave us such a victory that we slew many people without our own sustaining any injury. A little after mid-day when the strong force of the people was gathered from all parts, we had returned victorious to our camp.
Messengers came from the chiefs the next day, saying that they wished to become vassals of Your Highness and my friends, beseeching me to pardon their past fault; and they brought me provisions, and certain featherwork which they use, and esteem and prize. I answered that they had behaved badly, but that I was satisfied to be their friend, and pardon them for all they had done. The next day there came about fifty Indians, who, it seemed, were men of some consequence amongst them, saying that they had brought us food,
Fate of the
Tlascalan
Spies
and they went about inspecting the entrances Tlascalan and exits of our camp, and some huts in which we were living. The Cempoalans came and told me to watch them, because they were bad men who had come to spy and see what damage they could do us, and that I might rest assured they had come for no other purpose. With some dissimulation, I had one of them taken, without being observed by the others, and leading him and the interpreters apart, frightened him so that he should tell me the truth. He confessed to me that Sintengal,[18] the captain-general of this province, was behind one of the hills opposite the camp, with a great number of people, ready to fall upon us that night, for they said that they had tried by day against us, and had gained no advantage, and now they wished to try by night, when their people would fear neither our horses, our cannon, nor our swords; and they had been sent in order to examine our camp, and those points where they could attack us, and how they could burn the straw huts. I at once had another of the said Indians taken, and also asked him, and he confessed the same as the other in the same words, so I took another five or six, and they all agreed in their statements. Seeing this I had all the fifty taken, and cut off their hands, and returned them to their chief, ordering them to sav to him, that, by day or night or at any or all times he might come, he would see who we were. I then had my camp fortified as best I could, and posted the people as seemed most suitable, and we rested thus on our guard until sunset.
When it was growing late, our opponents began to descend into two valleys, thinking they were surrounding us secretly, and to get nearer to us for carrying out their intentions. As I was on my guard, however, I saw them, and it seemed to me that it would be very dangerous to allow them to approach near the camp, because at night they could not see the damage I should do them from my side, and they would approach fearlessly, and also because in not seeing them some of the Spaniards might be somewhat negligent in fighting. I also feared that they might set fire to my camp, which should it happen would be most disastrous, and none of us could escape; hence I determined to go out and meet them with all the horsemen and cut them to pieces, thus preventing their approach. And so it happened, that when they discovered we were coming with horses to attack them, without stopping or shouting, they fled into some fields of maize, with which the country was almost covered, and lightened themselves of some provisions which they were carrying with them, for the feast they intended to celebrate, if this time they destroyed us entirely. They left us in security that night. After this occurrence, I remained several days without leaving camp, except in the neighbourhood, to repel the approach of some Indians who gathered to jeer at us, and provoke some skirmishes.
When we had somewhat rested, I made a sally one night, after having inspected the first watch of the guard, taking a hundred foot, the friendly Indians, and the horsemen; and about a league from our camp five horses and mares fell, unable to go on, so I sent them back. Although those who accompanied me, said that I ought to return, as this was an evil omen, I still pushed ahead, confiding in God's supremacy above everything. Before daybreak I fell upon two towns, in which I slaughtered many people, but I did not want to burn the houses, so as to avoid attracting the attention of other people who were very near. When day dawned I fell upon another large town, which contained according to a count, which I ordered to be taken, more than twenty thousand houses. and, as I had surprised them, I found them unarmed, and the women, and children, running naked through the streets; and we did them some harm. Seeing they could offer no resistance, a certain number of the inhabitants came to beseech me not to do them further injury, for they desired to become vassals of Your Highness, and my friends, and they recognised that they were at fault in not having trusted me, but that henceforth I would see that they would always do what I commanded them in the name of Your Royal Highness, as your very true vassals. Immediately there came to me more than four thousand of them, suing for peace, and they took us out to a fountain where they gave us good food.
Thus I left them pacified, and returned to our camp, where I found the people who had remained there much frightened, believing I might have been in some danger, as they had seen the horses and mares returning the night before. When they heard afterwards of the victory which God had been pleased to give us, and how I had left those towns at peace, they were very glad, for I certify to Your Majesty, that there was no one amongst us who was not very fearful at penetrating so far into this country, and amongst so many people, where we were so entirely without hope of help from anywhere. Indeed I had already heard with my own ears, privately, as well as publicly, that I was a Pedro Carbonero,[19] who had got them into this difficulty from which they could never get out. And even more, I heard it said in one of the huts of certain companions (I being in a place where they could not see me), that if I had gone mad, and was going whence I could never escape, they need not do the same, but should rather return to the sea-coast, and that if I wished to return with them, very well, but if not, to leave me. This was often required of me, but I would encourage them, telling them to look to it that they were the vassals of Your Highness, and that Spaniards were never found lacking anywhere, and that we were in a position to win the greatest kingdoms and dominions in the world for Your Majesty. I told them, moreover, that we were only doing what we were obliged to do as Christians, by fighting against the enemies of our faith, and that we would gain the glory of the other world, while in this we would obtain the highest praise and honour, such as till our time no generation had won; and that they must perceive that we had God on our side, for Whom nothing was impossible, as they might recognise in the victories which we had obtained, where so many of our enemy had been slaughtered, but none of us. I told them other things of the same kind which seemed fitting, and with these, and the royal favour of Your Highness, they recovered their spirits, and I won them to my purpose, and to do as I wished, which was to complete the undertaking I had begun.
The following day, Sicutengal, Captain General of this province, came to see me at ten o'clock, with about fifty of its chiefs, praying me on his part, and on that of Magiscatzin,[20] who was
Peace Con-
cluded at
Tlascala
the principal person in all this province, and on behalf of many other lords, that I would admit them to the royal service of Your Majesty and to my friendship, and would pardon them the past errors, because they had not understood who we were. He said that they had exerted all their forces, not only by day, but also by night, to escape being subjected to anyone, since at no time had this province ever been so, nor had they ever had, nor did they have, any master; on the contrary, they had always lived free and independent, since immemorial times, and had always defended themselves against the great power of Montezuma, of his father, and grandfather, who held that country subjected, but had never been able to hold them in subjection, though they had them surrounded on all sides, so that no one could go out of the country. He said also that they ate no salt,[21] since there was none in their country, nor were they allowed to go to buy it anywhere else, nor did they wear any cotton clothing, because their country, on account of its cold, did not produce cotton, and they were deprived of many other things on account of being so shut off. They had endured it, and held it as better thus to be free, rather than be subjected to anyone; and they had wanted to do the same with me, for which reason, as several had already stated, they had tested their forces, and seeing clearly that neither these, nor their artifices, could avail them anything, had decided that, rather than die, and have their houses, and women, and children destroyed, they would become vassals of Your Highness.
I satisfied them, saying that they must recognise that they were to blame for the injury they had sustained, for I had come to their country, thinking that I came to the country of my friends, for the Cempoalans had assured me that they were, and wished to be so; and that I had sent my messengers ahead of me to let them know that I was coming and wished their friendship, and that without replying to me (coming in all security), they had attacked me on the road, killed my two horses, and wounded others. Moreover, after having fought, with me, they had sent their messengers, saying that what had happened had been without their Hcense or consent, and that certain communities had set themselves to do it without their participation, and that they had reproved them for it, and desired my friendship. Believing this to be true, I had told them that I was pleased, and that they would surely see me next day in their homes as in the houses of friends; and that likewise they had again attacked me on the road, and fought with me all day until night overtook us, notwithstanding that they had been required by me to keep the peace. I reminded them of all the other things they had done to oppose me, and many others which I shall leave immentioned, so as not to weary Your Highness. Finally they submitted and acknowledged themselves as subjects and vassals of Your Majesty, offering their persons and property for your royal service; and such they did and have done until to-day, and will always do, as Your Majesty will hereafter see.
I remained six or seven days without leaving that place and camp, because I did not dare to trust them. They besought me to come to a large city,
Description
of the City
of Tlascala
where all the chiefs of the province lived, and even the chiefs themselves came to beseech me to come into the city, as I would be well received there, and better provided with everything necessary than in the camp. For they were ashamed that I should be so ill-lodged, as they considered me their friend, and they and I were vassals of Your Highness. In response to their prayers, I came to the city, which is about six leagues distant from the dwelling place and camp I had occupied, and is so large and admirable that, although much of what I might say I shall omit, the little which I shall say is almost incredible; for it is much larger than Granada, and very much stronger, having very good buildings, and it contains a great many more people than Granada did when it was taken, and is much better supplied with provisions, such as bread, birds, game, and river-fish, and other good eatables and vegetables. There is a market in this city, in which every day, above thirty thousand souls sell and buy, without counting many other small markets in different parts of the city. Everything is to be found in this market in which they trade, and could need, not only provisions, but also clothing and shoes. There are jewellery shops, for gold, and silver, and stones, and other valuables of feather-work, as well arranged as can be found in any of the squares or market-places of the world; there is also as good earthenware and crockery as the best in Spain. They also sell wood and coals, and herbs to eat, and for medicinal purposes. There are houses like barbers' shops, where they wash their heads and shave themselves; there are also baths. Finally there prevail good order and politeness, for they are a people full of intelligence and understanding, and such that the best in Africa does not equal them. This province contains many extensive and beautiful valleys, well tilled and sown, and none are uncultivated. The province is ninety leagues in circumference, and, as far as I have been able to judge about the form of government, it is almost like that of Venice, or Genoa, or Pisa, because there is no one supreme ruler. There are many lords all living in this city, and the people who are tillers of the soil are their vassals, though each one has his lands to himself, some more than others. In undertaking wars, they all gather together, and thus assembled they decide and plan them. It is believed that they must have some system of justice for punishing the wicked, because one of the natives of this province stole some gold from a Spaniard, and I told this to that Magiscatzin, the greatest lord among them. After making their investigation, they pursued him to a city which is near there, called Churultecal, whence they brought him prisoner, and delivered him to me with the gold, telling me that I might chastise him. I thanked them for the diligence they took in this, but told them that, inasmuch as I was in their country, they might chastise him according to their custom, and that I did not wish to meddle with the punishment of their people while was in their country. They thanked me for this, and took him with a public crier, who proclaimed his offence, leading him through the great market place, where they put him at the foot of a sort of theatre, and with a loud voice again published his offence. And all having seen him, they beat him on the head with sticks until they killed him. We have seen many others in the prisons, who, it is said, were confined there for thefts, and other offences they had committed. According to the visitation which I ordered to be made, this province has five hundred thousand householders, besides those of another small province, called Guazincango, which joins it, whose people live as these do, without a rightful sovereign, and are no less vassals of Your Highness than these Tascaltecas.
Being, Most Catholic Lord, in our camp in the country while I was at warfare with this province, there came to me six lords from amongst the principal
Embassy
and Pres-
ents from
Montezuma
vassals of Montezuma, accompanied by about two hundred retainers, telling me that they came on the part of Montezuma to say that he wished to be a vassal of Your Highness, and my friend. He sent word that I should say what I wanted him to give to Your Highness as an annual tribute, of gold, silver, stones, slaves, cotton, and wearing apparel, and other possessions, and that he would give it all, if only I would not come to his country, because it was very sterile, and destitute of provisions, and he would be sorry if I or my people suffered want. He sent me by them about a thousand dollars of gold, and many pieces of cotton clothing, such as they wear. They remained with me during the war and until the end of it, and well saw what the Spaniards were able to do. They knew of the treaties which were made with this province, and the allegiance given by the chiefs of all the country to the service of Your Sacred Majesty. At which, as it appeared, they showed themselves not much pleased, for they worked in many ways to embroil me with this people, saying that nothing they had told me was true, nor was the friendship they had sworn sincere, and that they formed it to secure me, in order to commit treason when they could with safety. The inhabitants of this province on the other hand, many times advised me not to trust those vassals of Montezuma, because they were traitors who carried on all their affairs with treacheries and tricks, and it was thus they had subjected all the country; and that they as my sincere friends and persons who had known them for a long time, warned me against them. I was not a little pleased to see this discord and want of conformity between the two parties, because it appeared to me to strengthen my design, and later I would find means to subjugate them; that common saying "De monte" etc., might be repeated, and I was even reminded of a scriptural authority which says "Omne regnum in seipsum divisum desolabitur." So I treated with the one, and the other, and privately I thanked both for the advice they gave me, giving to each the credit for more friendship, than to the other.
I had been in the city twenty days or more, when those lords, Montezuma's messengers, who had always remained with me, told me that I ought to go to a city about six leagues from this Tascaltecal, called Churultecal,[22] as its natives were friends of Montezuma's, their sovereign. They said that we might there learn his pleasure, whether it was that I should go to his country, and that some of them would go to speak with him, and tell him what I had told them and return with his answer.
Although they knew that I had there some of his messengers, who had come to speak with me, I told them that I would go, and would leave on a certain day which I made known to them. When it became known to the Tascaltecas what they and I had agreed upon, and how I consented to go with them to that city, the rulers came to me, greatly afflicted, and told me that I must not go on any account, because it had been plotted to kill me and my men in that city. For this purpose, they said, Montezuma had sent fifty thousand men from his country (some part of which joins with that city), whom they kept in garrison, two leagues from the city, and that they had blocked up the customary high road, and had prepared a new one with many pits, in which sharp stakes and wood were placed, covered over in such a manner that the horses would fall, and be lamed; many streets were barricaded, and quantities of stones were collected on the housetops, so that, when we entered the city they might attack us with safety, and accomplish their purpose. They told me, that, if I wanted to confirm all they said, I might judge from the fact that the chiefs of that city had never come to see me, nor to speak with me, though they were so near to this city, while those of Guazincango who lived farther off had come, and if I sent for them I would see they would not come. I thanked them for their advice, and begged them to furnish me persons who would go on my part and call the chiefs. They did so, and I sent to invite them to come and see me, because I wished to tell them certain things on the part of Your Highness, and to explain to them the cause of my coming to this country.
These messengers went, and delivered my message to the chiefs of Churultecal, and two or three persons of inferior rank returned with them, and told me that they had come on the part of those chiefs who were ill and could not come, but that I might tell them what I desired. The people of this city told me that all this was a mockery, and that those messengers were of mean condition, and in no wise should I leave without the chiefs of that city first coming hither. I told those messengers that an embassy from such a high Prince as Your Sacred Majesty could not be given to such persons as they were, and that even their chiefs were unworthy to hear it. They should, nevertheless, appear within three days before me to give their obedience to Your Highness, and to offer themselves as your vassals, with the understanding that, if they did not come within the time fixed, I should fall upon them, and destroy them, and proceed against them as against rebels who refused to submit to Your Majesty's authority. I sent them an order, signed with my name and that of a notary public, with a full explanation of the Royal Person of Your Sacred Majesty, and of my arrival, telling them how all these parts, and many other greater countries, and dominions, belonged to Your Highness, and how those who desired to be your vassals would be honoured and favoured, and how on the contrary those who rebelled would be punished, according to justice.[23]
The next day, almost all of the chiefs of that city came, and told me that, if they had not come before, it was because the people of this province
Embassy
from Cho-
lula Visits
Cortes
were their enemies, and that they did not dare to enter their country because they did not consider themselves safe; and that they were sure that they had told me some things respecting them, but I must not give any credence to them, because they spoke as enemies, and not according to facts. They said also that I should go to their city, where I would discover the falsehoods their enemies had been telling, and the truth of what they themselves assured me; and that from thenceforth they gave and acknowledged themselves as vassals of Your Sacred Majesty, and that they would always remain such, serving and contributing in everything as they were commanded on the part of Your Highness. It was thus set down by a notary public, through the interpreters whom I had.
I still determined to go with them, not only to avoid showing any weakness, but also because from there I thought to treat affairs with Montezuma, as they bounded upon his country, as I have already said, and there was unimpeded intercourse between the two countries.
When the Tascaltecas saw my determination, they were much grieved, and told me repeatedly that I erred, but inasmuch as they had given themselves as vassals to Your Sacred Majesty, and my friends, they wished to go with me, and help me in any emergency.[24] Although I forbade them, and prayed them not to go inasmuch as there was no necessity for it, still as many as about a hundred thousand men, well furnished for warfare, accompanied me to within about two leagues from the city, when after many importunities, they returned, though some five or six thousand of them still remained with me.
I slept in a dry river bed about two leagues distant, to disperse the people, fearing they might cause some scandal in the city, and also because it was already late, and I did not wish to enter the city at a late hour. The next morning, the citizens came out to receive me on the road, with many trumpets,[25] and drums, and also many priests from their mosques, clothed in their vestments, and chanting in the fashion they are accustomed to do in the said mosques.[26] With this solemnity they brought us into the city, where they housed us in a very good dwelling place, where all the people of my company dwelt to their satisfaction; and they brought us some food, though not very generously. Along the road we encountered many signs, such as the natives of this province had foretold us, for we found the high road blocked up, and another opened, and some pits, although not many, and some of the city streets were closed, and many stones were piled on the house tops. They thus obliged us to be cautious, and on our guard.
I found there certain messengers from Montezuma, who came to speak with those others who were with me, but to me they said nothing, because, in order to inform their master, they had come to learn what those who were with me had done and agreed with me. These latter messengers departed, therefore, as soon as they had spoken with the first, and even the chief of those who had formerly been with me also left.
During the three days which I remained there I was ill provided for, and every day was worse, and the lords and chiefs of the city came rarely to see and
The Mass-
acre at
Cholula
speak to me. I was somewhat perplexed by this, but the interpreter whom I have, an Indian woman[27] of this country whom I obtained in Putunchan, the great river I have already mentioned in the first letter to Your Majesty, was told by another woman native of this city, that many of Montezuma's people had gathered close by, and that those of the city had sent away their wives, and children, and all their goods, intending to fall upon us and kill us all; and that, if she wished to escape, she should go with her, as she would hide her. The female interpreter told it to that Geronimo de Aguilar, the interpreter whom I obtained in Yucatan, and of whom I have written to Your Highness, who reported it to me. I captured one of the natives of the said city, who was walking about there, and took him secretly apart so that no one saw it, and questioned him; and he confirmed all that the Indian woman and the natives of Tascaltecal had told me. As well on account of this information as from the signs I had observed, I determined to anticipate them, rather than be surprised, so I had some of the lords of the city called, saying that I wished to speak with them, and I shut them in a chamber by themselves. In the meantime I had our people prepared, so that, at the firing of a musket, they should fall on a crowd of Indians who were near to our quarters, and many others who were inside them. It was done in this wise, that, after I had taken these lords, and left them bound in the chamber, I mounted a horse, and ordered the musket to be fired, and we did such execution that, in two hours, more than three thousand persons had perished.
In order that Your Majesty may see how well prepared they were, before I went out of our quarters, they had occupied all the streets, and stationed all their men, but, as we took them by surprise, they were easily overcome, especially as the chiefs were wanting, for I had already taken them prisoners. I ordered fire to be set to some towers and strong houses, where they defended themselves, and assaulted us; and thus I scoured the city fighting during five hours, leaving our dwelling place which was very strong, well guarded, until I had forced all the people out of the city at various points, in which those five thousand natives of Tascaltecal and the four hundred of Cempoal gave me good assistance.[28] On my return to our quarters, I spoke with those captive lords, and asked them why they wished to kill me treacherously. They answered that it was not their fault, as those of Culua, who were vassals of Montezuma, had put them up to it, and that Montezuma had stationed in such and such a place, (which as we learned afterwards was a league and a half distant), a garrison of fifty thousand men to accomplish it. But they now had learned how they had been deceived, and if I would set one or two of them at liberty, they would gather the people of the city, and return to it with all the women, and children, and chattels; and they prayed me to pardon them the error they had committed, assuring me that, from henceforth, no one should deceive them, and that they would be faithful and loyal vassals of Your Highness and my friends. After having spoken at length to them about their error, I liberated two of them, and the next day the whole city was filled with men, women, and children, and as safe as if nothing of what had passed had ever happened. Immediately afterwards I liberated all the other chiefs and lords whom I had made prisoners, they promising that they would serve Your Majesty very loyally.
During the fifteen or twenty days I remained there, the city and country were completely pacified and repeopled, so that it seemed nobody was lacking; and their market place and the affairs of the city were as they ordinarily were; and I made those of this city of Churultecal friends with those of Tascaltecal, for they used to be so formerly,[29] and it was but a short time since that Montezuma had won them over to his allegiance, and made them enemies of the others.
This city of Churultecal is situated in a plain, and has up to twenty thousand houses in the body of
Description
of Cholula
the city, and as many more in the outskirts. It is an independent state, and has its recognised boundaries, and they do not obey any chiefs, but govern themselves like the Tascaltecas. The people are better clothed in some ways than the Tascaltecas, because their honoured citizens all wear albornoces[30] above their other clothing, though they differ from those of Africa in having pockets, but in the making, and stuff and borders, they are very similar. They have all been, and are since the recent occurrence, very faithful vassals to Your Majesty, and very obedient in all that I required and commanded of them in Your Royal name; and I believe that henceforth they will remain so. This city has very fertile fields, for they have much land, and the greater part is irrigated; and the city seen from the outside is more beautiful than the cities of Spain, because it is very level, and contains many towers, for I certify to Your Highness that I counted from a mosque four hundred and odd towers in the city, and all belonged to mosques. It is the best adapted for Spaniards to live in of any I have seen since leaving the port, as it has some uncultivated lands and water for the purpose of raising cattle, such as have no others we have seen so far. For, such is the multitude of people who live in these parts, that there is not a palm of land which is not cultivated, and even then there are many places in which they suffer for want of bread, and there are many poor who beg amongst the rich in the streets, and at the market places, just as the poor do in Spain, and other civilised countries.
I spoke, to those messengers of Montezuma who remained with me, about the treachery which had been plotted against me in the city, and how the lords of it affirmed that it had been done
Concerning
the Plot of
the Cho-
lulans
by the counsel of Montezuma. I said that it did not seem to me that it was a deed for such a great lord as he was, who had sent me such honourable persons as his messengers, saying he was my friend, while on the other hand he devised plans for injuring me by means of strangers, so that he might cast off the responsibility if things did not turn out as he thought. But since it was thus, and he did not keep his word, nor did he speak the truth to me, I now intended to alter my plans; for until now I had come with the intention of seeing and speaking with him, and of having him for a friend, and holding many conversations, and in the hope of peace. Now, however, I would go to his country with war, doing him all the harm I could as an enemy, though this I regretted very much, as I had always wanted him for a friend that might counsel with him respecting what I was to do in this country.
They answered me, that as they had been with me many days, they knew nothing concerning that plot, except what they had heard in the city after the occurrence, and they could not believe that it was done by the order and counsel of Montezuma; and they besought me, before T determined to abandon his friendship and to make war as I said, that I should inform myself of the truth, and permit one of them, who would promptly return, to go and speak with Montezuma, as from this city to the place where he resides is twenty leagues. I told them I agreed to this, and let one of them go, who after six days returned, together with the first who had gone, and they brought me ten plates of gold, and fifteen hundred pieces of stuff, and many provisions of chickens and panicap,[31] which is a beverage they drink; and they told me that Montezuma was much grieved over the disturbance that had happened, and which had been arranged in Churultecal. They said that I must believe that it had not been by his counsel and order, for he assured me it was not so, and that, though the people who were there in garrison were of a truth his, they had moved without his commands, induced by the natives of Churultecal, who bordered on two of his provinces, one of which was called Acancigo, and the other Izzucan.[32] They said that there existed a certain alliance of neighbourhood between them, for helping each other, and it was thus they had come there, and not by his orders; but in the future I should learn from his deeds, that what he had told me was true, though he still besought me not to seek to come to his country, because it was sterile, and we would suffer privations, and that from wherever I might be, I could send to ask him for whatever I wanted, and he would send it very promptly. I answered that my visit to his country could not be renounced, because I would have to send a full account of him and of it to Your Majesty, and that I was persuaded of the truth of what he had sent to tell me; that inasmuch as I could not forego seeing him, I hoped he would approve of it, and not plan any opposition, because it would be greatly to his injury, and would grieve me very much.
