public career there are several instances when he did things to which he was not pledged, simply because they were right and good; and I must confess I cannot bring myself to give up my belief in the possibility, in this case as well as in others, of his outdoing his promises by his performances. Here, I am reminded of an outcry, which now and then has been raised by the party press, that we Independents are so impudent and presumptuous as to pretend to dictate to the administration. My fellow-citizens, does any one of you think that any such attempt has been made? As far as I am aware, we have only claimed the privilege of American citizens to have an opinion and to express it. And, if the politicians accuse us of dictating, it is simply because the opinions we have and express do not always chime with their desires and their interests. If there is any dictating to the administration done, then I apprehend it is more done by the spoils politicians, who want things, than by the Mugwumps, who do not. The whole matter reminds me somewhat of Mr. Lincoln's celebrated saying, when he defined Douglas’ theory of non-interference. When A wants to make B a slave, then C has no right to interfere. When the spoils politicians try to drag down the government, and make President Cleveland break his promise and ruin his administration, then we are acoused of dictation for giving him a little modest advice not to do so. Our business, as I understand it, is to address ourselves to the patriotic impulses of the American people, the administration always included in the advocacy of sound notions of good government, thus trying to build up a healthy and a strong public opinion.
Now, in order to do this with good effect, I think there are certain mistakes which we must be careful to avoid. This is one. I have heard some friends of reform, good, honest men, say that we must not fix our aims too high, that we must not ask nor expect from anybody anything that is perfect, that we must not embarrass those in power by setting up standards too lofty, by recognizing their obligations to make sometimes material concessions to old abuses, prejudice, and exploded notions. Gentlemen of the Reform Club, that is not my opinion at all. When the friends and representatives of the reform movement talk thus, they will always be in great danger of demoralizing public sentiment. I think we should advance our standard to the highest notch. We should point out the best thing as the thing to be struggled for. We should never tell those in power that we do not expect them to struggle for the best, and that they may mix some badness with their efforts for the public good.
On the other hand, I think another mistake we ought to avoid is to be hasty, captious, and unfair in our criticisms. Whenever reproving an error of action, we should always be ready to give credit for honesty of purpose and intention, whenever we have good reason to believe that it really exists. And, of all things, we should never grow hysterical at a disappointment. Here a case in point. After having made a number of very good appointments, of which our honored and distinguished friend, Mr. Phelps, is one, President Cleveland has, it appears, made a few bad ones. We shall not deny that the shock was painful. At the same time, I do not think that anybody who knows the man or anybody who has the cause of good government at heart will be hasty in ascribing to him any design of turning his back upon his high purposes of conducting the government. What we may say in truth is that he has been imposed upon by very bad counsel. President Cleveland has to learn a good many things which other Presidents had to learn before him. He will have to learn among other things—and here I speak as one who has gone through the mill himself—that, of those who make recommendations or requests for appointments, the members of Congress, in nine cases out of ten, are the least to be trusted. And I will tell you the reason. It is one which is inherent in weak human nature. It is that in recommending appointments for their district in many cases,—let me say there are very honorable exceptions among them,—in most cases they have at heart much more the building up of the local machine than the welfare of the people of the United States or the honor of the administration. Gentlemen, you will all agree with me, when I say that it would be unreasonable to expect even the best man in power not to make any mistakes. But it will not be unreasonable to expect, when he has discovered a mistake, that he shall be prompt and earnest in correcting it. I do not mean to say that, whatsoever may happen, you should keep silent. By no means. On the contrary, I consider it the bounden duty of every friend of good government to inform those in power of whatever may go wrong. He should do so firmly, frankly, without malice, and without mincing matters. For, let me tell you, the atmosphere of Washington is sometimes so thick with flattery and with selfish advice that the sound waves of public opinion can scarcely penetrate it, unless they are propelled with a certain vigor. But one thing keep in mind. If you want your criticism to be effective, above all, see to it that it be just.
But, in any event, we gentlemen have reason to congratulate ourselves upon the tremendous progress made by the reform movement against what some time ago appeared almost overwhelming odds. Our successes have been fairly astonishing. Now, at last, the people begin to wake up to it, to understand its principles and to appreciate its aims and its benefits. We have only to go on in the way in which we have begun, and we shall accomplish it all. One thing is certain, and that is that the reform movement has come to stay and grow. We enjoy to-day a great advantage over former times, Years ago, every effort to improve the methods of government was overshadowed by a dark cloud of supposed danger looming up in the South, having been left behind by the Rebellion. Lately, I have traversed the South myself, seen with my own eyes and heard with my own ears; and I can express to you my deliberate conviction that to-day the South is as loyal to the Union as is any part of it. And, when I hear the politicians continue to prate about rebels, I ask myself the question, Where in this country is the man that is in rebellion against his government today? The only shadow of an organized resistance to the Union appears down in Virginia among the readjusters, who are allied with the Republican party. No, my fellow-citizens: when I hear politicians who pretend to be statesmen speak about rebels and rebellion today, I must confess it appears to me not only a very pitiable demagogy, but it would appear in the highest degree as a wicked and unpatriotic demagogy, if they could do any mischief by it. Now, we have a right to feel that the field for reform is free. Gentlemen of the Reform Club, let us keep our eyes firmly fixed upon our high objects, and then go resolutely ahead.
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