A History of the Military Transactions of the British Nation in Indostan/Volume 2/Book 11

by Robert Orme

BOOK XI.

1759
February. NOT only the Carnatic and its dependencies, but all the adjacent powers, had fixed their attention, with various hope and anxiety, on the siege of Madrass, as an event which sooner or later must greatly affect their respective views and interests. It was believed, and justly, that much and extensive reputation would be acquired by the defence; but as this advantage would soon be lost if the adjacent territory were not recovered and protected, it was resolved to take the field without delay. With the reinforcement brought in the ships, there were in the town when the siege was raised, of all ranks, 1900 estimated Europeans, including 90 Topasses and 60 Coffress, inserted in the different companies: of this number 1500 rank and file were fit for immediate duty; and this force was sufficient to face the French army. Nevertheless, the Vigour of the determination exceeded the means: many carriages for the artillery and stores were to be prepared, and the artificers being mostly natives were few, and had much other work to do: draught and carriage bullocks were to be provided, and the ravages of the enemy had left none in the country; provisions were equally scarce: perseverance, however, continued. Chinglapet being secured, the rest of the troops with Mahomed Issoof, the horse with Abdulwahab, and those sent with Major Calliaud by Tondiman and Tanjore, encamped on the Choultry plain, were they were joined day by day by the Europeans of the garrison; but the whole were not ready to move before the 6th of March, and in this interval arrived two more companies of Draper's regiment, which the ships they came in from England had carried to Bengal in the latter season of the last year, and they were now returned to the coast. The whole force which now took the field were 1156 Europeans, rank and file, including the artillery-men, with 10 field-pieces, of which two were 12 pounders, 1570 Sepoys, 1120 Colleries, and 1956 horse. On news of their approach, Mr. Lally moved back from Arcot with the main body of his troops, and took post at Conjeveram, where the advantages of the situation left them nothing to fear from an inferior force; and, his health being much impaired, he went away to Pondicherry on the 6th, leaving the command to Mr. Soupire, with orders not to risk a general battle; but to wait the attack. The defects of equipments still retarded the progress of the English army, and it was the 18th before they arrived at Paupa Braminy's Choultry, within seven miles of Conjeveram. On the last march, Mahomed Issoof, with some horse, advancing before the line, met some of the enemy's European cavalry, who, though much inferior in number, stood a skirmish with the foremost of his; and were driven back, with the loss of an officer and two horses killed. On the 3d, Captain Preston at Chinglapet, hearing there was but a slight force in the fort of Carangoly, had detached Lieutenant Airy, with seven companies of Sepoys, to surprize it; but they took a panic under the walls, not to be recovered by the bravery of their officer, which encouraged the garrison to sally, who killed 25 of them in their flight.

Whilst the army was before Conjeveram, letters were received from Colonel Forde, who was set down before Masulipatam, despairing of success, unless he were reinforced with men and supplied with money. By this time, it was found that all the resources of the Presidency were inadequate to the expence of keeping the army in the field, and no probability appeared of gaining a decisive advantage over the enemy. The Presidency therefore inclined to bring the troops into cantonments, and to send 200 men to Colonel Forde. Colonel Lawrence, although convinced of the imprudence of attacking the enemy in the posts they occupied at Conjeveram, was equally persuaded of the evil consequences sequences of retreating before them, and came to Madrass on the 26th, to dissuade the Council, either from diminishing their force, or from withdrawing it into garrison; and his arguments prevailed. He then declared the inability to which the impaired state of his health had reduced him, of continuing in the command of the army; and received the highest regrets and encomiums of his eminent services, crowned by exertions much beyond his age in the defence of Madrass. The command then devolved to Lieutenant-colonel Draper, who was likewise too ill to accept it, and soon after embarked for England; on which it fell to Major Brereton, the next officer in the king's regiment, and Major Calliaud succeeded Colonel Lawrence in the distinct command of the Company's troops.