From the time he saw it was my determination to visit him and his country, he sent me word to say that I might come, and very welcome; that he would await me in that great city where he was, and he sent me many of his people to accompany me, as I was already near his country. These persons sought to induce me to go by a certain road, where they must have prepared some attack upon me, as it afterwards appeared, and as was seen by many Spaniards whom I afterwards sent to reconnoitre the country. There were so many bridges, and difficult passes on that road, that, if I had gone by it, they might very easily have accomplished their intentions, but as God has always taken care to guide, even from your childhood, the royal affairs of Your Sacred Majesty, and as I and those of my company went in your royal service, He showed us another road, which, although somewhat steep, was not as dangerous as that by which they wished to take us.
About eight leagues from this city of Churultecal, there are two very high and marvellous mountains,[33]
Ascent of
Popoca-
tapetl
for at the end of August they were so covered with snow that we could distinguish nothing else on their tops but what seemed snow, and from the highest one, a great volume of smoke, as thick as a house, continually comes forth, not only by day, but also by night, rising to the clouds as straight as a pillar, and it appears to come out with such force, that although on the top of the mountain a strong wind prevails, it does not turn it. As I have always wished to give a very detailed account of this country to Your Highness, I wanted to know about this mystery, which seemed somewhat marvellous, so I sent ten of my companions, who seemed adapted for such an enterprise, accompanied by some natives of the country to guide them, charging them to climb the said mountains, and learn the secret of that smoke, whence and how it came. They went, and strove, and did all that was possible to scale it, but never were able to do so on account of the quantity of snow which lay on the mountain, and the clouds of ashes which are blown about on it, and also because they could not endure the great cold which prevails there. They nearly reached the top, however, and so high was it, that, when they were up there, the smoke began to come out, and they say it came with such an impetus and noise as if the entire mountain was about to sink; so they descended, and brought with them a considerable quantity of snow and icicles, which seemed a strange thing to see in these parts, for according to the opinion of the pilots, they belong to the tropics. They say especially that this country is situated in the twentieth degree, which is parallel to the island of Hispaniola, where the heat is continually very great. While going to see this mountain, they came upon a road, and asked the natives who went with them whither it lead; and these answered to Culua,[34] and that it was a good road, and that the other by which the Culuans wished to take us was not good. The Spaniards followed it until they reached the top of the Sierras, between which the road passes, and from there they beheld the plains of Culua, and the city of Temixtitan,[35] and the lakes which are in the said province, of which I will hereafter make relation to Your Highness. They came back very glad at having discovered so good a road, and God knows how happy I was about it.
After these Spaniards, who had gone to visit the mountains, returned, and I had informed myself accurately, not only from them, but also from the natives, respecting the road which they had discovered, I spoke to those messengers of Montezuma who were to guide me to his country, and told them, as it was shorter that I wished to go by that road, instead of the one they had proposed. They answered that I said truly that it was shorter, and more level, and the reason they had not suggested it, was because by it we should have to pass one or two days' journey through the country of Guasucingo, whose people were their enemies, and therefore we would not find all the necessaries, as when going through the land of Montezuma; but, if I wished to go that way, they would arrange that provisions should be brought up to the road from the other side.
So we started, with some fears that those people might persist in playing some trick upon us, but as we had already
Departure
from
Cholula
announced that we would take that road, it did not seem well to me to leave it, and to change, lest they might suspect a want of courage had caused it. The day I left the city of Churultecal, I marched four leagues to some hamlets of the city of Guasucingo,[36] where I was well received by the natives, who gave me some female slaves, and wearing apparel, and certain small pieces of gold. This last in all was but little, because these people did not have much, as they belong to the league and alliance of the Tascaltecas, and they are shut in by Montezuma, and surrounded by his country in such a manner that they can have no commerce with any other province except their own, and therefore, they live very poorly.
The following day I mounted the pass between the two mountains of which I have spoken, and, descending it, we beheld one of the provinces, of the country of the said Montezuma, called Chalco,[37] where, about two leagues before we reached the town, I found a very good dwelling place, which had been recently built, and was so large that all my company and myself were very commodiously lodged in it; this although I had with me more than four thousand Indians, of these provinces of Tascaltecal, Guasucingo, Chuniltecal, and Cempoal, for whom there were ample provisions of food. Here great fires of plenty of wood were burned in all the rooms, for the cold was very bitter, as we were surrounded by two mountains both covered with snow.
Certain persons came to speak to me here who seemed to be chiefs, amongst whom was one who, I was told, was brother to Montezuma. He brought me about three thousand dollars of gold, and told me in Montezuma's name that the latter sent that to me, and prayed me to go back, and not insist on coming to his city, as the country was scarce of food, and the roads leading there were bad; and, as it was all on the water, I could enter it only in canoes. He also enumerated many other inconveniences to prevent me going. They said I had only to say what I wanted, for Montezuma their sovereign would order it to be given to me, and would likewise agree to give me annually certum quid, which would be taken to the coast, or wherever I wished. I received them very well and gave them some Spanish articles, such as they esteem very much, especially to him who was said to be a brother of Montezuma's. I replied to his embassy, that, if it was in my hands to return, I would do so in order to please Montezuma, but that I had come to this country by order of Your Majesty, and that the principal thing, of which you had ordered me to give an account, was Montezuma, and his great city, of whom, and of which. Your Majesty had possessed information since a long time. I said also that they should tell him from me, that I prayed him to approve my going to see him, because no injury would result from it to his person and country, but rather that he should, receive good; and if after I had seen him he did not wish to have me in his company, then I would return; and that we could better decide between ourselves, how he should serve Your Highness, than through third persons, even were they those in whom we had full confidence. With this answer they departed.
Judging from appearances which we observed, and the preparation which had been made in this dwelling place of which I have spoken, the Indians expected to attack us that night, and perceiving this, I took such precaution that they, noting it, changed their plan, and secretly sent away that night a number of people who had gathered in the woods, as was seen by our watchmen and scouts. At daybreak I set out for a town, called Amaqueruca,[38] which is two leagues from here, in the province of Chalco, which in its principal town, and the
Cortes Descends
into the Val-
ley of
Mexico
villages within two leagues of it, has some twenty thousand inhabitants. We were lodged in some very good houses, belonging to the chief of the said town, and many persons who seemed to be of high rank came to speak to me, telling me that Montezuma, their sovereign lord, had sent them to await me here, and to see that I was provided with everything necessary. The lord of this place gave me some forty female slaves, and three thousand castellanos. During the two days I was there, they provided us amply with all necessary food.
The next day, accompanied by those chiefs who had come on the part of Montezuma to wait for me, I left, and slept four leagues farther on, in a small town, almost half of it on the water of a great lake, where they lodged us very well; and on the land side there is a chain of very rugged and stony mountains. Here likewise they would have been very willing to try their forces with us, except, as it appeared, they wanted to do so with safety, and by surprising us in the night. But, as I was so well informed, I anticipated their intention, and kept such a guard that night, that of their spies who came, some in canoes by water, and others by descending from the mountains, to see if there was any possibility of carrying out their wishes, some fifteen or twenty were taken by our men, and killed. Thus, few returned to give the information they had come to secure; and finding us always so well prepared they decided to change their tactics, and treat us well.
The next morning, just as I was ready to leave the town, there arrived some ten or twelve chiefs, as I learned afterwards, and among them a great lord, a youth of about five and twenty years, to whom all showed great attention, so much so, that, after he had descended from a litter in which he had come, all the others began clearing the road of the stones and straw before him. Approaching, he told me he came on the part of Montezuma, his sovereign lord, and that the latter besought me to pardon him if he did not come in person to see me, and receive me, as he was indisposed, but that his city was already near, and, inasmuch as I was still determined to go to him, we would meet there, when I should learn from him his disposition towards Your Highness's service. It was added that he still besought me, if it were possible, not to go thither, as I would have much trouble and privation to endure, and that he was much ashamed not to be able to provide there as he desired. With this, they fell on their knees, protesting so much, that it only remained to say that they would defend the road by force if I still insisted in going on. I satisfied, and calmed them with the best words possible, saying that my going thither would do them no harm, but bring them many advantages; and so, after giving them some presents, they took their leave.
I departed immediately after them, accompanied by many people who seemed to be of much importance, as it afterwards appeared, and I continued along the road by the shore of that great lake. A league from my last stopping place, I saw in this lake, two musket-shots distant from the shore, a small city which might have had one or two thousand inhabitants, and which was all afloat on the water; having many towers as it seemed but no entrance. About a league from there, we reached a great causeway, as broad as a horseman's lance, extending within the lake about two-thirds of a league. This led to the city,[39] which though small, was the most beautiful we had yet seen, not only on account of the well decorated houses and towers, hut also because of the excellent construction of its foundations in the water.
In this city, which has about two thousand inhabitants, we were very well received, and they gave us excellent food. The lord and chiefs of it came to speak with me, and prayed me to remain, and sleep there; however, Montezuma's messengers who were with me told me not to stop, but to go on to another city, called Iztapalapan,[40] about three leagues distant, belonging to a brother of Montezuma; so I did this. The exit from the said city where we dined, whose name at present does not occur to my memory, is by another causeway, a long league in length, which extends to the mainland.
Having arrived at this city of Iztapalapan, the chief of it came out to receive me, as well as one from
Descrip-
tion of
Iztapalapan
another great city, called Calnaalcan,[41] which is near, being perhaps three leagues distant, and these Were accompanied by many other chiefs who were waiting for me; and they gave me three or four thousand castellanos, some female slaves, and wearing apparel, receiving me very well. This city of
Texcoco. The Spaniards called it Venezuela (little Venice). Clavigero insists that, after leaving Cuitlahuac for Iztapalapan, the two discontented brothers of the King of Texcoco, Ixtlilochitl and Coanacochtzin, met Cortes, and offered their alliance, explaining their grievances against their brother Cacamatzin, the reigning King, and Montezuma their uncle; and that Cortes went on their invitation to Texcoco. As neither Cortes nor Bernal Diaz mentions what would have been an important and interesting divergence from their route, and both account for almost every hour of the time, by recording their daily movements, the visit to Texcoco seems more than doubtful. The interview with the two princes might easily have taken place on the road. Iztapalapan has some twelve or fifteen thousand households, and stands on the shore of a great salt lake, half of it in the water, and the other half on land. Its chief has some new houses, which, though still unfinished, are as good as the best in Spain; I say as large and well constructed, not only in the stone work, but also in the wood work, and all arrangements for every kind of household service, all except the relief work, and other rich details, which are used in Spanish houses, but are not found here. There are both upper and lower rooms, and very refreshing gardens, with many trees and sweet scented flowers, bathing places of fresh water, well constructed, with steps leading down to the bottom. He has also a large garden round his house, in which there is a terrace with many beautiful corridors and rooms, and, within the garden, is a great pool of fresh water, very well built with sides of handsome masonry, around which runs an open walk with well laid tile pavements, so broad that four persons can walk abreast on it, and four hundred paces square, making, in all, sixteen hundred paces. On the other side of this promenade, towards the wall of the garden, it is all surrounded by a lattice work of canes, behind which are arbours, planted with fragrant shrubs. The pool contains many fish, and water fowl, such as ducks, cranes, and other kinds of water birds, in such numbers that the water is covered with them.
The next day after I had arrived in this city, I left, and having gone half a league, I reached another causeway, leading out into the lake a distance of two leagues to the great city of Temixtitan, which stands in the midst of the said lake. This causeway is two lances broad, and so well built that eight horsemen can ride abreast; and, within these two leagues, there are three cities, on one and the other side of the said highway, one called Mesicalsingo, founded for the greater part within the said lake, and the other two, called Niciaca, and Huchilohuchico,[42] on the other shore of it, with many of their houses on the water.
The first of these cities may have three thousand families, the second more than six thousand, and the third four or five thousand. In all of them, there are very good edifices, of houses and towers, especially the residences of the lords and chief persons, and the mosques or oratories, where they keep their idols. These cities have a great trade in salt, which they make from the water of the lake, and from the crust of the land which is bathed by the lake, and which they boil in a certain manner, making loaves of salt, which they sell to the inhabitants in the neighbourhood.
I followed the said causeway for about half a league before I came to the city proper of Temixtitan. I found at the junction of another causeway,
Cortes
Enters the
City of
Mexico
which joins this one from the mainland, another strong fortification, with two towers, surrounded by walls, twelve feet high with castellated tops. This commands the two roads, and has only two gates, by one of which they enter, and from the other they come out About one thousand of the principal citizens came out to meet me, and speak to me, all richly dressed alike according to their fashion; and when they had come, each one in approaching me, and before speaking, would use a ceremony which is very common amongst them, putting his hand on the ground, and afterwards kissing it, so that I was kept waiting almost an hour, until each had performed his ceremony. There is a wooden bridge, ten paces broad, in the very outskirts of the city, across an opening in the causeway, where the water may flow in and out as it rises and falls. This bridge is also for defence, for they remove and replace the long broad wooden beams, of which the bridge is made, whenever they wish; and there are many of these bridges in the city, as Your Highness will see in the account which I shall make of its affairs.
Having passed this bridge, we were received by that lord, Montezuma, with about two hundred chiefs, all barefooted, and dressed in a kind of livery, very rich, according to their custom, and some more so than others. They approached in two processions near the walls of the street, which is very broad, and straight, and beautiful, and very uniform from one end to the other, being about two thirds of a league long, and having, on both sides, very large houses, both dwelling places, and mosques. Montezuma came in the middle of the street, with two lords, one on the right side, and the other on the left, one of whom was the same great lord, who, as I said, came in that litter to speak with me, and the other was the brother of Montezuma, lord of that city Iztapalapan, whence I had come that day. All were dressed in the same manner, except that Montezuma was shod, and the other lords were barefooted. Each supported him below his arms, and as we approached each other, I descended from my horse, and was about to embrace him, but the two lords in attendance prevented me, with their hands, that I might not touch him, and they, and he also, made the ceremony of kissing the ground. This done, he ordered his brother who came with him, to remain with me, and take me by the arm, and the other attendant walked a little ahead of us. After he had spoken to me, all the other lords, who formed the two processions, also saluted me, one after the other, and then returned to the procession. When I approached to speak to Montezuma, I took off a collar of pearls and glass diamonds, that I wore, and put it on his neck, and, after we had gone through some of the streets, one of his servants came with two collars, wrapped in a cloth, which were made of coloured shells. These they esteem very much; and from each of the collars hung eight golden shrimps executed with great perfection and a span long. When he received them, he turned towards me, and put them on my neck, and again went on through the streets, as I have already indicated, until we came to a large and handsome house, which he had prepared for our reception. There he took me by the hand, and led me into a spacious room, in front of the court where we had entered, where he made me sit on a very rich platform, which had been ordered to be made for him, and told me to wait there; and then he went away.
After a little while, when all the people of my company were distributed to their quarters, he returned with many valuables of gold and silver work, and five or six thousand pieces of rich cotton stuffs, woven, and embroidered in divers ways. After he had given them to me, he sat down on another platform, which they immediately prepared near the one where I was seated, and being seated he spoke in the following manner:
"We have known for a long time, from the chronicles of our forefathers, that neither I, nor those who
Monte-
zuma's First
Discourse
to Cortes
inhabit this country, are descendants from the aborigines of it,[43] but from strangers who came to it from very distant parts; and we also hold, that our race was brought to these parts by a lord, whose vassals they all were, and who returned to his native country. After a long time he came back, but it was so long, that those who remained here were married with the native women of the country, and had many descendants, and had built towns where they were living; when, therefore, he wished to take them away with him, they would not go, nor still less receive him as their ruler, so he departed.[44] And we have always held that those who descended from him would come to subjugate this country and us, as his "vassals; and according to the direction from which you say you come, which is where the sun rises, and from what you tell us of your great lord, or king, who has sent you here, we believe, and hold for certain, that he is our rightful sovereign, especially as you tell us that since many days he has had news of us. Hence you may be sure, that we shall obey you, and hold you as the representative of this great lord of whom you speak, and that in this there will be no lack or deception; and throughout the whole country you may command at your will (I speak of what I possess in my dominions), because you will be obeyed, and recognised, and all we possess is at your disposal.
"Since you are in your rightful place, and in your own homes, rejoice and rest, free from all the trouble of the journey, and wars which you have had, for I am well aware of all that has happened to you, between Puntunchan and here, and I know very well, that the people of Cempoal, and Tascaltecal, have told you many evil things respecting me. Do not believe more than you see with your own eyes, especially from those who are my enemies, and were my vassals, yet rebelled against me on your coming (as they say), in order to help you. I know they have told you also that I have houses, with walls of gold, and that the furniture of my halls, and other things of my service, were also of gold, and that I am, or make myself, a god, and many other things. The houses you have seen are of lime and stone and earth." And then he held up his robes, and showing me his body he said to me, "Look at me, and see that I am flesh and bones, the same as you, and everybody, and that I am mortal, and tangible." And touching his arms and body with his hands, "Look how they have lied to you! It is true indeed that I have some things of gold, which have been left to me by my forefathers. All that I possess, you may have whenever you wish. "I shall now go to other houses where I Hve; but you will be provided here with everything necessary for you and your people, and you shall suffer no annoyance, for you are in your own house and country."
I answered to all he said, certifying that which seemed to be suitable, especially in confirming his belief that it was Your Majesty whom they were expecting. After this, he took his leave, and, when he had gone, we were well provided with chickens, and bread, and fruits, and other necessities, especially such as were required for the semce of our quarters. Thus I passed six days well provided with everything necessary, and visited by many of the lords.
I have already mentioned at the beginning. Most Catholic Lord, that when I started from the city of Vera Cruz, in search of this lord, Montezuma, I left there a hundred and fifty men, to build that fort which I had begun, and I likewise stated, that I had left many villages and forts in the neighbourhood of that town, under the royal dominion of Your Highness, and the natives as very loyal vassals of Your Majesty.
While I was in the city of Chuiultecal, I received letters from the captain, whom I had left in my
Treachery
of Quauh-
popoca
place at Vera Cruz, informing me that Quauhpopoca,[45] lord of the city called Almeria, had sent messengers to him, saying, that if he had not yet offered to become a vassal of Your Highness, nor had appeared to give his obedience, with all his lands, as he was obliged to do, it was because he had to cross an enemy's country, and that, fearing to be molested by them, he had deferred coming; but to send him four Spaniards to accompany him, because, they, through whose country he had to pass, knowing for what purpose he was coming, would not then dare molest him, and he would immediately come. The captain, believing that what the said Qualpopoca had sent to say was true, as many others had done the same, had despatched him the four Spaniards, but, after he got them in his power, he tried to kill them, in such a way as would make it appear that he had not done it. After he had killed two of them, however, the other two, wounded, escaped to the forests. The captain had then attacked the city of Almeria, with fifty Spaniards, two horsemen, two field pieces, and about eight thousand friendly Indians. He fought with the inhabitants of the said city, and slaughtered many of them, driving out the rest, and burnt, and destroyed it, because the Indians accompanying him were their enemies, and had put much diligence into it. Qualpopoca, the lord of the city, together with the other chiefs, who had come thither to assist him, escaped by taking flight.
The captain was informed by some of the prisoners, taken amongst the defenders of the city, that Qualpopoca had killed the said Spaniards, whom we had sent, because Montezuma had ordered him, and his other vassals, that, as soon as I left the town of Vera Cruz, they should attack those vassals who had rebelled against him, and offered themselves to the service of Your Highness; and that he should use every means he could to kill the Spaniards I had left there, so that they could not aid nor favour them. This was the reason they had done what they had.
Six days having passed, Most Invincible Prince, after I had arrived in the city of Temixtitan, and, having seen something of it, although little in proportion to the amount there is to be seen and noted, it appeared to me, even from what I had seen of it and the country, that it would be conducive to Your Royal Highness's service, and to our security, that Montezuma should be in my power, and not at his entire liberty, so that he might not relax his intention and disposition to serve Your Highness. I thought this, especially because we Spaniards are somewhat touchy and importunate, and, if he should happen to become angry, he could do us such injury with his great power, that there would remain no recollection of us; and also because, having him in my power, all the other countries who were subject to him, would come to the knowledge and service of Your Majesty, as afterwards happened.
I determined to seize him, and confine him in my quarters, which are very strong; and, thinking over all the forms and ways in which I could accomplish this, without provoking any scan
Cortes Plans
to Seize
Montezuma
dal or commotion upon his arrest, I remembered what my captain at Vera Cruz had written about the occurrence in the city of Almeria, as I have related, and how it had become known, that all that had happened there had taken place by Montezuma's command. I stationed sufficient guards in the cross streets, and went to the palace of Montezuma, as I had at other times gone to see him; and, after conversing with him lightly on pleasant subjects, and after he had given me some valuables in gold, and one of his daughters, and some daughters of other lords to some of my companions, I told him that I had learned what had happened in the city of Nautecal, or Almeria, and about the Spaniards whom they had killed there, and that Qualpopoca gave as his excuse, that all he had done had been by Montezuma's order, and that, as his vassal, he could not have done otherwise. I said that, because I did not believe Qualpopoca's excuse of his fault, it seemed to me that he ought to send for him, and the other chiefs who had helped him in the murder of the Spaniards, so that the truth might be known, and they be punished, and Your Majesty might clearly perceive his good disposition. Otherwise the reports of those wicked men might provoke Your Highness to anger against him, from which, instead of the favours Your Highness would now grant him, evil would result; for I was convinced that the truth was contrary to what they declared. He immediately sent for certain of his people, to whom he gave a small stone figure, like a seal, which he wore tied to his arm, ordering them to go to the city of Almeria, which is about sixty or seventy leagues from that of Muxtitan (Mexico), and bring the said Qualpopoca; to ascertain what others had taken part in the murder of the Spaniards, and to bring them likewise; and, if they resisted, to bring them as prisoners, and, if they should resist imprisonment, to call upon certain tribes in the neighborhood, which he then named, to seize them by force of arms; but on no account to return without them.
These men immediately left, and, after they had gone, I told Montezuma that I was very grateful to him for the diligence he had used in the imprisonment of those men, for I must render an account to Your Royal Highness for those murdered Spaniards. To enable me to give this, it now only remained that he should stop in my quarters, until the truth was established, and it was known that he was blameless. I earnestly prayed him not to feel pained at this, because he would not be kept a prisoner, but would have entire liberty; that I would place no impediment to his service and authority in his dominions, and that he might choose any room he pleased in the palace where I was, where he should remain at his pleasure, well assured that he should suffer no annoyance or unpleasantness, but rather that, in addition to his own attendants, my companions would also obey his commands. We had much conversation and argument about this, which would be too lengthy to write, and even too prolix to recount to Your Highness, as well as of little bearing on the case, hence I will not say more than that finally he agreed to come with me, and immediately gave orders to prepare the apartment he wished to occupy, which was well fitted up, and put in order. This having been done, many lords came, and having taken off their vestments, which they carried under their arms, barefooted they brought the litter, not much adorned, and, weeping, they placed him on it, in profound silence. Thus we went to my quarters without causing any commotion in the city, although some had begun, but, when Montezuma heard of it, he ordered it to be stopped, and thus all was as completely quiet as though nothing had happened; and this continued all the time I kept Montezuma prisoner, for he lived at his entire pleasure, and with all his service, just as he had it in his own palace, which was great and marvellous, as I will hereafter say. And I, and those of my company, did everything we could to please him.
