immense political power that lay in the holding of the land, and how, by the exercise of the old English law, which gave the holder of a 40,s. free-hold the right of voting for the election of a "knight of the shire," such power could be brought to bear on Parliament, by the extension of the franchise in that direction. The times were out of joint, trade bad, and discontent universal, and the possession of a little bit of the land we live on was to be a panacea for every abuse complained of, and the sure harbinger of a return of the days when every Jack had Jill at his own fireside. The misery and starvation existing in Ireland where small farms had been divided and subdivided until the poor families could no longer derive a sustenance from their several moieties, was altogether overlooked, and "friends of the people" advocated the wholesale settlement of the unemployed English on somewhat similar small plots. Feargus O'Connor, the Chartist leader, started his National Land Society, and thousands paid in their weekly mites in hopes of becoming "lords of the soil;" estates here and there were purchased, allotments made, cottages built, and many new homes created. But as figs do not grow on thistles, neither was it to be expected that men from the weaving-sheds, or the mines, should be able to grow their own corn, or even know how to turn it into bread when grown, and that Utopian scheme was a failure. More wise in their generation were the men of Birmingham: they went not for country estates, nor for apple orchards or turnip fields. The wise sagaciousuess of their leaders, and the Brums always play well at "follow my leading," made them go in for the vote, the full vote, and nothing but the vote. The possession of a little plot on which to build a house, though really the most important, was not the first part of the bargain by any means at the commencement. To get a vote and thus help upset something or somebody was all that was thought of at the time, though now the case is rather different, few members of any of the many societies caring at present so much for the franchise as for the "proputty, proputty, proputty." Mr. James Taylor, jun., has been generally dubbed the "the father of the freehold land societies," and few men have done more than him in their establishment, but the honour of dividing the first estate in this neighbourhood, we believe, must be given to Mr. William Benjamin Smith, whilome secretary of the Manchester Order of Odd Fellows, and afterwards publisher of the Birmingham Mercury newspaper. Being possessed of a small estate of about eight acres, near to the Railway Station at Perry Barr, he had it laid out in 100 lots, which were sold by auction at Hawley's Temperance Hotel, Jan. 10, 1848, each lot being of sufficient value to carry a vote for the shire. The purchasers were principally members of an Investment and Permanent Benefit Building Society, started January 4, 1847, in connection with the local branch of Oddfellows, of which Mr. Smith was a chief official. Franchise Street, which is supposed to be the only street of its name in England, was the result of this division of land, and as every purchaser pleased himself in the matter of architecture, the style of building may be called that of "the free and easy." Many estates have been divided since then, thousands of acres in the outskirts being covered with houses where erst were green fields, and in a certain measure Birmingham owes much of its extension to the admirable working of the several Societies. As this town led the van in the formation of the present style of Land and Building Societies, it is well to note here their present general status. In 1850 there were 75 Societies in the kingdom, with about 25,000 members, holding among them 35,000 shares, with paid-up subscriptions amounting to £164,000. In 1880, the number of societies in England was 946, in Scotland, 53, and in Ireland 27. The number of members
