Page:The New Republic, v. 1.pdf/45

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14th November, 1914
THE NEW REPUBLIC
5

that franks his washing home. He makes what is only a customary use of the franking privilege, but it is that sort of thing that makes the American Congress the most costly and burdensome legislative body that ever existed in the history of the world. There is absolutely no parallel to the pay and emoluments which Congressmen vote themselves. In 1908 the cost of housing and supplying the British Parliament—with a membership about twice that of our Congress—was $1,330,000 as against $13,788,886 for the same items, at Washington. The comparison is really much more favorable to Congress than it should be, for it leaves out of account millions charged to other departments, such as the franking privilege which falls on the post-office department, and garden seed distribution which falls on the agricultural department.


GREAT events produce great ideas. The Massachusetts legislature, as a result of the Lawrence strike in 1912, was stricken with the idea that red or black flags had to be kept out of parades, especially when the bore the inscription "No God, No Master." So of course the law-makers made a law. This done, we presume the masters felt relieved; how God felt we don't know. And then came the first decision of the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts. Chief Justice Rugg writes: "The words of the statute are sweeping and make no exceptions in favor of political parties, social organizations, society, or beneficiary or other associations." Indeed the words are sweeping. They have swept in Harvard crimson. Now in the home of the Pilgrims you have to content yourself with a small "H" on a large though appropriate white flag. It is stated that the Harvard Law School is preparing the amendment to exempt Harvard under the statute. If this means that Harvard is not dangerous to the existing order of society it is indeed a very discomforting reflection.


ORGANIZED Belgium relief work under the auspices of the United States Government is rapidly making progress. Funds are pouring in through various agencies, and Ambassador Page in Londonhas now suggested to the State Department at Washington that a Central Relief Committee should be formed in the United States to coordinate the work of existing agencies and to forward and distribute all supplies. The German military commander in Belgium has given the American Minister, Mr. Brand Whitlock, a written assurance that none of these supplies will be confiscated. The English people, according to the London "Nation," are willing to contribute generously if the United States becomes responsible for distribution. This is all in the right direction. If, however, as seems likely, these voluntary efforts prove inadequate to the immense task of relieving the distress of a whole nation, then Belgium's Western allies, England and France, should advance out of their treasuries the millions of dollars necessary to avert an appalling famine.


WHO writes those little introductory notes that appear at the top of stories in some of the popular magazines? Not the office boy, because he is generally too tired. Not the editor, because he is generally out to lunch. Whoever it is, he is an incorrigible enthusiast; the business in hand is invariably the most tremendous or gripping or significant thing that has ever appeared in any of the known languages. Sometimes he makes an intimate personal matter of it: :What would you do if your husband ran away with—?" Often he hints darkly at the vast sums of money that changed hands when the story did. Frequently he gives, in a few pregnant sentences, what the author requires five thousand blundering words to convey. Invariably he falls down and worships. "We think," runs a recent example, "Ring Lardner, who has made folks all over the country laugh with his 'Letters of a Bush Leaguer,' is just about the keenest writer in the United States."


EX-PRESIDENT William Howard Taft has recently suggested the application of a new test to proposed amendments to the Constitution. He is reported in the New York Tribune as saying: "I am not in favor of any amendment to the Constitution, not because it doesn't need them, for I believe that we might make some minor changes which would facilitate its operation, but I am not in favor of tinkering with that great governmental instrument at a time when there are so many cranks and so many movement looking towards its total abolition." The test is, consequently, that no amendment of the Constitution should be even considered except when advocated by a group of men from which all impure members have been purged. Cranks and abolitionists must not presume to lay profane hands on the sacred instrument. It is true that this test, if successfully applied, will make the needed amendment almost an impossibility, because the organs of our national life cannot be worked without cranks, and because abolitionism has become almost a popular tradition. But Mr. Taft can certainly return a valid retort to the objection. Ever since he ceased to be President he has been imperturbably seeking to expose the cranks and abolish the abolitionists, and if they will only yield accommodatingly to the effect of this patriotic purge, there will then be no reason why the Constitution should not be amended with impunity.