Some fifteen or twenty days having passed since his imprisonment, those who had been sent for Qual
Monte-
zuma in
Chains
popoca, and the others who had killed the Spaniards, returned, bringing the said Qualpopoca, and one of his sons, and with them fifteen other persons whom they said had taken part in the murders. Qualpopoca was carried in a litter, very much in the style of a lord, as he in reality was. They were delivered to me, and I kept them under guard in prison, and afterwards when they confessed that they had killed the Spaniards, I had them interrogated as to whether they were vassals of Montezuma. Qualpopoca answered, asking if there existed any other lord of whom he might be vassal, as much as to say there was no other. I likewise asked them if what had been done there was by Montezuma's order; and they answered, "No," although afterguards, when the sentence, that they should be burned, was carried into execution, all with one voice said it was true that Montezuma had ordered them to do it, and that they had obeyed his command. So they were burned publicly, in one of the squares, without occasioning any commotion, and the day when they were burned, as soon as they confessed that Montezuma commanded them to kill the Spaniards, I ordered him to be put in chains, which frightened him not a little.
After I had spoken to him, I removed the irons the same day, and he remained very satisfied, and ever afterwards I endeavoured to please him, and keep him satisfied as far as possible; especially did I always say publicly to all the natives of the country, nobles as well as others, who came to see him, that Your Majesty had been pleased that Montezuma should continue to exercise authority, recognising the suzerainty of Your Highness, and that Your Highness would be well pleased by their obeying him, and regarding him as their lord, as they had before I came to the country. So good was my treatment of him, and the satisfaction he felt, that sometimes, and frequently, I offered him his liberty, praying him to return to his palace; but he told me each time that he was contented there, and that he did not wish to go, because nothing that he wished was wanting, more than in his own palace, whereas it might happen that, if he went back, the lords of the country, his vassals, would importune him to do things, in spite of himself, which would be contrary to his own wish, and to Your Highness's service. He added, that he was determined to serve Your Majesty in all that was possible, and up till now he had told them what he wanted done, and was content where he was, for, should anyone attempt to make suggestions to him now, he could excuse himself by answering that he was not free, and thus evade them. He often asked permission to go and enjoy himself, and pass the time in certain pleasure houses, both out of the city and in it, and I never denied him this. He often would, with five or six Spaniards go to enjoy himself one or two leagues out of the city, returning very gladly to the quarters where I kept him; and, whenever he went out, he would present many valuables, and clothing, as well to the Spaniards who went with him, as to the natives, who always accompanied him to at least the number of three thousand men, most of them nobles and persons of distinction; and, as he always gave them m.any banquets and feasts, they who went with him were always contented.
When I afterwards understood perfectly, that he was wholly devoted to the service of Your Royal Highness, I praved him, so that I might give
Cortes
Investigates
the Gold
Mines of
Mexico
a better account to Your Majesty of this country, to show me the mines from which he obtained gold, and he answered with perfect good will that he would gladly do so. He immediately sent certain of his servants, distributing them two by two over four provinces, from which he said he got the gold; and he asked me to send Spaniards with them, to see how it was taken out. So, for each of his own people, I sent two Spaniards, and some went to a province, called Cuzula, eighty leagues from the great city of Temixtitan, the natives of which are his vassals, and there they were shown three rivers, from each of which they brought me specimens of gold of very good quality, although it was taken out with mean tools, as they had only those with which the Indians extract it. On the road, they passed through three provinces, according to what the Spaniards said, of fine land, and many hamlets and cities, and towns, very populous, and containing buildings equal to any in Spain. They told me especially of a house and fort, greater, and stronger, and better built, than the castle of Burgos, and that the people of this province, called Tamazulapa, were better dressed than any others we have seen, and, as it seemed to them, more intelligent. Others went to another province called Malinaltepeque, another seventy leagues from the said great city, and more towards the sea-coast; and they brought me likewise specimens of gold from a great river there.
The others went to a country, called Teniz,[46] farther up this river, belonging to a people of a different language from that of Culua, and the ruler of that country is called Coatelicamat. His country lies in a very high rugged mountain chain, and is not subject to Montezuma; the people of that province are very war-like, fighting with lances, twenty or thirty palms long, and, because they are not vassals of Montezuma, the messengers who accompanied the Spaniards did not dare to enter that country, without first notifying the chief and asking his permission. They told him they had come with the Spaniards to see the gold mines in his country, and besought him, on my part, and that of Montezuma, their lord, to permit it. Coatelicamat answered, that he was very willing the Spaniards should come into his country, and see the mines, and whatever else they wished, but that the Culuans, who were subject to Montezuma, must not come, because they were his enemies. The Spaniards were somewhat perplexed, as to whether they should go alone, or not; those who accompanied them told them not to go, as they would be killed, and that it was in order to kill them that Coatelicamat would not permit the Culuans to accompany them. At last they determined to go alone, and the lord and his people received them very well, and showed them seven or eight mines where they took out gold; and in their presence the Indians took some, out of which they brought ine specimens. Coatelicamat sent ne certain messengers with the Spaniards, offering himself and his country for the service of Your Majesty; and he sent me certain valuables of gold, and such wearing apparel as they have.
The others went to another province, called Tuchitepeque,[47] which is almost in a direct line towards the sea, twelve beyon the province of Malinaltepeque where, as I have already said, gold had been found. Two other rivers were shown them there, where gold is also found.
As there is in those parts, according to what the Spaniards who went there informed me, every facility for making plantations, and procuring gold, I begged Montezuma to establish a plantation for Your Majesty in that province of Malinaltepeque, which seems the best adapted, and he put such diligence into it, that, within two months after I had spoken to him, sixty fanegas[48] of maize, and ten of beans had been sown, and two thousand plants of cacap,[49] which bears a fruit somewhat like almonds. This fruit they sell ground, and esteem so highly, that it is used instead of money all over the country, and with it everything can be bought in the market places and elsewhere. He built four good houses, in one of which, besides the living apartments, they made a water tank, and put five hundred ducks in it; these are much esteemed, because they pluck their feathers every year, and use them for making wearing apparel. And they placed fifteen hundred chickens in it, not to speak of other farm stock, which the Spaniards judged to be worth twenty thousand dollars of gold. I also prayed Montezuma to tell me if on the sea-coast there was any river or bay where ships could enter safely, and he answered me that he did not know, but that he would have the coast drawn for me, with its bays and rivers, and that I might send the Spaniards to see them, and that he would give me people to guide and take them; and thus we did.
Another day they brought me a cloth, on which the whole coast was drawn, showing a river, larger than the others, flowing into the sea; this seemed to be amongst the mountain chains called Sanmin,[50] which form such a bay, that the pilots heretofore believed it divided the province called Mazamalco. Montezuma told me I might choose whom I wished to send, and he would provide means for seeing and learning everything. I immediately named ten men, amongst them some pilots and persons acquainted with the sea. Furnished with the provisions he gave us, they left, and explored the whole coast, from the port of Chalchilmeca,[51] which is called San Juan, where I first disembarked.
They covered about sixty odd leagues, but nowhere found a river or bay where ships could enter, although there are many very large ones on
The Spani-
ards Search
for a
Harbour
the said coast; they took soundings of all from the canoes, and finally reached the said province of Cuacalco,[52] where was the river shown on the chart. The chief of that province, called Tuchintecla, received them very well and gave them canoes to explore the river. They found the shallowest part at its mouth, two and a half fathoms in depth, and, twelve leagues up the river, the greatest depth they found was five or six fathoms; from their observations they judged it has about the same depth for thirty leagues up from its mouth. On its banks, are many large towns, with an innumerable population, and all the province is level, and rich and abundant in produce. The people of this province are not vassals or subjects of Montezuma, but rather his enemies. The lord of it sent word, when the Spaniards arrived, that the Culuans must not enter his country because they were his enemies, but, when the Spaniards returned home with this account, he sent certain messengers with them, who brought me valuables of gold, tiger-skins, feather-work, stones, and stuffs. These told me, on his part, that Tuchintecla had known of us for a long time, because his friends of Puntunchan (which is the river of Grijalba), had told him that I had passed there, and had fought with them when they did not admit me to their town, and how afterwards they became friends of mine, and vassals of Your Majesty. The messengers said that Tuchintecla, likewise, offered himself to Your Royal Highness, with all his country, and he prayed me to consider him as my friend, on conditions that the Culuans should not enter his country, though I might see everything in it, which might be useful to Your Royal Highness, of which he would give whatever I might direct every year.
When I learned, from the Spaniards who visited that province, of its adaptability for settlement, and of the harbour they had found, I rejoiced greatly; for, ever since I came to this country, I have sought to find a harbour on its coast, where I might found a settlement. I had never succeeded, however; nor is one to be found on the whole coast, from the river of San Antonio, which is next the Grijalba to that of Panuco which is down the coast, where certain Spaniards settled by order of Francisco de Garay, as I shall hereafter recount to Your Highness.
To assure myself still more about that province and harbour, and of the good will of the natives, and of everything else necessary for a settlement, I again sent certain of my experienced people to ascertain all these matters. They went with the messengers, whom that chief Tuchintecla had sent to me, taking some things for him which I gave them. Upon their arrival, they were well received by him; and they again examined and sounded the harbour and river to see whether a town might be founded. They afterwards brought me a long and exact description, saying that there was everything necessary for a settlement, and that the chief of the province was very content, strongly desiring to serve Your Highness. When this account came, I immediately dispatched a captain, with one hundred and fifty men, to lay out, and build a town, and construct a port; for the chief of that province had offered to do this as well as everything else that might be necessary or commanded by me; and he even built six houses on the site chosen for the town, and said that he was very pleased we should come there to settle, and remain in his country.
In the past chapters, Most Powerful Lord, I have said that, at the time of my coming to the great city of Temixtitan, a great lord had come, on behalf of Montezuma, to meet me on the road, who, as I learned afterwards, was a near relative of the latter's, and had dominions called Haculuacan,[53] adjoining those of Montezuma. The capital of, these is a very great city on this salt lake, six leagues by canoe, and ten by land, from this city of Temixtitan. The city is called Tezcuco,[54] and it may have about thirty thousand households. There are in it, Sire, very wonderful houses, and mosques, and very large, and well built, oratories; it has also extensive market places. Besides this city, he possesses two others, one, called Ocurman,[55] at three leagues from Tezcuco, and the other, called Otumpa, six leagues distant, each containing between three and four thousand householders. This province and lordship of Haculuacan has many other villages and hamlets, and very good lands and farms. It joins on one side with the province of Tascaltecal, of which I have already spoken to Your Majesty.
This lord, called Cacamazin,[56] rebelled, after the imprisonment of Montezuma, as well against the service of Your Highness, to which he had offered him
Plot to
Capture
Cacamtzin
self, as against Montezuma. Although he was required many times to obey the royal mandates of Your Majesty, he never complied, for, besides my sending to require him, Montezuma also sent to summon him, but he answered that, if anything was wanted of him, they should come to his country, and that there he would show what he was worth, and the service he was obliged to render. According to my information, he had gathered a multitude of warriors well prepared for action. As I was unable to win him, either by warnings or requirements, I spoke to Montezuma, and asked his advice as to what we ought to do, for the rebellion should not remain unchastised. He answered, that to seize him by force, would expose us to much danger, as he was a great lord, and had many forces and people, and could not be taken without great risk of many people perishing. He had, however, many chiefs from the country of Cacamazin who lived with him and whom he paid and he would speak with them, so that they might win over some of Cacamazin's people, and being assured that they would favour our party, we could take him with safety.
Montezuma came to an understanding with those persons, who induced Cacamazin to meet them in the city of Tezcuco, for the purpose of deliberating on certain matters of state, for, as chiefs, they were grieved that he was doing certain things that might ruin him. Thus, they assembled in a very beautiful palace of Cacamazin's on the borders of the lake, so constructed that canoes can pass under it, going in and out. They had secretly prepared certain canoes, with forces in readiness, in case the said Cacamazin should resist his imprisonment, and, while in this consultation, the chiefs seized him, before his people suspected anything, and brought him across the lake to the great city, which I have already said is six leagues from there. When they arrived, they placed him in a litter, as was customary, and required by his rank, and brought him to me, and I ordered chains to be put on him, and held him in very safe keeping.
Acting on the advice of Montezuma, in the name of Your Majesty, I placed his son, whose name is Cucuzcacin,[57] in his lordship, and I ordered that all the tribes and lords of the said province and lordship should obey him as ruler, until Your Highness should order otherwise. Thus it was done thenceforward, and all obeyed and served him as lord, the same as the said Cacamazin; and he was obedient in everything I commanded in Your Majesty's name.
A few days after the imprisonment of Cacamazin, Montezuma held a meeting of all the lords of the city and the neighbouring countries; and, when speech of all were assembled, he sent to ask me to
Speech of
Montezuma
to His
Nobles
join them, and, when I arrived, he spoke in this manner: "My brothers and friends, you know that, for a long time you, and your fathers, and grandfathers, have been, and are, subjects and vassals of my forefathers and myself, and that you have always been well treated by them, and by me, and that you have likewise done what good subjects are obliged to do towards their rightful sovereign. I also believe that you have kept in mind, from your forefathers, that we are not natives of this country, and that they came to it from another, very far off, that they were brought here by a sovereign, whose vassals they all were, who left them in it, but who returned after a long time; that he found our forefathers already settled and established in this country, and married to the women, and having a great increase of sons, so that they did not choose to return with him, nor much less to receive him as their sovereign; and that he departed, saying that he would return, or send such a force that they would be compelled to submit. You also know, that we have always expected him, and, according to what the Captain has told us of that King and Lord who has sent him here, and according to the direction whence he says he comes, I hold it to be certain, and you must also hold it thus, that his sovereign is the one we have been expecting especially as the Captain says that they have had information there respecting us.
"Since our predecessors did not act justly towards their sovereign lord, let us do so, and let us give thanks to our gods, because that which they looked for has come to pass in our times. I heartily pray you, inasmuch as all this is well known to you, that, as you have obeyed me as your sovereign, henceforward you will regard and obey this great king, because he is your rightful sovereign, and, in his place, you must hold this, his Captain; also that all the tributes and services, which until now you have paid to me, you do give to him, because I also shall pay tribute, and sere in all that he may command me. In so doing, you will do your duty as you are obliged to do, and you will, moreover, in doing this, give me much pleasure."
All this he told them, weeping the greatest tears, and the greatest sighs, a man can give vent to; and all those lords who had heard him were likewise weeping so much, that, during a considerable time, they were unable to answer. And I assure Your Sacred Majesty, that there was not one among the Spaniards who heard this discourse who did not feel great compassion.
After they had somewhat restrained their tears, they answered, that they regarded him as their sovereign, and they promised to do all that he ordered them to do, and that for this, and for the reason he had given them, they would do it gladly; that henceforth, for all time, they gave themselves as vassals of Your Highness and henceforth they, all together, and each one singly, would promise, and did promise, to comply with all that should be commanded them in the royal name of Your Majesty, as good and loyal vassals ought to do; and that they would concur with their tributes and services, which heretofore they had given to the said Montezuma, and with everything else which might be commanded in the name of Your Highness. All this passed before a notary public, who at my request recorded it in due form, in the presence of many Spaniards for witnesses.
This decision and offer of the said lords, for the royal service of Your Majesty having been completed, I spoke to Montezuma one day, and told him that Your
Treasure
Collected
by the
Spaniards
Highness was in need of gold, on account of certain works ordered to be made, and I besought him to send some of his people, and I would also send some Spaniards, to the provinces and houses of those lords who had there submitted themselves, to pray them to assist Your Majesty with some part of what they had. Besides Your Highness's need, this would testify that they began to render service, and Your Highness would the more esteem their good will towards your service; and I told him that he also should give me from his treasures, as I wished to send them to Your Majesty, as I had done with the other things. He asked me afterwards to choose the Spaniards whom I wished to send, and two by two, and five by five, he distributed them through many provinces and cities, whose names I do not remember, as the papers have been lost, and also because they were many and divers; and moreover some of them were at eighty and one hundred leagues from the said great city of Temixtitan. He sent some of his people with them ordering them to go to the lords of those provinces and cities, and tell them that I had commanded each one of them to contribute a certain measure of gold which he gave them. Thus it was done, and all those lords to whom he sent gave very compliantly, as had been asked, not only in valuables, but also in bars and sheets of gold, besides all the jewels of gold, and silver, and the featherwork, and the stones, and the many other things of value which I assigned and allotted to Your Sacred Majesty, amounting to the sum of one hundred thousand ducats and more. These, besides their value, are such, and so marvellous, that for the sake of their novelty and strangeness they have no price, nor is it probable that all the princes ever heard of in the world, possess such treasures. Let not what I say appear fabulous to Your Majesty, because, in truth, all the things created on land, as well as in the sea, of which Montezuma had ever heard, were imitated in gold, most naturally, as well as in silver, and in precious stones, and feather work, with such perfection that they seemed almost real. He gave me a large number of these for Your Highness, besides others, he ordered to be made in gold, for which I furnished him the designs, such as images, crucifixes, medals, jewelry of small value, and many other of our things which I made them copy. In the same manner, Your Highness obtained, as the one-fifth of the silver which was received, one hundred and odd marks, which I made the natives cast in large and small plates, porringers, cups, and spoons, which they executed as perfectly as we could make them comprehend.
Besides these, Montezuma gave me a large quantity of stuffs, which considering it was cotton, and not silk, was such that there could not be woven anything similar in the whole world, for texture, colours, and handiwork. Amongst these, were many marvellous dresses for men and women, bed clothing, with which that made of silk could not be compared, and other stuffs such as tapestry, suitable for drawing-rooms and churches. There were also blankets and rugs, for beds both of feather-work, and of cotton in divers colours, also very marvellous, and many other things so curious and numerous I do not know how to specify them to Your Majesty. He also gave me a dozen cerbatanas,[58] with which he shoots, and of their perfection I likewise know not what to say to Your Highness; for they were decorated with very excellent paintings of perfect hues, in which there were figures of many different kinds of birds, animals, flowers, and divers other objects, and the mouthpieces and extremities were bordered with gold, a span deep, as was also the middle, all beautifully worked. He gave me a pouch of gold net-work for the balls, which he told me he would give me also of gold. He gave me also some turquoises [sic] of gold, and many other things, whose number is almost infinite.[59]
To give an account, Very Powerful Lord, of the greatness, and the strange and marvellous things of this great city of Temixtitan to Your Royal Excellency, and of all the dominions and splendour of Montezuma its sovereign; of all the rites and customs which these people practise, and of the order prevailing in the government, not only of this city, but also of others belonging to this lord, much time and many very expert narrators would be required. I shall never be able to say one-hundredth part of what might be told respecting them, but, nevertheless, as far as I am able, I shall speak of some of the things I have seen, which although badly described, I know very well will cause so much wonder, that they will hardly be believed, because even we, who see them here with our own eyes, are unable to comprehend their reality. Your Majesty may be assured, that, if there be anything wanting in my relation, it will be rather in falling short, than by overdrawing, not only in this, but in all other matters of which I shall give an account to Your Highness; but it seems to me only just towards my Prince and Sovereign to tell him very clearly the truth, without interpolating matters which diminish or exaggerate it. Before beginning to describe this great city, and the others which I mentioned in the other chapter, it appears to mc that to understand them better I should describe Mexico, which is where this great city,
Cortes
Describes
Mexico to
Charles V.
some others of which I have spoken, and the principal seat of Montezuma's dominion are. This province is ciroular, and completely surrounded by high and rugged mountains. Its plain is perhaps seventy leagues in circumference, in which there are two lakes,[60] occupying almost all of it, for a canoe travels fifty leagues within their borders, and one of these lakes is of fresh water, and the other larger one is salt. The lakes are divided from one another on one side by a small chain of very high hills, in the middle of one end of this plain, except for a strait between these hills and the high mountains; the strait is about a bow shot across. Communication between one lake and the other, and between the cities, and the other towns round about, is by means of canoes, with no need of going by land. The large salt lake rises and falls in its tides like the sea; its waters, whenever it rises, falling into the fresh-water lake as rapidly as though it were a great river; and when it ebbs, the fresh water then runs into the salt lake.
This great city of Temixtitan is built on the salt lake, and from the mainland to the city is a distance of two leagues, from any side from which you enter. It has four approaches by means of artificial causeways, two cavalry lances in width. The city is as large as Seville or Cordoba. Its streets (I speak of the principal ones) are very broad and straight, some of these, and all the others, are one half land, and the other half water on which they go about in canoes. All the streets haev openings at regular intervals, to let the water flow frmo one to the other, and at all of these openings, some of which are very broad, there are bridges, very large, strong, and well constructed, so that, over many, ten horsemen can ride abreast. Perceiving that, if the inhabitants wished to practise any treachery against us, they had plenty of opportunity, because the said city being built as I have described, they might, by raising the bridges at the exits and entrances, starve us without our being able to reach land, as soon as I entered the city, I made great haste to build four brigantines, which I had completed in a short time, capable whenever we might wish, of taking three hundred men and the horses to land.
The city has many squares where markets are held and trading is carried on. There is one square, twice as large as that of Salamanca, all
The Great
Market
place
surrounded by arcades, where there are daily more than sixty thousand souls, buying and selling, and where are found all the kinds of merchandise produced in these countries, including food products, jewels of gold and silver, lead, brass, copper, zinc, stone, bones, shells, and feathers. Stones are sold, hewn and unhewn, adobe bricks, wood, both in the rough and manufactured in various ways. There is a street for game, where they sell every sort of bird, such as chickens, partridges, quails, wild ducks, fly-catchers, widgeons, turtle-doves, pigeons, reed-birds, parrots, owls, eaglets, owlets, falcons, sparrow-hawks and kestrels, and they sell the skins of some of these birds of prey with their feathers, heads, beaks, and claws. They sell rabbits, hares, and small dogs which they castrate, and raise for the purpose of eating.
There is a street set apart for the sale of herbs, where can be found every sort of root and medical herb which grows in the country. There are houses like apothecary shops, where prepared medicines are sold, as well as liquids, ointments, and plasters. There are places like our barber's shops, where they wash and shave their heads. There are houses where they supply food and drink for payment. There are men, such as in Castile are called porters, who carry burdens. There is much wood, charcoal, braziers made of earthenware, and mats of divers kinds for beds, and others, very thin, used as cushions, and for carpeting halls, and bed-rooms. There are all sorts of vegetables, and especially onions, leeks, garlic, borage, nasturtium, water-cresses, sorrel, thistles, and artichokes. There are many kinds of fruits, amongst others cherries, and prunes, like the Spanish ones. They sell bees-honey and wax, and honey made of corn stalks, which is as sweet and syrup-like as that of sugar, also honey of a plant called maguey,[61] which is better than most; from these same plants they make sugar and wine, which they also sell.
They also sell skeins of different kinds of spun cotton, in all colours, so that it seems quite like one of the silk markets of Granada, although it is on a greater scale; also as many different colours for painters as can be found in Spain and of as excellent hues. They sell deer skins with all the hair tanned on them, and of different colours; much earthenware, exceedingly good, many sorts of pots, large and small, pitchers, large tiles, an infinite variety of vases, all of very singular clay, and most of them glazed and painted. They sell maize, both in the grain and made into bread, which is very superior in its quality to that of the other islands and mainland; pies of birds, and fish, also much fish, fresh, salted, cooked, and raw; eggs of hens, and geese, and other birds in great quantity, and cakes made of eggs.
Finally, besides those things I have mentioned, they sell in the city markets everything else which is found in the whole country and which, on account of the profusion and number, do not occur to my memory, and which also I do not tell of, because I do not know their names.
Each kind of merchandise is sold in its respective street, and they do not mix their kinds of merchandise of any species; thus they preserve perfect order. Everything is sold by a kind of measure, and, until now, have not seen anything sold by weight.
There is in this square a very large building, like a Court of Justice, where there are always ten or twelve persons, sitting as judges, and delivering their decisions upon all cases which arise in the markets. There are other persons in the same square who go about continually among the people, observing what is sold, and the measures used in selling, and they have been seen to break some which were false.
This great city contains many mosques, or houses for idols, very beautiful edifices situated in the different precincts of it; in the principal ones of
The Aztec
Priests
which are the religious orders of their sect, for whom, besides the houses in which they keep their idols, there are very good habitations provided. All these priests dress in black, and never cut or comb their hair from the time they enter the religious order until they leave it; and the sons of all the principal families, both of chiefs as well as noble citizens, are in these religious orders and habits from the age of seven or eight years till they are taken away for the purpose of marriage. This happens more frequently with the first-born, who inherit the property, than with the others. They have no access to women, nor are any allowed to enter the religious houses; they abstain from eating certain dishes, and more so at certain times of the year than at others.
Amongst these mosques, there is one principal one, and no human tongue is able to describe its greatness and details, because it is so large that within its circuit, which is surrounded by a high wall, a village of five hundred houses could easily be built. Within, and all around it, are very handsome buildings, in which there are large rooms and galleries, where the religious who live there are lodged. There are as many as forty very high and well-built towers, the largest having fifty steps to reach the top; the principal one is higher than the tower of the chief church in Seville.[62] They are so well built, both in their masonry, and their wood work, that they could not be better made nor constructed anywhere; for all the masonry inside the chapels, where they keep their idols, is carved with figures, and the wood work is all wrought with designs of monsters, and other shapes. All these towers are places of burial for the chiefs, and each one of their chapels is dedicated to the idol to which they have a particular devotion. Within this great mosque, there are three halls wherein stand the principal idols of mar'ellous grandeur in size, and much decorated with carved figures, both of stone and wood; and within these halls there are other chapels, entered by very small doors, and which have no light, and nobody but the religious are admitted to them. Within these are the images and figures of the idols, although, as I have said, there are many outside.
The principal idols in which they have the most faith and belief I overturned from their seats,
Cortes
Overthrows
the Idols
and rolled down the stairs, and I had those chapels, where they kept them, cleansed, for they were full of blood from the sacrifices; and I set up images of Our Lady, and other Saints in them, which grieved Montezuma, and the natives not a little. At first they told me not to do it, for, if it became known throughout the town, the people would rise against me, as they believed that these idols gave them all their temporal goods, and, in allowing them to be ill-treated, they would be angered, and give nothing, and would take away all the fruits of the soil, and cause the people to die of want. I made them understand by the interpreters how deceived they were in putting their hope in idols, made of unclean things by their own hands, and I told them that they should know there was but one God, the Universal Lord of all, who had created the heavens, and earth, and all things else, and them, and us, who was without beginning, and immortal; that they should adore, and believe in Him, and not in any creature, or thing. I told them all I knew of these matters, so as to win them from their idolatries, and bring them to a knowledge of God, Our Lord; and all of them, especially Montezuma, answered that they had already told me they were not natives of this country, and that it was a long time since their forefathers had come to it, therefore they might err in some points of their belief, as it was so long since they left their native land, whilst I, who had recently arrived, should know better than they what they should believe, and hold; and if I would tell them, and explain to them, they would do what I told them, as being for the best. Montezuma and many chiefs of the city remained with me until the idols were taken away and the chapels cleansed, and the images put up, and they all wore happy faces. I forbade them to sacrifice human beings to the idols, as they were accustomed to do, for besides its being very hateful to God, Your Majesty had also prohibited it by your laws, and commanded that those who killed should be put to death. Henceforth they abolished it, and, in all the time I remained in the city, never again were they seen to sacrifice any human creature.
The figures of the idols, in which those people believe, exceed in size the body of a large man. They are made of a mass of all the seeds and vegetables which they eat, ground up and mixed with one another, and kneaded with the hearts' blood of human beings, whose breasts are opened when alive, the hearts being removed, and, with the blood which comes out, is kneaded the flour, making the quantity necessary to construct a great statue. When these are finished the priests offer them more hearts, which have likewise been sacrificed, and besmear the faces with the blood. The idols are dedicated to different things, as was the custom of the heathen who anciently honoured their gods. Thus, to obtain favours in war these people have one idol, for harvests another, and for everything in which they desire any good, they have idols whom they honour and serve.
There are many large and handsome houses in this city, and the reason for this is that all the lords of the country, vassals of Montezuma, inhabit their houses in the city a certain part of the year; moreover there are many rich citizens, who likewise have very good houses. Besides having very good and large dwelling places, all these people have very beautiful flower gardens of divers kinds, as well in the upper, as in the lower dwellings.
Along one of the causeways which lead to the city, there are two conduits of masonry each two
The
Aqueducts
paces broad, and five feet deep,[63] through one of which a volume of very good fresh water, the bulk of a man's body, flows into the heart of the city, from which all supply themselves, and drink. The other which is empty brings the water, when they wish to clean the first conduit, for, while one is being cleaned, the water flows through the other. Conduits as large round as an ox's body bring the fresh water across the bridges, thus avoiding the channels by which the salt-water flows, and in this manner the whole city is supplied, and everybody has water to drink. Canoes peddle the water through all the streets, and the way they take it from the conduits is this: the canoes stop under the bridges where the conduits cross, where men are stationed on the top who are paid to fill them. At the different entrances to the city, and wherever the canoes are unloaded, which is where the greatest quantity of provisions enter the city, there are guards, in huts to collect a certum quid of everything that comes in. I do not know whether this goes to the sovereign, or to the city, because up till now I have not been able to ascertain, but I believe it is for the sovereign, for, in other market places of other provinces, that contribution has been seen to be paid to the ruler. There are to be found daily in the markets and public places of the city many workmen, and masters of all trades, waiting to be hired.
The people of this city had better manners, and more luxury in their dressing and service, than those of other provinces and cities, for the reason that the sovereign, Montezuma, always resided there, and all the nobles, his vassals, frequented the city, so better manners, and more ceremony prevailed. But to avoid being prolix in describing the things of the city (though I would fain continue), I will not say more than that, in the service and manners of its people, their fashion of living was almost the same as in Spain, with just as much harmony and order; and considering that these people were barbarous, so cut off from the knowledge of God, and other civilised peoples, it is admirable to see to what they attained in every respect. As far as the service surrounding Montezuma is concerned, and the admirable attributes of his greatness and state, there is so much to write that I assure Your Highness I do not know where to begin, so as to finish what I would say of any part respecting it. For, as I have already said, what greater grandeur can there be, than that a barbarian monarch, like him, should have imitations in gold, silver, stones, and feather-work, of all the things existing under heaven in his dominion? — gold, and silver, things, so like to nature, that there is not a silversmith in the world who could do it better; and, respecting the stones, there is no imagination which can divine the instruments with which they were so perfectly executed; and respecting the feather-work, neither in wax, nor in embroidery, could nature be so marvellously imitated.
So far, the extent of Montezuma's kingdom is not known, but everywhere within two hundred leagues on this and the other side of this capital,
Extent of
the Aztec
Sovereignty
wherever he sent, his messengers were not disregarded,[64] although there were some provinces in the midst of these countries with which he was at war. From what has been learned, and from what I understand from him, I judge that his territories were as large as Spain; for he sent messengers from here to Puntunchan, at sixty leagues distance, beyond the river of Grijalba, ordering the natives of a city, called Cumatan,[65] to give themselves as vassals to Your Majesty; and that is a distance of two hundred and thirty leagues from the great city. This I know for I have made the Spaniards go a distance of more than a hundred and fifty in that direction.
All the other lords of this country and province, especially those of the neighbourhood, resided as I have already said, a greater part of the year in the capital, and all, or at least most of them, had their first-born sons in the service of Montezuma. There were fortified places in the dominions of these lords, and Montezuma sent his own people amongst them as governors, and collectors of the taxes and rents which he received from each province. These men kept an account of what each province was obliged to give, by means of characters and figures, written on the paper they make, showing what each province was obliged to pay according to the quality of its land. In this manner, produce from all the said provinces came into his possession.
He was so feared by the present, as well as the absent, that there was never prince in the world more so. He had many pleasure houses, within and without the city, each as well constructed, to serve for its particular kind of pastime, as could be described or desired for so great a lord. Within the city, he had residences such and so marvellous that it seems to me almost impossible to speak of their excellence and grandeur. So I limit myself to saying that there is nothing comparable with them in Spain.
He had a house, a little inferior to this one, where there was a beautiful garden, with arbors overhanging it, of which the marbles and tiles were of
Montezu-
ma's
Palaces
jasper, beautifully worked. In this house there were apartments for two great princes, and all their servants. It had ten pools of water, in which were kept all the many and divers breeds of waterfowl found in these parts, all domesticated; for the sea-birds, too, there were pools of salt water, and, for those of the rivers and lakes, there was fresh water, which for the sake of cleanliness, they renewed at certain times by means of pipes. To each kind of bird they gave the food which suited its habits in its free state, so that to those which ate fish they gave it; and, likewise, worms, maize, and smaller seeds were supplied as required by the different birds. I assure Your Highness that all those birds which ate only fish received each day two hundred and fifty pounds, caught in the salt lakes. Three hundred men had the charge of these birds, for their sole employment. There were others who were occupied only in curing the birds which were ailing. Over each pool for these birds, there were beautifully decorated galleries, and corridors, where Montezuma came to amuse himself by watching them. There was an apartment in this house in which were men, women, and children, white of face, body, hair, and eyelashes from the day of their birth. There was another very beautiful house, with a large court, paved with flags, in the pattern of a chess board.
There were also houses about nine feet in height, and about six paces square; one half of each was covered with a roofing of square tiles, and the other half, which was open, had a stout lattice of wood. Each of these houses contained a bird of prey, representing all the sorts known in Spain, from the kestrel to the eagle, besides many other kinds, which had never been seen there; and there were great numbers of each of these kinds. Across the tops of these houses there was a perch, and another one out beyond the lattice, so that the birds might use the one at night and when it was raining, and the other to sun themselves, and take the air. All these birds were fed daily on chickens, with no other food. There were certain large rooms in this palace, fitted with great cages, very well constructed, and joined with heavy timbers, in all or most of which were kept lions, tigers, foxes, and every kind of cat in considerable numbers. These were also fed on chickens. Three hundred other men had charge of these animals and birds.
There was another house where many monstrous men and women lived, amongst whom there were dwarfs, hunchbacks, and deformed; and each manner of monster had a room apart, and they also had persons to take charge of them. I do not mention the other diverting things Montezuma had in this city, because they were so many, and so various.
His service was organised as follows: at dawn every day, six hundred lords, and men of rank, came to his palace. Some of these sat down, and
Etiquette
of Monte-zuma's
Court
others walked about in the halls and corridors of the palace, talking and passing the time, but without entering the room where he was; the servants and retainers who accompanied them filled two or three great courts, and the street, which was very large. They remained in attendance until night. When they served food to Montezuma, they likewise served all those lords with like profusion, and their servants and followers also received their rations. The larder and the wine cellar were open daily to all who wished to eat or drink.
The way they served the meals is this: three or four hundred youths carried in countless dishes, for, every time he wished to dine or sup, they brought him all the different dishes, not only meats, but also fish, and fruits, and herbs, to be found in the land; and as the climate is cold they brought, under each plate and dish, a brazier of coals, so that the food should not get cold. They placed all the dishes together in a great room where he dined, which was almost filled; its floors were all very well covered and very clean, and he sat on a small cushion of leather, beautifully made. Whilst he was eating, there were five or six elder lords standing a short distance from him, to whom he offered from the dishes he was eating. One of the servants waited to bring and remove the dishes for him, which were passed by others, who stood further off as the service required. At the beginning and end of each meal, they always brought him water for his hands, and the towel, once used, he never used again; nor were the plates and service in which a dish was served ever brought again; and it was the same with the braziers. He dressed himself four times every day, in four different kinds of clothing, all new, and never would he be dressed with the same again. All the lords who entered his palace came barefooted, and, when those whom he had summoned appeared before him, it was with their heads bent, and their eyes on the ground, in humble posture; and, when they spoke to him, they did not look him in the face, because of respect and reverence. I know they did this out of respect, for certain lords reproved the Spaniards, saying, that when these latter spoke to me, they would behave with a lofty demeanour, looking me in the face, which seemed to them disrespectful and shameless. When Montezuma went out, which happened rarely, all those who accompanied him and those whom he met in the street, turned their faces aside, and in no wise looked at him, and all the rest prostrated themselves until he had passed. One of the lords, who carried three long thin rods, always went before him, and I believe this was done to give notice of his approach. When he descended from his litter, he took one of those rods in his hand, and carried it as far as he went. The ceremonies which this sovereign used in his service were so many, and of such different kinds, that more space than I have at present would be required to relate them, and even a better memory to retain them; for I believe none of the Sultans, or any infidel sovereign of whom we have had information until now, has ever had such ceremonial in his court.
I have been occupied in this capital in what seemed to conduce to the service of Your Sacred Majesty, and in pacifying and winning over to it many provinces, thickly peopled countries, very great cities, towns, and forts; and in discovering mines, and learning and inquiring into many of the secrets of Montezuma's dominions, as well as of others which border on them, of which he had information. These are so many and so marvellous, that they are almost incredible. In this, I have been assisted, with as much good will and satisfaction on the part of Montezuma and the natives, as if they, ab initio, had recognised Your Sacred Majesty as their king and rightful sovereign; and with no less good will have they done all I commanded them in your royal name. In all these things mentioned, and in others no less useful to the service of Your Highness, I spent from the eighth of November, 15 19, to the beginning of May this present year.
While all was quiet and tranquil in this city, and many Spaniards were distributed through divers parts, pacifying the people in the country, I greatly
News of the
Arrival of
Narvaez
desired that ships might arrive, with the answer to the account I had sent to Your Majesty, so that I might forward what I now send, together with all the gold and jewels I had collected for Your Highness. At that time there came certain natives, vassals of Montezuma, who live on the coast, telling me that, near the mountain chain of San Martin, which is on the said coast, before reaching the port and bay of San Juan, eighteen ships had arrived; and that they did not know whose they were, because, as soon as they espied them on the sea, they came to let me know. Following the said Indians, there came also a native of the island of Fernandina, who brought me a letter from a Spaniard, whom I had stationed on the coast. This I had done that he might give information about me, and about that town near the port, to any ships that might arrive, so that they might not be lost. In this letter he said that, "on such a day, a single ship had arrived off the harbour of San Juan," and that he had examined all the coast as far as the eye could reach, but had discovered no other, and therefore believed it to be the ship I had sent to Your Majesty, since it was time for this to return. In order to satisfy himself more fully, he said that he would stay, waiting for the arrival of the said ship in port, so as to get information which he would immediately bring me.
Having read this letter, I despatched two Spaniards one by one road, and the other by another, so that they might miss no messenger coming from the ship. I directed them to go to the said port, and ascertain how many ships had arrived, from whence they came, and what they brought, and to return as quickly as possible to tell me. I likewise sent another to the city of Vera Cruz, to announce what I had learned about those ships, so that they might get information there, and let me know; and another went to the Captain (whom I had sent with a hundred and fifty men, to form a settlement at the port of Quacucalco), to whom I wrote, that, as I had learned that certain ships had arrived at the port, he should stop wherever that messenger might meet him, and not proceed any further, until I should write to him again. It afterwards appeared, however, that he already knew of the arrival of the ships when he received my letter.
Fifteen days elapsed after the departure of the messengers, and as I had no news or answers from them, I was not a little alarmed. When these fifteen days had passed, other Indians, also vassals of Montezuma, arrived, from whom I learned that the said ships had already anchored in the port of San Juan, and the people had disembarked; that they had brought about eighty horses, eight hundred men, and ten or twelve pieces of artillery. All of this report was pictured on paper of the country, to be shown to Montezuma. The messengers also told me, that the Spaniard I had stationed on the coast, and the other messengers I had sent, were with the said people, and had told these Indians that the captain of those people would not allow them to return, and for them to tell me this. Having heard this, I determined to send a religious, whom I had brought in my company, bearing a letter of mine, and another from the alcalde and the municipal officers of the city of Vera Cruz who were with me, addressed to the captain and people who had arrived at that port. In these letters we informed him very fully of all that had happened to me in this country; that I held many cities and ports conquered and pacified, subject to the royal service of Your Majesty; that I had taken the principal lord of all these regions prisoner, and that I was in the capital. We wrote all about its character, and the gold and jewels I had obtained for Your Highness, and how I had given an account to Your Majesty of the country. I asked them to let me know who they were, and if they were rightful subjects of the kingdom and lordships of Your Highness, to write to me whether they had come to this country by a royal mandate to settle permanently, or intended to advance or return; adding that, if they needed anything, I would have them provided with everything possible. I said also that, if they came from any place outside the dominions and kingdoms of Your Highness, to likewise let me know, for if they needed anything I would also supply it, if I could. If they refused to inform me, I required them on the part of Your Majesty to leave your countries, and not to land in them, with the threat that, if they persisted, I would march against them with all the force I had, both Spaniards and natives, and would take them, and kill them as foreign invaders of the kingdoms and dominions of my king and sovereign.
Within five or six days after the religious had gone with the despatch, twenty Spaniards, whom I had left in the city of Vera Cruz, arrived in the
Designs of
Panfilo de
Narvaez
city of Temixtitan, and brought me a cleric and two other laymen whom they had taken in the said city. From them I learned, that the armada and people in the port belonged to Diego Velasquez, and had come by his orders, under a certain Panfilo de Narvaez,[66] a householder of the island of Fernandina, as their captain; that they brought eighty horses, many pieces of artillery, and eight hundred soldiers, among which latter were eighty musketeers, and a hundred and twenty bowmen; that Narvaez came with a commission as Captain-General, and Lieutenant-Governor of all these parts, by appointment of Diego Velasquez, with faculties from Your Majesty for all this; that the messengers I had sent, and the man I had stationed on the coast were with Panfilo de Narvaez, who would not allow them to return, and that he had information himself from them about my founding that town twelve leagues from the said port, and of the people who were in it, as well as about the people I had sent to Quacucalco, thirty leagues from the port, in a province called Tuchitepeque, I learned also that Narvaez knew of everything I had done in the country in the service of Your Highness; about the cities and towns I had pacified and about the great city of Temixtitan; about the gold and jewels we had obtained in the country, and all else that had happened to me. Narvaez had sent these men to Vera Cruz, to try to win over the inhabitants to his design that they should rebel against me. They brought me more than a hundred letters which Narvaez and his companions sent to people in Vera Cruz, telling them to credit what the cleric and the others with him would say in his name, promising them in the name of Diego Velasquez, that, if they would do so, they should be rewarded, but that those who acted to the contrary would be very severely treated. Many other things contained in the said letters were reported by the cleric and those who came with him.
Almost simultaneously, there arrived one of the Spaniards who had gone to Quacucalco, bringing letters from his captain, one Velasquez de Leon, who informed me that the expedition in the port was under Panfilo de Narvaez, who came in the name of Diego Velasquez. This Leon forwarded me a letter which Narvaez had sent him by an Indian for he was a relative of Diego Velasquez, and brother-in-law of Narvaez), telling him how he had learned from my messengers that Leon was there with those people, and bidding him come back immediately with them, because, by so acting, he would fulfil his obligations towards his relative; that he believed I held him by force, and other similar things which Narvaez wrote to him. The captain being more devoted to Your Majesty's service, not only declined to accept what Narvaez told him in his letter, but, after having sent the letter to me, immediately left to join me with all his forces. Afterwards I informed myself from that cleric, and the two who accompanied him, respecting many things concerning the intentions of Diego Velasquez and Narvaez; how they had despatched that armada and force against me, because, instead of to Diego Velasquez, I had sent to Your Majesty the description of this country, and the presents; and how they came with evil designs to kill me, and many of my company whom they had already designated. I ascertained likewise that the licentiate Figueroa, the judge residing in the island of Hispaniola, and Your Highness's judges and officials there, when they learned that Diego Velasquez was preparing this armada, and his intention in so doing, had perceived the harm and injury which would result to Your Majesty by their coming, and had sent one of the said judges, the licentiate, Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon,[67] with powers to require and order Diego Velasquez not to despatch the armada. Upon his arrival, he found Diego Velasquez and all those armed people at the point of the island of Fernandina, ready to sail, and he required them, and those composing the armada, not to depart, because Your Highness would be badly served, and he threatened them with many penalties, notwithstanding which, and in spite of all the licentiate required and ordered, Velasquez still sent the armada. The licentiate, Ayllon, had come with them thinking to prevent the harm which would follow from the arrival of it, for it was notorious to him, and to everybody, that the armada came with evil intentions.
I sent this cleric to Narvaez with a letter of mine, in which I told him I had learned from the cleric, and those who came with him, that he was captain of the armada, and that I was glad it was he, as I had thought otherwise seeing that my messengers had not returned. I said, however, that, as he knew I was in this
Cortes
Writes to
Narvaez
country in Your Highness's service, I marvelled that he did not write to me, or send me some messenger announcing his arrival, for he knew that I would be rejoiced at it, not only because of our old friendship, but also because he had come to serve Your Highness, which was what I most desired. Instead of which, I said, he had sent corruptors and letters of seduction to those under me in Your Majesty's service, inciting them to rebel against me, and join him, as if we were infidels the one, and Christians the other, vassals of Your Highness the one, and traitors the other. I asked him as a favour that from hence forward he would not use these means with me, but first let me know the cause of his coming. I said I had been told that he called himself Captain-General, and Lieutenant-Governor for Diego Velasquez, and that he had so proclaimed himself by the public crier, publishing it in the country, and had named alcaldes and municipal officers, and had executed justice, all of which was against the good service of Your Highness, and against all your laws; that this was so because this country belonging to Your Majesty, and being peopled by your vassals, and having tribunals and municipal bodies in it, he should not appropriate to himself the said offices without first having received them, inasmuch as to exercise them he should bring provisions from Your Majesty; that, if he had brought any such, I asked as a favour, and required him to present them to me, and to the municipal authorities of Vera Cruz, as they would be obeyed by those authorities, and by me, as letters and provisions of our King and rightful Sovereign, and complied with as far as it would profit to the service of Your Majesty; and that I was in that city, where I held the monarch prisoner, and had a great sum of gold and valuables, belonging not only to Your Highness, but also to my company and myself, which I did not dare to leave, since I feared that, if I left the city, the people might rebel, and such a quantity of gold and jewels, and such a city, would be lost which meant the loss of the whole country. I likewise gave a letter to the said cleric for the licentiate Ayllon, who, as I afterwards learned, had been sent away, with two ships as a prisoner, by Narvaez before the cleric arrived.
On the day the cleric left, I received a messenger from the citizens of Vera Cruz, who informed me, that all the natives had risen in favour of Narvaez, especially those of the city of Cempoal and their party, and that none would come to work in the said town and port, nor do anything else, because they said that Narvaez had told them that I was a traitor, and that he had come to take me and all my company prisoners, and to make us leave the country. As Narvaez's people were many, and mine few, and he had brought many horses, and much artillery, and I had little, they wished to be on the winning side. The messengers informed me also that they had learned from the Indians, that Narvaez would occupy the city of Cempoal, knowing how near it was to their city, and they believed from what they were informed of the said Narvaez's bad intentions towards all, that he would from that place attack them, aided by the Cempoalans. They let me know that they were leaving the town, rather than fight with them, and to avoid scandal they would go up the mountain to the house of a chief, vassal of Your Highness, and our friend, where they would remain until I sent them directions what to do.
As I saw the great mischief which was spreading, and that the country was rebelling on account of Narvaez, it appeared to me that, by going to him myself, all might be appeased, because the Indians would not dare to rebel on seeing me, and also because I thought to make some sort of arrangement with Narvaez for stopping the great evil at the outset. I thereupon started the same day, leaving the fort well provided with maize and water, and a garrison of five hundred men, with some cannon. Taking the others (some seventy men), I pursued my road, accompanied by some of Montezuma's principal people.
Before I left, I made some explanation telling him "to look to the fact that he was a vassal of Your Highness, and that now he would receive the favours from
Cortes
Leaves
Mexico
to Meet
Narvaez
Your Majesty for the services which he had rendered to you; that I entrusted to him those Spaniards, who would take care of all the gold and valuables which he had given me, or ordered me to give Your Highness; that I was longing to see the people who had arrived, and to learn who they were, as I did not yet know, but that I believed they were bad people and not vassals of Your Highness. He promised to provide those left behind with everything necessary and to take great care of all I left there, belonging to Your Majesty, and that his people who went with me would guide me by a road without quitting his country, and would provide me with everything I needed. He prayed me also, that, if these were bad people, to let him know, and he would immediately raise many warriors to attack them, and drive them out of the country. I thanked him for all this, and assured him that Your Majesty would order many favours to be shown him, and I gave many jewels and stuffs to him, to his son, and to many other lords who were with him at the time.
In the city, called Churultecal, I met, returning with all his people, Juan Velasquez, the captain, whom, as I have said, I had sent to Quacucalco. Separating those who were indisposed, whom I sent to the city, I pursued my road with him and the others. Fifteen leagues beyond the city of Churultecal, I encountered that religious father (Fray Olmedo] of my company, whom I had sent to the port to learn what sort of people had come in the armada. He brought me a letter from Narvaez, in which the latter wrote me that he brought certain powers to hold this country for Diego Velasquez, and that I should immediately come to him to obey and submit to them, and that he had established a town with alcaldes and municipal officers. From the same religious, I learned that the licentiate Ayllon, as well as his notary and alguacil, had been taken, and sent away in two ships; that he himself had been approached there by parties, to win over some of my company to Narvaez; and how they had boasted before him, and certain Indians who accompanied him, of their forces, both of foot and cavalry, and had fired the artillery from the ships and on land in order to frighten them, saying to the religious, "See! how can you defend yourselves against us if you don't do as we wish you to do?" He told me also that he had seen with Narvaez one of the native lords of this country, vassal of the said Montezuma, and governor of all his country along the coast; and he learned that he had spoken to Narvaez on the part of Montezuma, giving him jewels of gold, and that Narvaez had also given him certain trifles; and that Narvaez had sent from there certain messengers to Montezuma, saying, that he would deliver him, for he had come to take me and all my company, and then leave the country, and that he wished no gold, but that, myself, and those who were with me, once prisoners, he intended to depart, and leave the country and the natives in their full liberty. Finally I learned that his intention was to possess himself of the country by his own authority, without asking recognition from anyone; and that if I and those of my company refused to accept him as captain, or justice in the name of Diego Velasquez, he would come against us, and capture us by force, and that for this purpose he had confederated with the natives, especially with Montezuma, by means of his messengers.
When I saw how manifest was the harm which would result from the aforesaid proceedings against Your Majesty, especially as I was told of the great force he had brought, and Diego Velasquez's mandate that, as soon as he seized us, he should hang me, and others who were designated, I did not hesitate to approach nearer to him, believing that I might make him understand the great disservice which would result to Your Highness, and dissuade him from his evil intention and malicious disposition towards us.
I continued my way, and fifteen leagues before arriving at the city of Cempoal, where Naraez was camped, there approached me the chaplain sent to me by the citizens of Vera Cruz, by whom I had written to Narvaez, and the licentiate Ayllon; he was accompanied by another cleric, and a certain Andres de Duero,[68] householder of the Island of Fernandina, who had also come with Narvaez. They told me, on the part of Narvaez, in answer to my letter, that I might still obey and recognise him as my captain, and that I must yield the country to him, otherwise I should be punished, as Narvaez brought great forces with him, and I had very few, for besides the many Spaniards he had brought, most of the natives were in his favour; and that, if I would deliver the coimtry to him, he would give me all the ships and provisions I desired, and would allow me to go away with them, and all those who wished to leave with me, taking everything I desired without any hindrance from him. One of the clerics told me that Diego Velasquez had authorised this offer, and had given his instructions to Narvaez and the two clerics jointly, so that, in this matter, they could make all the concessions I wished. I answered, that I did not perceive any warrants of Your Highness, directing me to deliver the country to them, and that if Narvaez brought any he should present them before me and the Municipal Council of Vera Cruz, according to Spanish law and custom, when I would be ready to obey and comply with them; but that, until then, I would not do as he said for any interest or concession, for I, and those who were with me, would rather die in defence of the country, which we had won and held pacified and sure for Your Majesty, than turn traitors, or forfeit our loyalty to our king. They advanced many other propositions to win me over to their project, but none would I accept without having seen the warrants of Your Highness authorising me so to do; and these they could not produce
In conclusion, these clerics, Andres de Duero, and myself, agreed that Narvaez and myself, with as many others,
Negotia-
tions with
Narvaez should meet with perfect surety on both sides, when he would satisfy me of the warrants if he had brought any, and I would give my answer. I, on my part, sent him a safe conduct, signed, and he also sent me another, signed with his name, which as it seemed to me he had no thought of observing; for he had planned that, during the visit, some way or other should be found to kill me suddenly, and two of the ten who were to come with him had been designated to do this, while the rest were to fight with my attendants. They said, as a reason for this, that, once I was dead, their business could be finished; and in truth it would have been, if God, who in such cases intervenes, had not succoured me by a certain warning, which one of those concerned in the treachery had sent me together with their safe conduct.
Knowing all this, wrote a letter to Narvaez, and another to the three commissioners, telling them that I had discovered their treacherous intention, and would not go as had been agreed. I immediately sent them certain requisitions and mandates, by which I required Narvaez to make known to me any warrants he brought from Your Highness, and that, until he had done so, he should not, under certain penalties I imposed, call himself captain or justice, or meddle with any duties pertaining to the said offices. In like manner, by the same mandate I commanded all the persons who were with him not to regard nor obey him as captain or justice, and summoned them, within a certain time designated, to appear before me, that I might instruct them what was proper to do in Your Highness 's service. I gave notice that, if they did otherwise, I should proceed against them as perfidious traitors and wicked vassals who had rebelled against their king, and sought to usurp his country and dominions, to deliver them to persons to whom they did not belong, and who had no claim nor right to them; and also in the execution of this order, that if they did not appear before me, or obey my mandate, I would proceed against them, and imprison them according to the law, Narvaez's answer was to imprison the notary who delivered the mandate, and the persons accompanying him, and to take from them certain Indians who accompanied them, who were all detained till another messenger arrived whom I sent to inquire after them. Before them he made a display of force, and threatened them, and also myself, if I did not deliver the country to him.
Seeing that I could by no means prevent this great calamity and evil, and that the natives of the country were revolting, and rising day by day, recommending myself to God, and disregarding all injury that might follow, considering that if I died in the senrice of my king, and in the defence and upholding of his countries against usurpation, more than sufficient glory would cover me and my company, I gave my mandate to Gonzalo de Sandoval, alguacil mayor, to seize the persons of Narvaez, and those who called themselves alcaldes and municipal officers. I placed eighty men under his orders, to make the arrest, while I, with the remaining hundred and seventy (as in all we were two hundred and fifty men), followed on foot, without artillery or horses, so as to aid him if Narvaez and his companions should resist. On the same day, the alguacil mayor and I, with the rest of the people, arrived near the city of Cempoal, where Narvaez and his people were quartered. He learned of our coming, and canie out, with eighty horsemen, and five hundred foot-soldiers, leaving the rest of his force in his quarters, which were in the great mosque of that strongly fortified city. Having marched to within almost a league of where we were, and not finding us, he believed he had been deceived, so he returned to his quarters, holding all his people in readiness, and placing two sentinels almost a league outside the town.
As I wished to avoid all scandal, it seemed to me that there would be less if I went by night, unperceived if
Cortes
Defeats
Narvaez possible, directly to the quarters of Narvaez, which I and my men knew very well, and there seized him. For, once he was a prisoner, no trouble would arise, for the others wished to submit to justice, especially as most of them had been forced to come by Diego Velasquez, fearing that, unless they did, he might take away their slaves in the island of Fernandina. Thus it happened, on the feast of Pentecost, a little after midnight, I attacked the quarters. I had encountered the sentinels Narvaez had placed, and my vanguard captured one of them, from whom I informed myself of their position, but the other escaped; and in order that he should not arrive before me and give notice of my coming, I hastened as much as possible. The sentinel arrived, however, almost half an hour before me, and, when I approached, Narvaez and all his men were already armed, and had saddled their horses, and were well prepared, with two hundred men guarding each quarter. We moved so quietly, that, when they heard us, and seized arms, I was already inside the courtyard of his quarters, where all the people were gathered. They had taken possession of three or four strong towers which were in it, and all the other strong positions; and in one of the towers, where Narvaez was lodged, he had placed nineteen guns on the stairs. We reached the top of the tower so quickly, that they had not time to put fire to more than one of the pieces, which by God's will did not go off, or do us any harm. Thus we mounted the tower to the place where Narvaez slept, where about fifty men who were with him fought with the alguacil mayor and his force; and although required many times to yield themselves to Your Highness, surrendered only when fire was set to the tower. While the alguacil mayor was capturing Narvaez, I, with those who had stayed with me, defended the entrance of the tower against the rest who sought to come to his aid; and I ordered the artillery to be taken, and fortified myself with it. Thus, with no more loss than two men, who were killed by the discharge of a gun, all those we wished to take were made prisoners within an hour. After the rest had been disarmed, they promised to be obedient to the laws of Your Majesty, declaring that till then they had been deceived, as they had been told that Narvaez brought warrants from Your Highness, and that I had risen in rebellion in this country, and was a traitor to Your Majesty, together with many other similar things.
As all now understood the truth, and the bad intentions and wicked disposition of Diego Velasquez and of Narvaez came to light, they rejoiced very greatly that God should have ordained and provided such an ending. For I assure Your Majesty, that, if God had not mysteriously intervened, and had Narvaez been victorious it would have been the greatest injury which for a long time past Spaniards had done to one another. Narvaez would have fulfilled his intention, as Diego Velasquez commanded him, which was to hang me, and many others of my company, so that no one should recount what had happened. And, according to what I learn from the Indians, they had perceived, that, if Narvaez were to capture me, as he had told them, it could not be without loss to himself and his people, nor without many of us perishing; so that they meanwhile could kill those whom I had left in Temixtitan, which, indeed, they attempted to do. Afterwards they intended to join forces, and attack those who remained here, and free their country, so that not even a memory of the Spaniards should survive. Your Highness may be assured that if they had achieved all this, and succeeded in their designs, this country, which has now been conquered and pacified, would not have been recovered within twenty years.
As so many people could not be maintained together in this city, both because of its being nearly destroyed, and because it had been plundered by Narvaez, and abandoned by its inhabitants, two days after Narvaez had been taken prisoner, I sent two captains, with two hundred men each, one to go to the town and port of Cucicacalco, which as I have told Your Highness, I had founded, and the other to that river which the people from Francisco de Garay's ships said they had seen, for I now hold them securely. I likewise sent two hundred other men to the city of Vera Cruz, where I ordered Narvaez's ships to go. I remained with the rest of the people in Cempoal, to provide whatever Your Majesty's service required. I also sent a messenger to the city of Temixtitan, by whom I made known to the Spaniards I left there what had happened to me. These messengers returned within twelve days, bringing me letters from the alcalde[69] there, telling me that the Indians had assaulted the fort on all sides, and set fire to it in many parts; that they had sunk mines, and that our people had been in much trouble
News from
the
Garrison
in Mexico and danger; and that, if Montezuma did not order the war to cease, they would yet perish, for they were closely surrounded, though there was no fighting, and no one could go two paces outside the fort. In the fight, the Indians had captured a great part of the provisions I had left them, and had burned my four brigantines. My men were in extreme need, and begged me for the love of God to come to their succour in all possible haste. Seeing the extremity in which these Spaniards were, and that if I did not rescue them, besides the Indians killing them, and taking all the gold, and silver, and valuables, which I had obtained in the country, belonging to Your Majesty and also to me and the Spaniards, the noblest and greatest city recently discovered in the world would be lost, and with it all else that had been gained, for it was the capital to which all gave obedience. I immediately sent messengers to the captains whom I had sent off with expeditions, telling them what had been written me from the capital, and directing them to return immediately from wherever they were found, and to come by the shortest route to the province of Tlascaltecal, where I, with the people, and all the artillery in my power, and the seventy horsemen, would unite with them. When we joined forces, and made a review, there were found to be seventy horsemen, and five hundred foot soldiers.
I started in all haste with these troops for the capital, and the whole length of the road there never appeared anybody from Montezuma to receive me, as was customary, and all the country had risen, and was almost deserted, which aroused evil suspicions lest the Spaniards whom I had left in the city were dead, and the natives had gathered to await me at some pass, where they would take me at a disadvantage. Thus, fearful, I advanced with the utmost precaution until I reached the city of Tesnacan,[70] which, as I have already recounted to Your Majesty, is on the shore of that great lake. I inquired of some of the natives there about the Spaniards who had remained in the great city, and was told that they were alive. I asked them to bring me a canoe, as I wished to send a Spaniard to obtain information, and said that while he was gone, one of the natives of the said city, who seemed to be a chief, must remain with me, because none of the lords and chiefs whom I knew appeared. The chief sent for the canoe, and dispatched certain Indians with the Spaniards whom I was sending, while he remained with me; but while this Spaniard was embarking to go to the city of Temixtitan, he saw another canoe coming across the lake, and waited in port until it arrived. In it came one of the Spaniards who had remained in the city, from whom I learned that they were all alive, except five or six whom the Indians had killed, and that the others were still besieged, and were not allowed to come out of the fort, nor did the Indians provide them with anything needful except on payment, and at a heavy price. Afterwards, however, when they heard of my coming, they had behaved somewhat better towards them, Montezuma saying that he waited only for my arrival, in order that they might again be free of the city as they used to be. Montezuma also dispatched a messenger to me with the said Spaniard, by whom he sent me word that he believed I already knew what had happened in that city, and that as he thought I might be angry on account of it, and inclined to vengeance, he besought me to put aside my anger because he was as much grieved as I, and that nothing had been done by his wish or consent. He sent me news of many other things, to appease the anger he supposed I felt for what had happened, desiring me to come to the city and saying that whatever I ordered would be complied with no less than before. I sent him word to say that I was not angry with him in any way, as his good will was well known to me, and that I would do as he desired.
The next day, which was the eve of St. John Baptist,[71]
I left, and slept on the road, three leagues from the capital, and on St. John's Day, after having
Cortes
Re-enters
Mexico heard Mass, I entered about noon, and saw few people about the city. Some of the gates at the cross streets and entrances to the streets had been removed, which I did not like, although I thought that it had been done from fear, and that my arrival would reassure them. I marched directly to the fort, in which, and in the principal mosque adjoining, all my people were quartered; and those within the fort received us with as much joy as if we had given them anew their lives, which they had already looked upon as lost, and we rejoiced all that day and night, believing that peace had been restored.
The next day after Mass I sent a messenger to Vera Cruz, to give them the good news that the Christians were alive, and that I was safe in the city. The messenger returned within half an hour, with his head all bruised and broken, calling out that the Indians in the city were in array of battle, and had raised all the bridges; and, immediately after him, such a great multitude fell upon us from all sides, that neither the roofs nor the houses could be seen for the crowd, which came on with the greatest shoutings, and most frightful yells which could be conceived in the world. With their slings, they threw so many stones into the fortress, that it seemed as if they rained from the heavens, while arrows and missiles were so thick, that all the buildings and courts were so full of them we could hardly move about. I sallied forth against them on two or three sides, where they fought us very valiantly, and in one place, where a captain had gone out with two hundred men, they killed four, and wounded him and many others, before he could retreat. On the other side, where I was engaged, they wounded me, and many other Spaniards. We killed few of them, for they retreated to the other side of the bridges, and from the roofs and terraces did us much injury with stones. Some terraces we captured and set on fire; but they were so many and so strong, and so filled with people, well supplied with stones and other kinds of weapons, that we were not strong enough to take them all, nor to defend ourselves against their attack at their pleasure. They attacked the fort so violently, and set fire to it in so many places, that on one side a great part was destroyed without our being able to prevent it, until we stopped it by breaking the walls, and pulling down a part which put out the fire. Had it not been for the strong guard of musketeers and archers with some field pieces I placed there, they would have scaled that part without our being able to resist them. Thus we fought all that day until night was well advanced, and even throughout the night they kept up their cries and yells. During the night, I had those breaches caused by the fire repaired, and all the rest of the fort which seemed weak to me; and I distributed the watch and the guards, for on the next day we would have to fight stoutly; and I cared for more than eighty wounded.
At dawn the following day, the enemy opened the battle more stoutly than the day before, there being such a number of them that the artillery
Death of
Montezuma had no need to aim but just to shoot into the mases of Indians. Although the artillery did much damage, for thirteen arquebuses were playing, besides muskets and archery which were also doing service it seemed as if they did not feel it, for when one discharge would sweep away ten or twelve men, more would immediately fill their places, as if it had done no harm at all. Leaving the necessary guard, such as could be spared, in the fort, I again made a sortie, and captured some bridges, and burnt some houses, killing many of the defenders; but they were so numerous that, although we did them a good deal of damage, we made very little impression on them. We had to fight all day long, while they fought by hours, because they relieved one another, and even thus they had more than enough men. That day, they also wounded some fifty or sixty Spaniards, although none of them died; and I fought until nightfall, retiring only from sheer fatigue into the fort. Seeing the great damage the enemy did us, and how they wounded and killed us at will, and that, although we did much injury amongst them, it was hardly perceptible on account of their number, we spent that whole night and the next day in making three engines of wood, each accommodating twenty men, so that they could not hurt us throwing stones from the roofs, for the engines were covered with planks. Inside there were archers and musketeers, and others armed with pikes, pickaxes and bars of iron for making breaches in the houses, and knocking down the barricades which the Indians had made in the streets. While these machines were being made, the combat with our adversaries did not cease, for whenever we went out of the fort, they would strive to enter, being repulsed only with great difficulty, Montezuma, who with one of his sons and many other chiefs who had been captured at the beginning, was still a prisoner, asked to be carried to the roof of the fort where he could speak to the captains and the people, and cause the war to cease. I had him taken thither, and when he reached the parapet on the top of the fort, intending to speak to the people who were fighting there, one of his own subjects struck him on the head with a stone, with such force that within three days he died. I then had him taken out, dead as he was, by two of the Indian prisoners, who bore him away to his people; but I do not know what they did with him, except that the war did not cease, but went on more stoutly and more fiercely every day.[72]
That same day, they called me to the place where they had wounded Montezuma, saying that certain captains wished to speak to me. I went, and there passed many arguments between us, I beseeching them not to fight with me because there was no reason for it, as they must perceive the benefits they had received from me, and how they had been well treated by me. Their answer was that I must depart and leave them their country, and then the war would cease, and that otherwise I might be sure that they would either die, or finish us.
It appears they did this to draw me out of the fort, so that they might, at their pleasure, trap me between the bridges, while in the act of leaving the city. I answered that they must not think I begged for peace from fear of them, but because I was grieved at the damage I had done them and would still have to do them; and also for the destruction of such a beautiful city. Still they answered that they would not cease to make war upon me until I left the city.
After having completed the engines, I sallied out the next day to capture certain roofs and bridges, carrying the engines before us, followed by four pieces of artillery, many archers and shield bearers, and more than three thousand natives of Tascaltecal who had come with me and helped the Spaniards. When we reached one of the bridges, we placed the engines and scaling ladders against the walls of the terraces, in order to scale them; but the defenders of the said bridges and terraces were so numerous, and threw so many and such large stones at us from above, that they injured the engines and killed some of the Spaniards, and wounded many without our being able to advance one pace, although we struggled for it, fighting from morning till noon, when we returned to the fort with infinite sorrow. Their courage was increased so much by this, that they attacked us almost at the very doors, and occupied the great temple; about five hundred who appeared to me to be notable persons, ascended the highest and principal tower, carrying up a large supply of bread and water and other stores. Most of them had very long lances with very broad points, all longer and broader than ours, and not less sharpened[73] and from there they did great injury to the people in the fort, for they were very near it. Two or three times the Spaniards attacked the tower and attempted to mount it, but, as it was very high, and the ascent very steep, being a hundred and odd steps, and those above were well supplied with stones and other arms, and favoured by the fact that we could not capture the neighbouring terraces, every time the Spaniards attempted to ascend they were rolled back beaten, and many were wounded. Others of the enemy who saw this from other parts took fresh courage, so that they attacked the fort fiercely.
Observing that if they succeeded in holding that tower, besides doing us much injury from it, they also gained fresh courage to attack us, I sallied
Cortes
Captures
the Great
Teocalli out from the fort, although my left hand was maimed by a wound which I had received on the first day. I advanced to the tower with some Spaniards who followed me, and easily succeeded in surrounding the base, although those who surrounded it were not idle, as they had to fight the adversaries on all sides, who, for the purpose of helping their own men, came in increased numbers. And I began to ascend the tower, followed by some Spaniards, but they defended the ascent very stubbornly, throwing down three or four of my followers. With the help of God, and His Glorious Mother (for whose house that tower had been set aside, her image being placed in it), we reached the top, where we fought them so stoutly that they were forced to jump down on some terraces about a pace broad which extended round it. This tower had three or four of these terraces about sixteen feet one above the other. Some of the enemy fell all the way down, and, in addition to the injuries they received in the fall, were immediately killed by the Spaniards who surrounded the base of the tower. Those who remained on the terrace fought so valiantly, that we were more than three hours in completely dispatching them; and not one escaped. Your Sacred Majesty may believe that we captured this tower only because God had clipped their wings; because twenty of them were sufficient to resist the ascent of a thousand men even though they fought very valiantly till death. I had the tower set on fire, as well as others in the mosque, from which they had already taken away and carried off the images we had placed in them.[74]
Some of their pride was taken out of them by our obtaining this advantage, so that they fell back a little on all sides, and I afterwards returned to the roof, and spoke to the captains who had talked with me before, and who were somewhat dismayed by what they had seen. They immediately appeared, and I told them to look about and see that they could not hold out anywhere, and that every day we did them great harm and killed many, and that we were forced to burn and destroy their city, for I would not stop till there was nothing left of it or them. They answered, that they saw very well that they had sustained much damage from us, and that many of them had perished, but that they were already all fully determined to die, or be rid of us, and that I might behold how all these streets and squares and terraces were filled with people, who were so numerous that they had made their calculations that, if twenty-five thousand of them perished for every one of ours, they would finish with us first, for we were few and they were many. They told me all the high roads leading to the entrances to the city had been destroyed (as, in fact, they had destroyed all save one), and that we had no way of escape save by water; and that they knew very well that, as we had few provisions and little fresh water, we could not hold out much longer, for we would die by hunger, even if they did not kill us. In truth they were right, for, though we had no other enemy save starvation and the want of provisions, these would suffice to kill us in a short time. We exchanged many other arguments, each sustaining his 0vn side.
When night set in, I sallied forth with certain Spaniards, and, as we took them by surprise, we captured a street from them, burning more than three hundred houses. I quickly returned by another street, while the people had assembled in that one, in which I also burned many houses; especially some terraces which overlooked the fort, from which they did us much damage. They were greatly frightened by what we had done that night; and during the same night I ordered the engines, which had been damaged the day before, to be repaired.
In order to follow up the victory God had given us, I sallied forth at daybreak into the same street where we had been routed the day before, where I found not less resistance than on the former occasion. As our lives and honour were at stake, and that street led to the only sound causeway extending to the mainland (though, before reaching it, we had to pass by eight very large and deep bridges, and in all the street there were many quite high terraces and towers) we set our determination and spirit in it, so that, God helping us, we gained four of them that day, and burned all the terraces, and houses, and towers, to the last of the bridges. They had, however, during the night before, made a number of very strong barricades of adobes and clay at all the bridges, so that the discharges of arrows from the crossbows could do them no harm. We filled in the bridges with the adobes and earth from the enclosures, and with a quantity of stones and wood from the houses we had burned, although this work was not done without danger, and many Spaniards were wounded. That night I took many precautions to guard those bridges so that they might not return and retake them.
The next morning I again sallied forth, and God gave us likewise such good fortune and victory, although innumerable people defended the bridges, and many strong barricades which they had made during the night before, yet we captured them all, and filled them up. At the same time certain horsemen followed victoriously in pursuit of the fugitives as far as the mainland. While I was engaged in repairing the bridges, and in having them filled up, I was called in great haste, being told that the Indians who attacked the fort were suing for peace, and that certain chiefs and captains of them were awaiting me. Leaving my people and certain fieldpieces there, I, with two or three horsemen, went to see what the chiefs wanted. They said, that, if I would assure them that they would not be punished for what had occurred, they would raise the siege, re-establish the bridges, restore the causeways, and serve Your Majesty as they had before. They besought me to have brought there one of their people, a religious whom I had made a prisoner, and who was similar to a superior of their religion. He came, and spoke with them, and made an agreement between them and me; and, as it appeared, and according to what they had said, they immediately sent messengers to the captains and people who were in outside camps, telling them that the attack on the fort should cease, as well as all other hostilities. Thus we took our leave and I entered the fort to eat.
When I was about to begin, some one came hastily, to say that the Indians had regained the bridges which we had captured that day, and had killed
Narrow
Escape of
Cortes some Spaniards. God only knows how much disturbance this caused me, for I was thinking that we had assured a passage for our retreat. I mounted my horse with all possible haste, and rode through the length of the street, with some other horsemen following me, and, without halting anywhere, I again dashed through the Indians, and recaptured the bridges, pursuing the enemy to the mainland. As the foot soldiers were very tired, and wounded, and dismayed, none of them followed me, and this left me in a very dangerous situation after I had passed the bridges. When I sought to return, I found them retaken, and more deeply dug out than when we had filled them up, and from one side to the other all the causeway was full of people, not only on land, but also in canoes on the water, who goaded us, and stoned us in such a manner, that, if God had not interposed to save us it would have been impossible to escape; indeed it was even already announced in the city that I was dead. When I reached the last bridge nearest the city, I found all the horsemen who had gone with me fallen in it, and one horse loose, so that I could not pass, but was obliged to return alone in face of my enemies. I forced something of a passage, so that the horses passed, and after this, I found the bridge free, though I crossed with much trouble, for I had to jump the horse from one side to the other, almost six feet, but, as I and he were armoured, they did us no serious hurt beyond slight body wounds. Thus victory was theirs that night, for they had captured the said four bridges.
Leaving a guard over the other four, I went to the fort, and had a wooden bridge constructed which forty men could carry, and, seeing our great danger, and the great damage we daily received from the Indians, and fearing also that they might destroy that causeway as they had the others, when we would all inevitably perish, and because many of my company entreated me many times to depart, and because all, or nearly all, were wounded so badly that they could no longer fight, I determined to leave that same night. I collected in a room all the gold and jewels belonging to Your Majesty that could be carried, and I delivered it in parcels to the officials of Your Highness, whom I designated in your royal name, beseeching and requiring the alcaldes, and municipal authorities, and all the people who were there, to help me take it away. I gave one of my mares for this purpose, on which they loaded as much as she could cany; and I designated certain Spaniards, not only from my servants, but also of the others, to accompany the said gold and mare, and the rest of the officials, alcaldes, municipal officers, and myself, gave and distributed the remainder to the Spaniards to carry away.
Having abandoned the fort, and much treasure, belonging not only to Your Highness, but also to the Spaniards and myself,
The
Sorrowful
Night I set forth as secretly as possible, taking with me a son and two daughters of Montezuma, Cacamazin, the lord of Aculuacan, and another of his brothers, whom I had put in his place, and some other chiefs of of the provinces and cities whom I held as prisoners. When we reached the bridges which the Indians had removed we laid down the bridge which I carried with little trouble at the first crossing, for there was none to offer resistance save certain watchmen who shouted so loudly, that, before we came to the second, an infinite multitude of the enemy had risen against us, battling on every side both on water and land. I crossed rapidly with five horsemen and five hundred foot-soldiers, with whom I passed all the other broken bridges swimming until I reached the mainland. Leaving those people there, I returned to the others and found that they were fighting stoutly; but the injury our people received was beyond calculation, not only the Spaniards, but also the Tascaltecas who were with us, being nearly all killed. Though the Spaniards killed many natives, many of the Spaniards and horses were killed, likewise, and all the gold, and jewels, and many other things which we carried, and all the artillery, were lost.
When the survivors were collected, I pushed them on ahead, while I, with three or four horsemen and about twenty foot-soldiers who ventured to remain with me, took the rear-guard, fighting the Indians until we arrived at a city, called Tacuba, at the end of that causeway. God only knows how much trouble and danger I endured, because every time I faced about against our adversaries, I came back full of arrows, and darts, and stones, for as there was water on both sides, they could assail us with impunity and fearlessly. When we attacked those on land they would leap into the water, thus receiving very little hurt, except that some who in the skirmish interfered with each other and fell, were killed. With great trouble and fatigue, I conducted my remaining people to the city of Tacuba without being killed myself, nor having any Spaniard or Indian wounded, except one horseman who had gone with me to the rear. Those who went in the vanguard did not have less fighting than those on the flanks, although the strongest force was the one at our backs where the people of the city pursued us.
When I reached the city of Tacuba, I found all the people in a panic in the square, not knowing where to go, so I made great haste to get them out into the country, before more of the inhabitants should gather in the said city and capture the roofs, from which they could do us great injury. The vanguard said they did not know the way, so I sent them to the rear, and took the lead myself until we had got clear of the city, where I awaited them at some farms. When the rear-guard came up, I learned that they had sustained some injury, and that some of the Spaniards and Indians had been killed, and that much gold had been lost and left on the road, where the Indians gathered it up. I held the Indians in check there until all the people had passed on, so that the foot-soldiers might take the hill, on which there stood a strong tower and buildings. These they captured without sustaining any injury, for I did not leave my place, nor allow the enemy to advance, until they had secured the hill. God only knows the trouble and fatigue we sustained, for no horse of the twenty-four was left which could still run, nor any horseman who could raise his arms, nor a sound foot-soldier who could move. When we reached the buildings, we fortified ourselves in them, and the enemy surrounded us and besieged us until night, not leaving us an hour's rest. We found that over one hundred and fifty Spaniards were killed in this fight, forty-five mares and horses, and more than two thousand of the Indians who had aided the Spaniards; amongst the latter, they killed the son and daughters of Montezuma, and all the other chiefs whom we carried prisoners.
At midnight, believing we were not observed, we left the said lodgings very silently, leaving many fires burning in it, not knowing any road, nor where we were going. except that an Indian of Tascaltecal told us he would guide us to his country if they did not stop us on the way. There were some watchmen very near who heard us, and alarmed many towns round about, from which numbers of people gathered and pursued us until daybreak. At that time five horsemen who rode ahead as scouts met some bands of people along the road, and killed some of them; these were routed under the belief that more horsemen and foot-soldiers were coming up. When I saw that our enemies were gathering from all sides, I got into order our people who were still fit for service, making squadrons, and placing them in the vanguard, rear-guard, and on the flanks, with the wounded in the centre, and I likewise distributed the horsemen. Thus we continued all that day, fighting on all sides, so that during the whole night and day we did not advance more than three leagues. When night came on Our Lord was pleased to show us a tower and good lodging place on a hill, where we again fortified ourselves, and during that night they left us in peace, although at dawn we had some disturbance from a false alarm caused by our own fears of the multitude which kept coming in pursuit of us.
The next morning, one hour after daybreak, I departed in the order already mentioned, taking my vanguard and rear-guard in good order; and on all sides we were followed by the enemy, yelling, and raising the whole country, which is thickly populated. The horsemen, although we were few attacked them, but did little harm amongst them, because, the ground being rough, they would retreat to the hills. In this manner, we marched that day along some lakes,[75] till we reached a populous town, where we thought to have some skirmish with the townspeople. When we arrived there, they abandoned it, and went to some other towns thereabouts in the neighbourhood. I rested there that day and the next, not only because both the wounded and the sound ones of my people were very weary and exhausted with hunger and thirst, and the horses likewise were well tired out, but also because we found there some maize which we ate and carried away with us on the road, boiled and roasted. We left the next day, always pursued by our adversaries, who attacked us on the vanguard and rear-guard with many yells. We continued our march, guided by the Indian of Tascaltecal, during which we suffered much trouble and fatigue, for many times we lost our way. When it was already late, we reached a plain, where there were some small houses in which we lodged that night, suffering great want of food.
Early next morning we began our march, and, before we reached the road, our enemies still followed our rearguard. Constantly skirmishing with them, we arrived at a large town, two leagues distant, where there were some Indians stationed on the top of a small hill to the right. Believing that we might capture them, as they were near the road, and also discover if there were just behind the hill, any more than those who were visible, I started round the said hill with five horsemen and twelve foot-soldiers, and behind it there was a great city[76] of many people with whom we engaged fiercely. On account of the rocky country, and the great number of their people, and our small numbers, we had to retire to the town where our people were. I came out of this, very badly wounded in the head by two sling stones, and after binding up the wounds I made the Spaniards leave the town, because it did not seem to me a safe camp for us; and we marched thus with great numbers of Indians pursuing us, fighting so stoutly that they woimded four or five Spaniards and as many horses. They killed us a horse, also, and God only knows how great was its value to us, and what pain we suffered at its death, because, after God, our only security was the horses; but we consoled ourselves with its meat, and ate it without leaving even the skin, so great was our want; for, since leaving the capital, we had nothing to eat but roasted and boiled corn, and not always enough of that, and, in addition, some herbs which we gathered in the country.
Seeing that the enemy increased every day, and grew stronger, and that we were becoming weaker, that night I ordered the wounded and sick, whom
The Battle
of Otumba we carried behind us on our horses, to provide themselves with crutches and other contrivances for supporting themselves, so that the horses and sound Spaniards would be free to fight. From what happened to us the next day, it seemed that the Holy Ghost had inspired me with this thought, for, after we had left this camp in the morning, and marched about a league and a half, so great a multitude of Indians came out to encounter me, that all about us we could not see the ground, so completely was it covered by them. They attacked us on all sides so violently that we could not distinguish each other, for being so pressed and entangled with them. Certainly we believed that to be our last day, so great was the force of the Indians and so feeble the resistance they encountered in us; for we were already exhausted, and almost all of us wounded and fainting from hunger. But Our Lord was pleased to show His great power and mercy to us, for, with all our weakness, we broke their great pride and haughtiness, in that many of their prominent and important persons perished, for they were so many that they hindered one another, and were unable either to fight or to fly. We spent a great part of the day in this struggle, until it pleased God that one of those persons, who must have been an important chief, fell, for with his death all the battle ceased. After this, we continued our way more easily, although some of them still harassed us until we reached a small house in the plain, where we lodged that night and on the open ground. From there we first descried certain mountains of the province of Tascaltecal, at which not a little joy filled our hearts, because we recognised the country, and knew our way, although we were not quite positive of finding the natives faithful and friendly; for we feared that, seeing us so reduced, they might wish to put an end to our lives, in order to recover the liberty which they had formerly enjoyed. This thought and suspicion cast us into an affliction which equalled that which we felt whilst fighting with the Culuans.
The next morning at daybreak, we began to march by a very level road which led directly to the said province of Tascaltecal upon which only a few of our adversaries followed, although very near were many large towns; from some hills in our rear, though, from a distance, they still continued yelling at us. On this day, which was Sunday, July 8th, we left all the country of Culua, and entered the province of Tascaltecal, at a village of some three or four thousand households, called Gualipan,[77] where the natives received us very well, and somewhat relieved our great hunger and weariness, although for much of the provision which they gave us they asked payment, and would only accept gold. This we were obliged in our great necessity to give.
We remained three days in this town, and Magiscatzin, and Sicutengal, and all the chiefs of the said province and some of those of Quasucingo, came to see and speak to me, showing much grief for what had happened to us, and endeavouring to console me, reminding me that they had often told me that the Culuans were traitors against whom I should be on my guard, but that I would not believe it. Inasmuch as I had escaped alive, they said I ought to rejoice, for they would aid me until death to obtain satisfaction for the injury the Culuans had done me. They added that they felt obliged to do this as vassals of Your Highness, besides which they also suffered because of the many sons and brothers who had perished in my company, and on account of other injuries which in past times they had received, so I might be sure they would be my true and steadfast friends until death. As I now came wounded and almost all of my company exhausted, they wanted us to go into the city, four leagues from this town, where we might rest, and they would care for us and restore us. I was very grateful to them, and accepted their invitation, and gave them some few things from the valuables which had escaped, at which they were well contented; and I went with them to the said city, where I likewise had a good reception. Magiscatzin brought me a bedstead of finely finished wood, with some bed-clothing, such as they used, for me to sleep in, for we brought none; and he helped everybody with all that he had and could.
When I quit this city for Temixtitan, I had left here certain sick persons and some of my servants with silver and wearing apparel belonging to me, and certain other household things and provisions, in order to march forward unencumbered lest anything should happen to us, and all the documents and agreements which I had made with the natives of these parts should be lost. All the clothing of the Spaniards who came with me had likewise been left, as they only took away what they wore, and their bedding. I learned that another servant of mine had come from Vera Cruz, bringing provisions and things for me. He had been accompanied by horsemen and forty-five foot-soldiers, and had likewise taken with him the others whom I had left there. He carried all the silver and clothing, my own as well as that of my companions, with seven thousand dollars of melted gold, which I had left there in two chests, without counting other valuables, and other fourteen thousand dollars of gold in pieces, which had been given, in the province of Tuchitepeque, to that captain whom I had sent to build the town of Quacucalco. He carried also many other things which were worth more than thirty thousand dollars of gold. This I learned, and also that the Indians of Culua had killed them all on the road, and taken their treasure. I likewise learned that they had killed, on the roads, many other Spaniards who were coming to the city of Temixtitan, believing that I was there at peace, and that the roads were as secure as I had before held them. I assure Your Majesty that all of us were plunged into such sadness by this news that it could hardly have been worse, because the loss of these Spaniards and the treasure recalled the deaths and losses of the Spaniards who had been killed in the city, at the bridges, and on the road; and especially as it roused much suspicion in me that, in like manner, the people of Vera Cruz might have been attacked, and that those whom we considered our friends might have rebelled, upon hearing of our defeat. To learn the truth, I immediately dispatched messengers accompanied by Indians to guide them, whom I ordered to avoid the high road until they arrived at Vera Cruz, and to let me know promptly what had happened there. It pleased Our Lord that they should find the Spaniards very well, and the natives perfectly faithful. It was a great relief to learn this after our losses and griefs, though it was very bad news for them to hear of our disaster and rout. I remained twenty days in this province of Tascaltecal, healing my wounds which with the poor care on the road had become much worse, especially the
Events in
Tlascala wound on my head; and I also had all the wounded of my company cared for. Some of them died, not only from their wounds, but also on account of our past troubles; others remained maimed in their arms, and others lame in their legs, for their wounds were very bad, and for curing them there was very little means. I myself lost two fingers of my left hand.
Seeing that many of ours were dead, and that those who survived were wounded, and disheartened by the dangers and troubles through which they had passed, and fearing others still ahead, my men entreated me many times to go to Vera Cruz; for there we could fortify ourselves before those natives, whom we still considered our friends, seeing our rout and diminished numbers, could join with our enemies, and, taking the passes over which we had to cross, attack us on the one side, and our people at Vera Cruz on the other. Being there together, and having ships we would be stronger and better able to defend ourselves, in case they should attack before we summoned aid from the Islands. I, however, remembered that Fortune is always on the side of the daring, and that we were Christians, confiding in the very great mercy of God, who would never permit us to perish; and I considered that to show so little courage before the natives, especially our friends, might cause them to abandon us the sooner, and turn against us; that this great and noble country, at peace and on the point of being secured under Your Majesty, would be lost. The war must be continued, to bring about the pacification of this country as it was before, and I determined on no account to go to the sea-port, but rather, disregarding all difficulty and danger which might offer, I said that I would not abandon this country; for besides its being disgraceful to me and very dangerous to all, we would act treasonably towards Your Majesty, and I was determined to return against the enemy from all possible points, and to take the offensive against them in every way I could.
After stopping twenty days in this province, although I was not yet well of my wounds, and those of my com
Expedition
to
Tepeaca pany were still somewhat weak, I left for another, called Tepeaca, which belonged to the league and confederation of Culua, our enemy. I had been informed that the inhabitants there had killed ten or twelve Spaniards who were on their way by the road which passes there, from Vera Cruz to the capital. The said province of Tepeaca borders with those of Tascaltecal and Churultecal, for it is very large. As we were entering that province, many natives came out to attack us, defending the road, as best they could, by fortifying themselves in strong and dangerous positions. To avoid prolixity, I do not give an account of all the particulars of this war; I will only say that, after the requirements had been made on the part of Your Majesty, that they should make peace, and they had refused to submit, we fought with them several times; and, with the help of God, and the royal good fortune of Your Highness, we always scattered them, and killed many, without their killing one of us in the whole course of the said war, or wounding one solitary Spaniard. Although, as I have said, this province is very large, I pacified many cities and provinces subject to it in about twenty das, and the lords and chiefs of it came and offered themselves as vassals to Your Majesty. Moreover I expelled many Culuans, who had come to this province to help the natives in making war upon us, and to hinder them by fair means or foul from becoming our friends. Thus I had to busy myself up till now in this matter which is not yet altogether finished, for there are still some cities and towns to be pacified, which by the help of Our Lord will shortly be, like these others, subject to the royal dominion of Your Majesty.
In a certain part of this province, where they killed those ten Spaniards, the natives were always very active in the war, and very rebellious, and had to be reduced by force of arms. I made a number slaves, of whom I gave a fifth part to the officials of Your Majesty. I did this especially as, in addition to their having killed the said Spaniards, and rebelled against the service of Your Highness, they eat human flesh, a fact. so notorious that I do not send proofs of it to Your Majesty. I was also moved to make the said slaves in order to strike terror into the Culuans, and also because there are many who will never mend themselves until great and severe punishment is inflicted upon them. We entered upon this war with the aid of the natives of Tascaltecal, and Churultecal, and Quasucingo, by which our friendship has been well confirmed; and we are convinced that they will always serve Your Highness as loyal vassals.
While conducting this war in the province of Tepeaca, I received letters from Vera Cruz, telling me that two ships had arrived in that port, belonging to Francisco de Garay who it appears had again sent more people to that great river which I described to Your Highness, and that the natives there had fought with them, killing seventeen or eighteen Christians, and wounding many others. They had likewise killed seven horses, and the remaining Spaniards who returned to the ships had escaped by their good legs. The captains and all of them had arrived very much shattered and wounded, and my lieutenant had received them very kindly and taken care of them. That they might convalesce the better, he had sent some of the said Spaniards to the country of a friendly chief near there, where they were well attended to and provided for. All this grieved su as much as our own past troubles, but perchance this rout would not have happened to them if they had united with me at first, as I have already recounted to Your Highness; for I was then well inforned about everything in these parts, and they would have had such advice from me that what had happened could not have occurred, especially as the lord of that river and country, called Panuco, had given himself as a vassal to Your Majesty. In recognition of his allegiance he had sent me certain gifts by his messenger to the city of Temixtitan, as I have already stated. I have written to Vera Cruz, that if the captain of Francisco de Garay desires to leave, to lend him assistance, and help him to dispatch his ships.
After having pacified and subjugated to the royal service of Your Highness all of this province which has been pacified, Your Majesty's officials and I con
Founding of
Segura
de la
Frontera ferred many times respecting the measures to be taken for its security. Seeing that the natives had first given themselves as vassals of Your Highness, and then rebelled and killed the Spaniards, and that they were on the road and pass where the traffic of all the sea-ports had to pass towards the interior, we considered that, if it were left to itself as before, the natives of this country, and also of Culua who were very near, would again try to seduce them into rebellion, from which would follow much harm and impediment to the pacification of these parts, and to the service of Your Highness; and the said traffic would cease, especially as on the road to the coast there are two very steep and rough passes, which confine with the said province, where the natives could defend themselves with little difficulty. For this, as well as for other reasons and weighty causes, it seemed to us that, to prevent the aforesaid evils, a town should be founded in the best part of the said province of Tepeaca, where the necessary conditions could be found for the colonists. And for the purpose of carrying this out, I, in the name of Your Majesty, gave the said town the name of Segura de la Frontera,[78] and I named alcaldes and municipal and other officers as is customary; and, for the better security of the householders of this town, materials are being brought to build a fort on the place I designated; as materials hereabouts are of good quality, all possible haste shall be employed.
While writing this account, messengers came to me from the chief of the city, called Guacachula,[79] about five leagues from this province, and situated at the entrance of a pass leading to the province of Mexico. They told me, on behalf of the said chief, that several days before they had intended to come to me to tender the obedience they owed to Your Majesty, as your vassals, and I must not consider them culpable, believing their failure to do so was voluntary. They told me that some captains of Culua were lodged in their city, and that in it and about a league distant were thirty thousand men in garrison, guarding that pass, to prevent our crossing it, and also to prevent the natives of their city and other neighbouring provinces from serving Your Majesty, and becoming our friends; and they said they would have come to offer themselves to Your Royal service, had those men not prevented them. They let me know this that I might remedy it, because, besides the obstruction it was to those who were well disposed, the people of the city and neighbourhood suffered much injury, as they were taxed and ill-treated by the many armed warriors who took their women and chattels. If I would help them, they said they would obey any orders I gave them. After thanking them for their information and offer, I immediately gave them thirteen horsemen, two hundred foot-soldiers, and some thirty thousand Indian allies, to accompany them.[80] It was agreed that they should lead them by roads where they would not be seen, and, when they approached near the city, its chiefs, and inhabitants, and other vassals and confederates, should be notified, and should surround the quarters where the captains were, to capture and kill them before their men could help them, so that, when the latter did appear, the Spaniards would already be in the city waiting to fight and rout them. They and the Spaniards marched by the city of Churultecal and through some parts of the province of Quasucingo, which borders on the territory of Guacachula within four leagues of it; and, in a town of the said province of Quasucingo, it is said that they told the Spaniards that the natives of that province were leagued with the Guacachulans and Culuans to entice the Spaniards with this project to the said city, where they could kill them. As the fright, with which the Culuans in their city and country had inspired them, had not yet altogether abated, this information alarmed the Spaniards; and the captain whom I had sent with them made an investigation, and took prisoner all those chiefs of Quasucingo who were with them, and the messengers from the city of Guacachula, and returned with them to the city of Churultecal, four leagues from there. Thence, together with the proofs he had obtained, he sent to me all the prisoners, attended by horsemen and foot-soldiers. The captain also wrote me that our people were frightened because the enterprise seemed very difficult. On the arrival of the prisoners I spoke to them by my interpreter, and, having used all diligence to learn the truth, it appeared that the captain had misjudged them so I immediately set them free and satisfied them, protesting that I believed them loyal vassals of Your Sacred Majesty, and that I would go myself to destroy the Culuans. To avoid showing any timidity or hesitancy to the natives, both friends and enemies, it seemed that I ought not to abandon the proposed expedition. To relieve the fears of some of the Spaniards, I determined to suspend other business, and the dispatch for Your Majesty which I was writing, and thus I set out that same hour with all possible haste, arriving the same day at the city of Churultecal (which is eight leagues from this city) where I found the Spaniards, who still affirmed their conviction of the treachery.
The next day, I slept in the town of Quasucingo, where the chiefs had been arrested. Having agreed with the messengers of Guacachula as to where and how we should enter their city, I started the next day, one hour before daybreak, arriving near it about ten o'clock in the morning. About half a league distant from it, certain messengers of the city met me on the road to tell me that everything was well planned and ready, and that the Culuans knew nothing of our coming, because the natives of the said city had captured certain of their spies, who were on the road, and also some others whom the Culuan captains had stationed on the walls and towers of the city to overlook the country. All our adversaries were thus off their guard, believing they were protected by their watchmen and spies; hence I might advance undiscovered. I therefore made haste to reach the city unseen, for we were marching over a plain where we might easily be observed.
It appeared that as soon as the townspeople perceived us, and saw how near we were, they immediately surrounded the quarters of the captains, and began to attack the others scattered throughout the city. When I arrived within a bow shot of the city, as many as forty prisoners were brought to me, and I made the more haste to enter. There was a great uproar in all the streets of the city. Fighting with the adversaries, and guided by the inhabitants, I reached the captains' quarters which I found surrounded by more than three thousand men striving to enter the gate. They had taken possession of the upper stories and terraces, but the captains fought so well and so steadily that they could not force an entrance; although the Culuans were few, they fought like valiant men, and besides the building was strong. When I arrived, we entered with so many natives that it was impossible to prevent the defenders being killed forthwith; for I wished to take some alive, in order to get information about matters in the capital, and to learn who was sovereign after the death of Montezuma, and about other things. I could only rescue one more dead than alive, who informed me as I shall relate hereafter. They killed many who were quartered in the city, and the survivors, learning of my coming, began to fly towards the garrison, but many of them were likewise killed in the pursuit. This tumult was so quickly heard and understood by the men of the garrison, who were on a certain elevation, commanding the city and the surrounding plain, that those who were escaping from the city encountered the others who were coming to its relief to see what had happened. The latter were altogether more than thirty thousand men, and the most brilliant troops we had yet seen, for they wore many ornaments of gold, and silver, and feathers, and, as the city was large, they began to set fire to it in the quarter where they entered. This became quickly known to the inhabitants, and I sallied forth with only horsemen, for the foot-soldiers were already very tired. We broke through the enemy, who retreated to a position which we took from them, following them up and overtaking many of them on a very rough slope, so that when we gained the top neither the enemy nor ourselves were able to advance or retreat. Many fell dead, without a wound, stifled by the heat, and two horses were exhausted, one of which died. We did much damage, for many of our Indian allies came up, and, as they arrived fresh and the adversaries were almost dead, they killed many, so that in a very short time the field was cleared of the living, and covered with the dead. We reached the barracks and huts which they had recently made in the field, and which were in three divisions each of which appeared like a good-sized village. In addition to their warriors, they had a great display of servants, and provisions, and camp supplies, there having been, as I learned afterwards, some notable persons in it. All was despoiled and burned by our Indian friends, who, I assure Your Majesty, had gathered to the number of one hundred thousand men. Having by this victory expelled all the enemy from the country, and driven them beyond some bridges and narrow passes, we returned to the city, where we were well received, and quartered by the inhabitants; and we rested in that city three days, being in great need of repose.
At this time, the natives of a large city, called Ocupatuyo (which is on the top of these sierras, two leagues from the enemy's camp, and also at the foot of the mountain chain, where I said the smoke comes out), came to offer themselves to the service of Your Majesty. They said that their chief had gone away with the Culuans when we pursued them, believing that we would not stop before reaching his city, but that they had desired my friendship for many days, wishing to come and offer themselves as vassals of Your Majesty, although their chief would not allow it nor consent to it, in spite of their having entreated his permission. They said that now they wished to serve Your Highness, and that the brother of the said chief, who had shared their opinion and intentions was likewise still of the same mind. They prayed me that I would approve his succession to the lordship, and that although the other might return, I would not consent to his being received as their chief; if so neither would they receive him. I told them that, as they had been of the league and confederation of Culua, and had rebelled against the service of Your Majesty, they deserved severe punishment, and that I had thought to execute it upon their persons and property; but, inasmuch as they had come, saying their chief was the cause of their rebellion and uprising, I, in the name of Your Majesty, pardoned their past error, and received and admitted them to Your Royal service. I warned them that if they committed a similar error again they would be punished and chastised, but if they proved loyal vassals of Your Royal Highness, I would favour and help them in Your Royal name; and they promised to do this.
This city of Guacachula is situated in a plain, bounded on one side by very high and rugged hills, and on the other by
Fortifica-
tions of
Guacachula two rivers about two bow shots apart, each of which flows through very deep and large ravines. There are, consequently, very few entrances to the city, and those which exist are so rough to ascend and descend, that it can hardly be accomplished on horseback. The entire I city is surrounded by a very strong wall of stone and mortar, the outside being about twenty feet high, while from the inside it is about on the same level with the ground. There is a battlement along the wall three feet high, to protect them in fighting, and they have tour entrances, broad enough for a man to enter on horseback. At each of these entrances, there are three or four curves in the wall, doubling one over the other, and above these turnings there is also a battlement on the walls, from which they can fight. They keep a great quantity of all sorts of large and small stones all along this wall which they use in fighting. This city may have some five or six thousand households, and in the surrounding hamlets subject to them as many others or more. It is very extensive, and within the city are many gardens of fruits and aromatic herbs, as is their custom.
After resting three days in this said city, we went to another, called Izzucan, four leagues distant from Guacachula, because I was informed that there were many Culuans in garrison there also, and that the people of the said city, and of other towns and places dependent on them, were, and showed themselves to be, very partial to the Culuans because their chief was a blood relation of Montezuma. So many of the natives, vassals of Your Majesty, accompanied me that they almost covered the country and the mountains as far as we could see, and in truth there were more than one hundred and twenty thousand men; and we arrived at the said town of Izzunca at ten o'clock, finding it deserted by women and young people, but there were about five or six thousand well-armed warriors in it. When the Spaniards appeared before it, they attempted some defence of their city, but they shortly abandoned it, because from the side to which we were guided for entering we found a practical entrance. We pursued them through the city, forcing them to jump over the crenellated top of the wall into a river which surrounds it on the other side, whose bridges being destroyed we were somewhat delayed in crossing it; and we followed in pursuit of them about a league and a half, in which distance I believe few escaped. Returning to the city, I sent two of its natives who had been taken prisoner to speak to the principal persons of the city, for the chief of it had also gone with the Culuans of the garrison, so as to induce them to return to their city; and I promised them in the name of Your Majesty that, being loyal vassals of Your Highness from henceforth, they would be well treated by me, and their rebellion and past error forgiven. These natives left, and three days later some of the principal persons came and asked pardon for their error, saying that they could not have acted otherwise, because they had done what their chief commanded them, but that they promised from henceforth, inasmuch as their chief had gone and left them, to serve Your Majesty well and loyally. I reassured them, telling them to return to their homes, and to bring back their wives and children who were in other places and towns of their allies; and I told them likewise to tell the inhabitants of those towns to come to me and I would pardon them the past, for they would not like that I should be obliged to come to them, as then they would sustain much damage, which would greatly grieve me. Thus it was done, and within two days that city of Izzucan was again populated; and its dependencies came to offer themselves as vassals of Your Highness, and all that province remained very secure, and, with those of Guacachula, our friends and allies.
A certain difference arose as to whom the province of this city of Izzucan belonged in the absence of the
Disputed
Succession
at Izzucan chief who had gone to Mexico. The former rightful chief of this province had been put to death by Montezuma, who, in his place put the present ruler, whom he had married to one of his own nieces; and a dispute had arisen as to the right of succession between a bastard son of the murdered chief and the son of his legitimate daughter, who had married the chief of Guacachula. It was agreed amongst them, that the lordship should be inherited by that son of the chief of Guacachula who descended by the legitimate line from the old chief, for, although the other was a son, he could not inherit my presence they gave obedience to that boy, who was about ten years old; and, not being of an age to govern them, they decided that the bastard uncle should act with three other chiefs, one of Guacachula, and two of Izzucan, who should be governors of the country and should have control of the boy until he should be of an age to rule.
This city of Izzucan may have some three or four thousand households, and its streets and markets are well laid out. It has one hundred mosques and strong oratories with their towers, all of which we burnt. It stands on a plain at the foot of a medium-sized hill, where they have a very good fort, and, on the other side towards the plain, it is surrounded by a deep river which flows near the wall, which is thus surrounded by the deep ravine of the river. Over the ravine they have made a battlement, about six feet in height, which extends all round the city, and all along the wall they had placed many stones. The valley is circular, and very fertile in fruits and cotton, which latter is not produced on the heights because of the cold, and it belongs to tierra caliente because it is well protected by the mountain ranges. The whole valley is irrigated by well constructed aqueducts.
I remained in this city until I could leave it well peopled and pacified. There likewise came to it, to offer themsevles as vassals of Your Majesty the chief of the city called Guajocingo, and the lord of another city, ten leagues distant from that of Izzucan, on the frontier of Mexico. There came also people from eight of the towns of the province of Coastoaca.[81] This is one of those mentioned in previous chapters, where the Spaniards, whom I had sent to seek gold in the provinces of Zuzula\[82] and Tamazula[83] (for they joined each other) had said that there because he was a bastard. Thus it was settled, and in were very great towns and houses, well built of the best masonry, such as we had not seen in any of these parts. This province of Coastoaca is forty leagues from that of Izzucan. The natives of the said eight towns offered themselves as vassals of Your Highness, and said that four others in the same province would come very soon. They asked me to excuse them if they had not dared to do so before for fear of the Culuans, but said that they never had taken up arms against me, nor had they participated in the killing of any Spaniards, and that always since offering themselves to the service of Your Highness they had been good and loyal subjects in their hearts, but had not dared to manifest it out of fear of the Culuans. Thus Your Highness may be very sure that, Our Lord favouring Your Royal good fortune, we shall within a short time regain what was lost, or the greater part of it; because every day many provinces and cities, who before were subject to Montezuma, come to offer themselves as vassals of Your Majesty; for they see that those who do so are well received and treated by me, and that those who do otherwise are destroyed one after another.
From prisoners taken in the city of Guacachula, especially from that wounded man, I learned very fully
Montezu-
ma's
Successor about the affairs of the capital of Temixtitan, and how, after the death of Montezuma, a brother of his, lord of the city of Iztapalapa, called Cuetravacin,[84] had succeeded to the lordship, because the son of Montezuma, who should have inherited the sovereignty was killed at the bridges and of his two other living sons one is said to be mad, and the other palsied. They said that for these reasons and because he had made war against us, the brother had inherited, and was regarded as a very valiant and prudent man. I likewise learned how they were fortifying, not only the city, but other places in the dominion, and how they were preparing walls, barricades, trenches, and all kinds of arms; and I learned especially that they were making long lances, like pikes, for the horses, and we have even seen some of these with which they were fighting in the province of Tepeaca, and in the hamlets and buildings where the Culuans were quartered at Guacachula, we likewise found many of them. I learned many other things which I omit in order not to weary Your Highness.
small-pox, which raged throughout the country. To this dread pest, called by the Aztecs, Teozahuatl — Cuitlahuac fell a victim, and after a brief reign of eighty days, died on Nov. 25, 1520. During this period he had exerted every effort to unite all the forces of Mexico against the common enemy, sending embassies to friends and foes alike, urging that old differences be buried for the moment, and that all should make common cause to expel or destroy the strangers. He found a supporter in Xicotencatl, who, like himself had never believed in the semi-divine character of the teules, or gods as the Spaniards were commonly termed, but had from the first distrusted them, and counselled their destruction. Maxixcatzin withstood Xicotencatl in the Tlascalan Senate when the embassy from Mexico appeared proposing an alliance; in the acrimonious dispute which ensued, the old Senator struck the young General, and knocked him down the steps of the rostrum. Maxixcatzin prevailed over the divided opinions, and the ambassadors withdrew hurriedly to report their failure to their sovereign. Cortes was informed of these negotiations, and visited Maxixcatzin to thank him for holding the Republic to the Spanish Alliance. As will be seen in a note to the Third Letter, Xicotencatl's sentiments towards the Spaniards never changed. His foresight was keener than that of his countrymen, and he discerned that the white men were far more formidable enemies than the Mexicans, but the lust for present revenge prevailed over considerations of future independence. Xicotencatl was unsupported, and, in the end, he paid with his life the price of his invincible aversion. I sent four ships to the island of Hispaniola, that they might return quickly with horses and people for our assistance; and I likewise sent to buy four others, so that they might bring from the island of Hispaniola, and the city of San Domingo, horses and horsemen, bows, and powder, because this is what we most need in these parts. Foot soldiers armed with shields are of little service, on account of the great number of people, and their having so great and such strong cities and forts. I therefore wrote to the licentiate Rodrigo de Figueroa, and to Your Highness's officials in the said island, asking them to favour and assist me as much as possible, as it was of such importance to Your Highness's services, and the security of our lives, since, on the arrival of this help, I intended to return against the capital and its country; and I believe, as I have already told Your Majesty, that it will again in a short time return to the condition in which I had it before, and that the past losses will be made good. Meanwhile, I am engaged in building twelve brigantines to launch on the lake, and already they are making the decking and other parts of them, because they have to be carried overland, so that on their arrival they may be joined and completed in a short time. Nails are also being made for them, and the pitch, sails, tow, oars, and other things, which are necessary are being got ready. I assure Your Majesty that, until I achieve this end, I shall take no rest, nor shall I cease to strive in every possible way and manner for it, disregarding all the danger, and trouble, and cost, which may come upon me.
Two or three days ago, I learnt by a letter from my lieutenant at Vera Cruz, that a small caravel had arrived in that port with about thirty seamen and landsmen, who said they were seeking the people whom Francisco de Garay had sent to this country. Of these latter I have written to Your Majesty that they arrived in such want of provisions that, if they had not found succour there, they would have died from hunger and thirst. I learned from them how they had reached the river Panuco, remaining anchored there thirty days without seeing any people along all the river or in the country, from which it is believed that that country has been deserted on account of what had happened there. The people of the said caravel likewise said that two or three other ships of the said Francisco de Garay would follow immediately behind them with people and horses, and that they believed they had already passed down the coast. It seemed to me, then, that it was not in compliance with Your Highness's service that these ships and people should be lost through going in ignorance of the affairs of the country, as the natives might do them more harm than they had the first ones. The said caravel should be sent to seek those two ships, in order to notify them of what had happened, and to bring them to the port of the said city, where the captain sent by Francisco de Garay was waiting for them. And God grant that he finds them in time before they go ashore, because, as the natives were already on the look-out, and the Spaniards were ignorant, I fear they may sustain much harm, and that it would not serve God Our Lord and Your Highness, for it would enrage those dogs [the Indians] all the more, and inspire them with more courage and daring against those who might come hereafter.
I said in one of the preceding chapters, that I had learned that, after the death of Montezuma, his brother, called Cuetravacin, who had been raised as
Montezu-
ma's
Successor lord, was preparing many kinds of arms, and fortifying himself in the capital, and in other cities near the lake. And a short time since, I have likewise learned that the said Cuetravacin has sent his messengers to all the countries, provinces, cities, subject to the said sovereignty, to promise his vassals that he has graciously remitted during one year all tributes and taxes which they are obliged to pay him, on condition that they would use every means to make a very cruel war on all Christians, either killing them or expelling them from the country; and that they were to do in like manner to all natives who were our friends or allies. Although I have trust in Our Lord that they will not be able to carry out their intention, I am in extreme need of help and aid, because the Indians, our friends, come daily from many cities, towns, and hamlets, to ask for help against their enemies and ours, the Culuans, who make war on them because they hold to our friendship and alliance, and I am not able to help everywhere as I would wish. But, as I say, may it please Our Lord to augment our few forces, and to send, not only His own help, but also that which I have sent to ask from Hispaniola.
From what I have seen and understood concerning the similarity between this country and Spain, in its fertility, its size, its climate, and in many other features of it, it seemed to me the most suitable name for this country would be New Spain of the Ocean Sea, and thus in the name of Your Majesty I have christened it. I humbly supplicate Your Highness to approve of this and order that it be so called.
I have written to Your Majesty, although badly expressed, the truth of all that has happened in these parts and whatever it was most necessary Your Highness should know, and, by my other letter which goes with this present, I send to supplicate Your Royal Excellency to send a trustworthy person to make an enquiry and investigation of everything, for the purpose of informing Your Sacred Majesty of all. In this dispatch I also again very humbly supplicate the same, for I shall consider it a very particular favour, as giving entire credit to what I write. Very High and Most Excellent Prince, may God, Our Lord, preserve the life and the very royal person and the very powerful state of Your Sacred Majesty, and augment it for long time with increase of many greater kingdoms and dominions, according as your royal heart may desire. From the town of Segura de la Frontera, of this New Spain, on the 30th October, 1520. Your Sacred Majesty's very humble servant and vassal, who kisses the very royal feet and hands of Your Highness.
Note.[85] — After this, the news arrived on the first of the month of March past from the said New Spain, of how the Spaniards had taken by force the great city of Temixtitan, in which more Indians had perished than did Jews in the destruction of Jerusalem when it was taken by Vespasian, and in it there was likewise a greater number of people than in the said Holy City. They found little treasure because the natives had thrown and submerged it in the waters; they took only two hundred thousand dollars, and the Spaniards remained well fortified in the said city, which at present has about fifteen hundred foot soldiers, and five hundred horsemen, and they have more than one hundred thousand friendly natives in their camp. These are great and strange things, and it is without doubt another world, and the sole desire to see it causes envy to us who are outside its borders. The news which we hold to be worthy of belief is up to the beginning of April, 1522. This present letter of relation was printed in the very noble and very loyal city of Seville by Jacob Cromberger, a German, on the 8th of November, 1522.
- ↑ Muteczuma, Motezuma, Motecuhzoma are some of the various forms used, but, amongst the several spellings of the Aztec sovereign's name, it seems simpler to adopt the one sanctioned by the best English and American usage — Montezuma.
Montezuma Xocoyotzin was one of the six sons of the King Axayacatl (a.d. 1469-81), and was unanimously chosen by the electors to succeed his uncle, Ahuitzotl, from amongst the eligible princes, who, in that instance, were his own five brothers, and the seven sons of the deceased emperor. Montezuma II assumed the appellation of "Xocoyotzin" upon his accession, signifying "younger, to distinguish him from the elder Montezuma, Ilhuicamina. Prescott gives his age as twenty-three at the time of election, but I prefer to follow the authority of the Tezozomoc MS., given in Orozco y Berra, which states that he was born in 1486 and was hence thirty-four years old.
His early career was that of a successful soldier, from which he passed into the priesthood, rising to the grade of a pontiff. At that time he was held in great veneration by the people, as one who received revelations from the gods, and his strict life was a model to his fellows. It is related that, when the news of his election to the imperial throne was brought to him, he was found sweeping the steps of the temple whose altars he served. His temperament was theocratic; he ruled sternly, and ill-brooked opposition, or even counsel, but he was princely in recompensing faithful service. He had embellished his capital, but the liberality which built an aqueduct, a hospital, and new temples in the city, cost the subject provinces dear, and Montezuma being both despotic and a heavy tax-levier, was more feared than loved by his people and allies. Loving order, he understood the science of government, but his finer qualities were marred by his inordinate pride, and most of all by the ferocious superstition which finally lost him his throne and his life. The policy he adopted with Cortes was fatal, and shows us the pitiful figure of the monarch struggling, not against the power of an invading force, but taken in the coils of his own superstition, and reduced to a humble suppliant, offering rich bribes to the man he could have annihilated. The treasures he thus incautiously exposed, argued the existence of still greater in reserve, and whetted the Spaniard's craving for more.
An account of Montezuma's death will be found in a later note.
- ↑ Cempoal. Found with many variations of spelling such as Cenipoal, Cempoalla, Zempoala, etc. The town was situated between the two rivers Chatcalacac and Actopan, a little more than a league from the sea. It was a well built town in the midst of a fertile country, four leagues from Vera Cruz; and still preserves its Indian name. A Spanish lad of twelve was left at Cempoal to learn the language.
- ↑ The destruction of the ships is one of the most dramatic episodes in the eventful history of the conquest, and Cortes, in reporting it to the Emperor, assumes exclusively the credit of the heroic decision and its execution, but throughout his narrative he is chary of ever mentioning anybody but himself. Gomara naturally gives the same account and Prescott accepts his version, as do other reputable historians. Bernal Diaz, who figures always as the great objector and corrector, contradicts this account very positively, and says that the destruction of the ships was decided upon after a general discussion, and that Cortes was unwilling to accept any responsibility either for their demolition or for their cost if there should later arise a necessity to pay for them to their rightful owners. He refutes with emphatic scorn Gomara's assertion that Cortes feared to tell the soldiers of his intention to push into the interior in search of the great Montezuma, exclaiming: "What sort of Spaniards are we, not to want to push ahead, but to stop where we had no hardships or fighting!" The Relacion of Andres de Tapia (who was also an eye-witness) agrees with Bernal Diaz. Puertocarrero replied in La Coruña in the same sense as his companion Montejo (April 29, 1520), stating that the proposal to destroy all but three of the ships came from the captains of them, who declared them to be unseaworthy, and even the three to be of doubtful value. Puertocarrero and Montejo sailed, as has been said, on July 16th, with the treasure and the letters which were dated July 10th, so that the discovery of the conspiracy, and the punishment of its authors, and the destruction of the ships, all took place in those six days. Clavigero believes that Cortes induced some of the pilots to scuttle one or two of the ships, and to then come to him representing the others as unseaworthy from being three months in port.
Señor Orozco y Berra is doubtless right in believing that the idea of destroying the ships originated with Cortes, who adroitly suggested it in such wise, and with such arguments, that it came back to him as a spontaneous proposal from the others, prompted, or at least supported by the opinions of the pilots and ship-captains that the vessels were unsound. Such artifice was not alien to his diplomacy, for he usually contrived that he should appear to interpret the popular will as well as to serve the royal interests in all his undertakings.
- ↑ Francisco de Garay sailed with Columbus on his second voyage. Las Casas speaks of his great wealth, and says that he had five thousand Indians solely to look after his pigs. He went to Spain as procurator for San Domingo, and returned as Lieut-Governor of Jamaica. When the news of the Cordoba and Grijalba expeditions became the excitement of the day, Garay sent out an exploring party under command of Diego de Camargo. This discovered the Panuco region, and, continuing thence about one hundred leagues towards Florida, finally returned to Jamaica. The Emperor Charles V. granted him faculties for further enterprises, and the title of adelantado of the new countries he discovered. Garay was one of the most cruel oppressors of the Indians and it was said of him that he came, not to populate, but to depopulate, Jamaica. This expedition, of which Cortes writes, was composed of four ships carrying two hundred and seventy men, with horses and cannon, and had sailed from Jamaica towards the close of 1518, under command of Alonzo Alvarez de Piñeda.
- ↑ The present Nautla in the state of Vera Cruz; Piñeda named it Almeria.
- ↑ The Panuco.
- ↑ The castellano was equivalent to $1.167.
- ↑ Xochimilco was the correct name; it is now called Xico.
- ↑ Now called Paso del Obispo.
- ↑ Another name which is spelled according to the caprice of each writer; its proper name was Ixhuacan, now spelled Ishuacan, and the tower is some ten leagues from Xalapa.
- ↑ Identified, with probability, as the Sierra del Agua.
- ↑ The name of the valley was Caltanmic, and that of the town, Xocotla; its chief, Olintetl, was so enormous that he had to be supported when he walked. The Spaniards named him the "trembler." There was a strong Mexican garrison at Xocotla, as it was a fortified place on the frontiers of hostile Tlascala.
- ↑ Ixtacmaxtitlan, in the present state of Puebla. For convenience' sake the town was removed from the hill-top in 1601 and built on its present site lower down.
- ↑ Tlascala was a republic composed of four federated states, each ruled by its chief, while federal affairs and legislation were undertaken by the Senate, which was composed of the nobles of all four states, and their over-lords. The city was likewise divided into four districts, in which people of the separate tribes lived, each under its own chief. As the country was hemmed in on all sides by the Aztec Empire, there was no commerce, and the chief pursuit was agriculture. The Tlascalans were a brave, hardy, and war-like people, well advanced in military science, and having something very like a feudal system of chivalry, in that the different chiefs or lords had each his own standard and crest, and the soldiers were uniformed in their leaders' colours and owed him allegiance; Xicotencatl's. device was a white heron on a rock. There were also orders of knighthood conferred for bravery. Their important part in the conquest is noticed elsewhere, and will also appear in the course of Cortes's own narration. One of his first desires was to force Christianity upon them, but Fray Bartolomé de Olmedo wisely restrained his untimely zeal, and, beyond explaining the Christian doctrines, no constraint was attempted. The Tlascalans conceded that the Christian God must very likely be a good one, and they were ready to admit him to a place in their own pantheon, something after the manner of the Emperor Hadrian and other Romans. The four chiefs ruling the confederation at that time were Xicotencatl, lord of Titzatlan, Maxixcatzin, lord of Ocotelolco, Tlehuexolotzin, lord of Tepeticpac, and Citlalpopocatzin, lord of Quiahuitztlan. (Clavigero, Storia Antica, lib. viii.) (Vide, Camarga, Hist. Tlascala; and Torquemada, lib. 3-16.)
- ↑ Bernal Diaz contradicts Cortes's statement that this wall was built of dry stones, and states that the stones were so firmly united by such strong bitumen that it required pick axes to separate them. Clavigero, in his notice on the remains of military architecture in Mexico (lib. vii. Sec. xxvi.), gives faith to Bernal Diaz who professed to have carefully studied the construction, though he brusquely characterises the old soldier as an idiot (sic) for not distinguishing between bitumen and the mortar used by the Mexicans. Lest the ingenious construction of the aperture be not clearly enough explained by Cortes, the accompanying drawing will show its character.
- ↑ One of their most formidable weapons was the maquahuitl, commonly referred to by the Spaniards as a sword. It was a stout stick or club, about three and a half feet long, set with a double row of blades made of the stone called itztli, as sharp as razors. The warrior carried this terrible weapon attached to his wrist by a thong, and instances of a horse being disembowelled, or even decapitated at a single blow, are given by many early writers. The blades or itztli were quickly dulled, but, even then, such a weapon wielded by a strong man was a fearsome thing.
Their darts, which are so frequently mentioned, were short lances, whose points were tipped with bone or copper, or simply hardened in the fire. Clavigero identifies them with the Roman Jaculum or Telum Amentatum, and says they were the weapons most feared by the Spaniards. As marksmen, the Mexican bowmen were marvellously quick and accurate; their arrows were also pointed with bone, but, singularly enough, there is no mention throughout the conquest of poison being used on them.
- ↑ The banner was of black silk bearing the arms of Charles V., and on both sides a red cross surrounded by blue and white rays. The legend was as follows: Amici sequamur Crucem et si nos fidem habemus vere in hoc signo viceremus.
- ↑ Xicotencatl, son of the lord of Titzatlan, was a brave and able commander. He bore the same name as his father, which has led some writers to merge the two into one person, and others to confuse their deeds. The father was a very old man, though he was probably not one hundred and forty years old, as some have stated, when he met Cortes he asked to be allowed to feel his face, for he was blind.
- ↑ An old proverb which said: "Pierre le Charbonnier savait bien ou il était, mats il ignorait le moyen d'en sortir"; pointing at foolish people who were always plunging into difficulties from which they never knew how to emerge.
- ↑ Maxixcatzin, lord of the state of Ocotelolco, in the republic of Tlascala, and commander in chief of the united armies.
- ↑ Called by the Indians "tequesquit." It is made from the saltpetre, which was largely found in the neighbourhood of Ixtapalapan and Ixtapaluca (Ixtabl meaning saltpetre), and formed an important article of commerce, which however did not reach the Tlascalans on account of the permanent state of hostilities. As they were also cut off from the sea, salt had been for fifty years an almost unknown luxury amongst them; cotton which was a product of the tierra caliente was for the same reason denied them.
- ↑ Cholula, sixty leagues distant from the city of Mexico, was the sacred city of Anahuac, the Jerusalem, or Mecca, of the nations, where stood (and stands) the greatest pyramid in Mexico, of whose construction there is no authentic record. The form of government there was theocratic, and the priests chose a captain-general to command the army, while the civil affairs were administered by a council composed of six nobles. The Cholula pyramid, now so covered with earth, and overgrown with shrubs and trees, that its artificial character and architectural lines are no longer discernible, measures at the length of its base 1423 feet, or twice the length of Cheops; the square of the base covers about forty-four acres, and the flat area on the summit a little more than one acre.The chief deity worshipped at Cholula was the mysterious "fair god Quetzalcoatl (see Appendix III., at the close of this Letter). Bernal Diaz declared that Cholula reminded him of Valladolid because of its many lofty towers.
- ↑ Cortes's unfaltering conviction was that he was an instrument of divine justice, and he acted the part consistently, determined that others should so regard him. He started from the dogmatic assumption that the new world belonged to Spain by right of Pope Alexander's bull of donation; that its inhabitants were therefore just as much the lawful subjects of the Crown as were the natives of Castile, or Granada, and that for them to refuse obedience was rebellion. The native chiefs in resisting his pretentions, and defending their countries, became, according to his reasoning, instigators of revolt and must be dealt with as such. Most of all, the people were practisers of idolatry, in peril of eternal damnation, whom it was a chief part of his mission to rescue, and bring into the knowledge of the Faith. He held himself to be merciful, in that he invariably invited their obedience, by explaining what a privilege it was to be ruled by such a mighty sovereign as the Emperor, and sought to effect their conversion by expounding the doctrines of the Catholic religion. Once this choice was put plainly before them, and they had refused to accept the dual blessings of vassalage and conversion, they became in his eyes contumacious rebels, and conscious heretics. He had the Spanish XVI. century standards as to how all such were to be treated. He followed, in this case, the usual solemn formality of causing a letter to be drawn up by a notary; that the Cholulan priests could not understand a word of it did not detract from the validity of the proceeding.
- ↑ The real purpose of the Tlascalans was to embroil Cortes with the Cholulans, and, with the help of the invincible Spaniards, to crush their ancient enemy.
- ↑ These trumpets were made of wood and canes, and were well played, giving forth very sonorous notes.
- ↑ The Spaniards commonly used the word "mosque" to designate any non-Christian place of worship.
- ↑ See Appendix I., close of Letter.
- ↑ This massacre is one of the bloodiest in Mexican history, and concerning it the greatest controversy has raged. Las Casas leads in judging Cortes most severely, and says that it was a part of his policy, as indeed it was of the Spaniards everywhere, to strike terror into the natives by a wholesale slaughter. Bernal Diaz defends Cortes and says his course was justified later, when, in the investigation made by the friars who came for that purpose to Cholula, they learned from the chiefs and other Cholulans that there had really been a concerted plot to destroy the Spaniards in their city. A contrary theory is, that the Tlascalans invented the fiction of a plot expressly to provoke a massacre of their Cholulan enemies; if this be true, Doña Marina was the only instrument for accomplishing their purpose. She told Cortes that a Cholulan woman of position, whose friendship she had cultivated, had warned her of the Spaniards' doom, and urged her to take shelter in her own house, and thus save herself. Granted that Cortes was, with reason, fearful of treachery, his only safety lay in forestalling the plotters, but this it seems might have been done by securing the chiefs, and Montezuma's envoys, who were the suspected instigators, and even making an example of them. Nothing can excuse the wholesale massacre of a defenceless population taken in a trap; such excessive measures overstepped by far the needs of the situation. If the commander's intention was as Las Casas describes, he succeeded, for the news of the tragedy quickly spread, and threw Montezuma into a panic of helpless fear.
- ↑ Tlascala and Cholula had fought as allies against the triple alliance of Mexico, Texcoco, and Tlacopan, but Montezuma had profited by a subsequent dissension between them to aggravate the quarrel which thus led to a war, the Mexicans aiding the Cholulans. This cost the latter their independence, as Montezuma established his sway over them. They were reputed to be false, and their very name had come to be synonymous with treachery. (Orozco y Berra, Tom. iv., p. 239.)
- ↑ The Moorish burnous.
- ↑ There is no such word or drink, and this name may be here due to an error in writing or copying; it has been taken by some commentators to mean pan y cacao (bread and cocoa). Gayangos suggests that it may be the sugared drink called Atole.
- ↑ Two towns in the present state of Puebla.
- ↑ Popocatapetl. Signifying in the Mexican language "smoking mountain." Humboldt gives its height as 5400 metres. Together with Ixtaccihuatl (the white woman) this volcano was venerated as a god, the Indians considering them as man and wife; their feast days were celebrated both in the city and in grottoes in the mountains. The crater of Popocatapetl was thought to be an abode of the tormented spirits of wicked kings. The greatest eruption of which there is any record took place in 1353; the mountain was in a period of activity in 1519 which lasted till 1528. Another eruption occurred in 1533, but the one which caused the most serious apprehension was on Feb. 24, 1664, when a huge piece of the crater fell in and showers of ashes rained in the streets of Puebla, where the windows were broken, and roofs of houses collapsed. I visited the crater in 1884, when it resembled the basin of a dried-up lake, from which came puffs of whitish smoke-like steam, rising from small fissures here and there, while over all there was a strong smell of sulphur. Diego de Ordaz, who led the Spaniards in making the first known ascent of the mountain, had conceded to him on his return to Spain, the privilege of quartering a smoking volcano in his arms.
- ↑ Colhua, another name for Mexico, also spelled Culua.
- ↑ See Appendix II., close of Letter.
- ↑ Spelled in various ways. Guajocingo, or Huejocingo, in the state of Puebla.
- ↑ The province of Chalco had been conquered by the Mexicans only after much bloodshed, and was held in subjection by force; hence its people were not loyal subjects to be counted upon in time of need. They were the first to profit by the Spaniards' arrival in the valley to throw off their allegiance. Cortes promised them relief, and assured them that he had come to redress their wrongs and establish justice.
- ↑ Amecamecan, now called Amecameca; it lies at the foot of Popocatapetl, some two leagues from Tlalmanalco.
- ↑ The town of Cuitlahuac, now called Tlahua, on the lake of
- ↑ Iztapalapan, seven miles from Mexico, preserves its ancient name, though the lake has long since receded, leaving it high and dry. The city had between 12,000 and 15,000 houses, and was ruled by Cuitlahuatzin, a brother of Montezuma. The chief glory of Iztapalapan was its botanical and zoölogical garden, with reservoirs full of all kinds of fish, such as no town in Europe possessed at that time.
- ↑ Coyohuacan.
- ↑ Huithilohuchico — Huitzilopocho — is the present Cherubusco.
- ↑ [See Appendix III. at close of Letter
- ↑ See Appendix IV. at close of Letter.
- ↑ Quauhpopoca commanded the garrisons at Nauhtla (named Almeria by the Spaniards) and Tochpan, which is the present town of Tuxpan.
If Quauhpopoca acted by his sovereign's orders, he merely did his duty, and merited no punishment from Cortes, but if, on the other hand, he acted on his own initiative, then Montezuma was free from blame and should not have been degraded by the imposition of chains. Cortes's action is indefensible; his intention doubtless was to convince the emperor that there was no depth of humiliation to which he might not be brought, and to prove to the people that to kill a Spaniard was the greatest of crimes, sure to be followed by the direst punishment.
- ↑ Tenich.
- ↑ Xuchitepec.
- ↑ Hanega, also called fanega, a dry measure corresponding approximately to the bushel.
- ↑ Cacao from which chocolate is obtained.
- ↑ Coatzacoalco was the name of the river; the place described is between the sierras of San Martin and Sant Anton, hence the name Sanmin may be a careless or an intentional contraction of San Martin.
- ↑ Chalchuihcuecan was the Indian name for San Juan de Ulua, the port of Vera Cruz.
- ↑ Coatzacoalco.
- ↑ Acolhuacan.
- ↑ Texcoco, capital of the kingdom of Acolhuacan, stood at the N. E. extremity of the lake of the same name. It rivalled Mexico in size and importance, was the centre of Nahua culture, and has been described as the "Athens" of the Aztecs. The triple alliance of Mexico, Texcoco, and Tlacopan (Tacuba) formed the core of the Aztec Empire, where centred the civilisation of Anahuac. The Kings of Texcoco and Tlacopan recognised the King of Mexico as their over-lord in war, and in the affairs of the central administration, but in all other respects these sovereigns were equal, absolute, and independent, in their respective kingdoms. Texcoco was older than Mexico, and Nezahualcoyotl, the greatest of its rulers, bore the title of Aculhua Tecutl, which Mexican historians define as equivalent to Caesar. This King once declared war upon Mexico over a trifling question of etiquette, sacked the capital, and exacted a heavy indemnity. The kingdom was divided into seventy-five principalities or lordships, something after the feudal system in Europe during the Middle Ages. The last king, before the arrival of the Spaniards, had been Nezahualpilli, a ruler of superior ability, one of the greatest princes in Mexican history, who left one hundred and forty-five children, of whom there were four sons eligible for the succession. The electors, under pressure of Montezuma, chose the eldest, with the result that the youngest, Ixtlitxochiti, contested the election, and plunged the country into civil strife from which it emerged divided, and in this weakened and distracted state Cortes found it upon his arrival. The ambitious Ixtlilxochiti, discontented with the portion he had received, was a permanent pretender to his brother's crown, and he secretly sent an embassy to Cortes at Cempoal asking his help, and offering his own alliance. This afforded Cortes an early insight into the internal dissensions of the empire, by which he so readily and ably profited. (Ixtlilxochitl. Hist. Chichineca.) Texcoco rapidly diminished both in population and importance after the conquest, and Thomas Gage, who visited it in 1626, found a village containing one hundred Spaniards and three hundred Indians, reduced to poverty. Great havoc had been wrought by the wanton destruction of the magnificent forests of giant cedar trees in the neighbourhood. Panfilo de Narvaez accused Cortes of using seven thousand cedar beams in the construction of his palace alone. (Voyage de Thomas Gage, Tom. i. cap. xiii).
- ↑ Near by Acolman stand the pyramids of Teotihuacan which Cortes nowhere mentions, though it seems impossible he should not have seen them. Of the two large pyramids, the greater was called Tonatiuh Ytzaqual, or House of the Sun, and the lesser, Metztli Ytzaqual, House of the Moon. The first is 680 feet long at the base and 180 feet high; the second is much smaller at the base and 34 feet lower. Other small pyramidal mounds, about thirty feet high were arranged in regular lines or streets, leading up to the large pyramids, and were dedicated to the stars. As this plain bore the Toltec name of Micoatl, or Way of the Dead, it has also been thought that the whole group formed a necropolis. Siguenza assigns their construction to the Olmechs, though most authorities believe they were built later, by the Toltecs. When I visited them in 1884 they were then so overgrown with vegetation, and in such a state of progressive dilapidation, that their total destruction seemed assured, unless prompt measures were taken for their preservation. (Humboldt, Vues des Cordillères. Charnay, Ancient Cities of the New World.)
- ↑ While Cacamatzin was kept in Montezuma's capital, his brother had been killed by the Spaniards, and a tribute levied on Texcoco, with such methods that it differed only in name from pillage. When the King contrived to escape from Mexico, he assembled other princes of the neighbourhood in Texcoco, among whom were his brothers Coanococh and Ixtlilxochiti, to whom he proposed that a stand should be at once made against the invaders. Premature wranglings over the division of the fruits of their expected victories broke up this council, not only without any practical decision having been reached, but with sharpened animosity between the three rival brothers. Montezuma's part in the treachery, which Cortes naively describes, was despicable. Coanococh and Ixtlilxochitl were among the conspirators who betrayed the King.
Cacamatzin, when brought into Montezuma's presence to hear his exhortations to make peace with the Spaniards, upbraided the Emperor for his cowardice and treachery. His death will be noticed in a later note.
- ↑ Cuicuitzcatzin: a younger brother who was baptised and became known as Don Carlos.
- ↑ Long tubes or pipes.
- ↑ It had been decided at the outset, by common accord, that, after deducting the royal fifth of all spoils and profits of whatsoever nature, which went to the crown, one fifth of the remainder should be the portion of Cortes. All the rest was to be divided among the members of the expedition, those who remained in garrison at Vera Cruz sharing equally with those who started on the march to Mexico. (Doc. Ined., torn. XXVI., p. 5-16, tom. XXVII., p. 37. Bernal Diaz cap. cv.)
- ↑ The lakes of Chalco and Texcoco, the first being of fresh, and the second, of salt water.
- ↑ The whitish, slippery, fermented liquor called pulque is extracted from the maguey and is still the popular drink in Mexico; as it must be drunk fresh, special pulque trains daily carry supplies to towns along the railway lines. Flavoured with pineapple, strawberry, and other fresh fruit juices, and well iced, it is a very good drink, wholesome, and only intoxicating if drunk immoderately. The manufacture and sale of the fiery spirit, mescal, also drawn from the maguey, are under careful restrictions and it is as destructive as absinthe.
- ↑ See Appendix V., close of Letter.
- ↑ An estado was a man's height, or about five and one-half feet.
- ↑ Humboldt estimates its extension at 20,000 square leagues, and as comprising in his time, the intendencies of Vera Cruz, Mexico, Oaxaca, and Valladolid.
- ↑ Given in Archbishop Lorenzana's edition as Jumathlan, a town between the provinces of Oaxaca and Chiapa.
- ↑ Panfilo de Narvaez, a native of Valladolid, first settled in Jamaica, afterwards taking part in the conquest of Cuba, as captain of thirty bowmen, when he won the friendship of Diego Velasquez, who made him one of his chief captains. Las Casas describes him as well behaved, and brave but imprudent, but Bernal Diaz's opinion of him was less pleasing as he calls him vain, presumptuous, foolish, and proud, but admits his bravery. He was forty years old when he came to Mexico to arrest Cortes and send him back to Cuba. He brought with him the curse of small-pox, which was thus introduced into Mexico by a negro of his crew.
- ↑ The audiencia of San Domingo, foreseeing the scandal which was inevitable from such an expedition against Cortes, sent Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon to Cuba with full powers to stop the preparations, and prohibit the sailing. Ayllon followed Diego Velasquez to the port of Trinidad where he had gone, and there learned that Narvaez was at Xagua, some fourteen leagues distant, ready to join the others of the fleet who were at Guaniguanico. He also discovered that most of the able-bodied men in the colony had enlisted, and that the island would be left with few defenders in case of trouble with the natives; he went therefore to Xagua, and notified Narvaez not to sail, but to go to Guaniguanico, where he intended to dissuade the governor from the undertaking. Though Velasquez appeared at first to yield, he ended by repudiating the authority of the audiencia, though he consented to give pacific instructions to Narvaez as to his manner of dealing with Cortes. Ayllon decided, at the last moment, to go himself with the armada, and prevent trouble between the rival commanders if possible. Narvaez however was heedless of the notary's protests at San Juan de Ulua, and finally rid himself of his importunities by sending him back to Cuba on one ship, and his secretary and the alguacil on another. Thus, three months after his departure on his mission, Ayllon landed at San Nicolas in San Domingo, making his way as best he could on foot across the island to report his ill success to the audiencia. This flouting of the audiencia cost Diego Velasquez any triumph he might otherwise have hoped to gain over Cortes, and Narvaez's summary violence towards a representative of the government bears out Bernal Diaz's estimate of his character.
- ↑ A secretary of Diego Velasquez.
- ↑ See Appendix VI., close of letter.
- ↑ Texcoco.
- ↑ Day before St. John's Day, which fell on Sunday, June 23.
- ↑ Appendix VII., death of Montezuma.
- ↑ Obsidian, a hard black stone capable of taking an edge as keen as a razor.
- ↑ The cathedral of Mexico stands on this site, and the statue of the Blessed Virgin which Cortes first placed in the Aztec temple is said to be the one now venerated in the Church of los Remedios near Tacuba.
- ↑ The lakes of Zumpango, Xaltocan, and San Cristobal.
- ↑ Otumba. Prescott observes that even Bernal Diaz, who was somewhat sceptical on other occasions, admits the apparition of St. James mounted on a white charger at Otumba. Voltaire comments as follows: "Ceux qui ont fait des revelations de ces étranges evenemens les ont voulu relever par des miracles qui ne servent en effet qu'a les rabaisser. Le vrai miracle fût la conduite de Cortez." Possibly, but it is by the faith which we were promised should move mountains that such heroic deeds are accomplished, and the material apparition required to satisfy a Voltaire would be but a poor thing compared to the reality of the Spanish conqueror's faith in the presence and guidance of his patron saints. As well doubt the Pucelle's belief in her "Voices."
- ↑ Hueyothlipan.
- ↑ The city was founded early in September, 1520, on the hillside, in a position both strategically and commercially advantageous; fortifications were built and strict laws against gambling, blaspheming, etc., were enacted. The present town is called Tepeaca, and stands on the plain.
- ↑ Huaquechula: another republic: also spelled Guaquechula.
- ↑ Diego de Ordaz and Alonso de Avila were in charge of this expedition which took the road by Cholula.
- ↑ Oaxaca.
- ↑ Zozolla.
- ↑ Tamazollan.
- ↑ After the death of Montezuma, Cuitlahuaczin of Iztapalapan, who had been in chief command of the rising against the Spaniards, assumed the chieftainship and three months later (Aztec calendar) he was appointed emperor. He married Montezuma's daughter, the Princess Tecuichpo. His coronation was celebrated with the customary solemnities, the prisoners taken on the Sorrowful Night, both Spaniards and Tlascalans, serving as victims for the sacrifices. The newly elected sovereign had to cope with a situation bristling with difficulties — dissensions within, insubordination in the tributary provinces, the enemy without, and finally and most terrible of all, the
- ↑ This postscriptum was obviously not written by Cortes, but by some one who read his letter; it was added before the receipt of his third letter, and was printed with the first edition in 1522.