Nazeabullah, the Nabob's brother, had accompanied the French army to Madrass, and remained some days with them in the black town; when his own affairs, his doubts of the success of the siege, and the representations and example of his brother, Abdulwahab, who was joining the English troops in the field, induced him to return to Nelore, which, Mr. Lally having derived no advantage from his presence or endeavours, permitted without reluctance. Still, however, holding fair to the French, he retained a few of their Europeans, and 200 of their Sepoys; but as soon as he heard that the siege was raised, he resolved to declare entirely for the English, and blackened his zeal, by putting to death all the French Europeans, excepting their officer, Saint Denys. It is not known whether they attempted resistance; but the Sepoys laid down their arms, and were quietly turned out of the fort. With the advices of this deed, he proffered to pay 30,000 pagodas a year, if the Presidency would confirm him in the government of Nelore, and its districts; and, as no revenue, excepting from his good-will, was to be expected from that part of the country, until the English army had gained the superiority, his terms were accepted, and he sent the French officer to Madrass. Abdulwahab continued with the army, and his services were rewarded by a confirmation of the districts of Chandergherry and Chittore. The three greater Polygars to the northward, Bangar-yatchum, Bomrauze, and Damerlak Venkytappah, wrote letters of congratulation, although they had given no assistance during the siege: they were ordered to guard their own hills, and assist Chandergherry and Chittore, if attacked. The minor Polygars nearer Madrass were frightened, in expectation of punishment for the robberies they had committed in the English districts during the distresses of the siege; but their delinquency was overlooked, and they were told to assist the forts of Pondamale'e and Tripassore, into which garrisons of Sepoys had been sent, as soon as they were abandoned by the enemy in their retreat to Arcot.

Even the cautious Mortizally of Vellore congratulated the Presidency on the repulse of the siege. The body of Morattoes, with Gopaul Row, who had in the preceding year warred and gained the half of Cudapah, and to whom proffers had been made for their assistance, remained at the passess of Damalcherry, waiting the event; and as soon as the French retreated, Gopaul Row claimed 12 lacks of rupees, alleging that he had neglected other concerns of greater consequence, in expectation of the ultimate summons of the Presidency, and that the dread of his troops had obliged the French to raise the siege. It was known that he had equally been offering his assistance to the French, and the Presidency recommended to him, to cut their army to pieces before they reached Pondicherry, and then he should have the money. He replied, in several letters, fraught with insinuations of the mischief he intended to bring on the English, as well at Bombay, as in the Carnatic; and sent 500 of his Morattoes to join the French army; but Mr. Deleyrit, the governor of Pondicherry, advised Mr. Lally not to entertain them, because they would not fail to plunder with greater detriment in the French districts, as more extensive, than in those which the English had recovered. They were dismissed with compliments and a small present, on which Gopaul Row,to compensate and revenge the disappointment, sent a detachment round the hills, which took possession of the town and pagoda of Tripetty, intending to collect the revenues of the approaching feast in April, which the French government expected to receive. This detachment in their way summoned the three northern Polygars as friends to the English, to pay their shares of the chout, or tribute, which Gopaul Row had demanded, and had not time to exact in the preceding year.

The king of Tanjore fired guns, and congratulated on the fortune and prowess of Madrass; and the Presidency, encouraged by his professions, proposed to him to assist them in a plan to surprise the fort of Karical, when the squadron should arrive on the coast: to which he answered, that the last hostilities of the French had ruined his country, and that the crop at present on the ground would likewise be destroyed, if disturbances were renewed; but that, as the English had beat off the French army from Madrass, they should immediately drive them out of Pondicherry, when Karical would fall of course. He was then requested to let beeves be purchased in his country as provisions for the squadron; which the strictness of his religion regarded as an abomination, nor would he suffer the interpreter to go on in reading the letter written to him on this subject.

The Nabob, ever since his arrival at Tritchinopoly, had continued sick. His disorder was a jaundice, produced by excess of vexation at the late humiliations of his fortune: the repulse of the French attack on Madrass conduced not a little to the recovery of his health; but his mind retained much solicitude for every future contingency. However, the vigilance of Captain Joseph Smith had preserved the districts dependant on the city in peace and cultivation, and their revenues were more than sufficient to defray the necessary expences of the garrison, as well as of the Nabob's family. The great number of French prisoners in the city, who were 500, whilst the European force in the garrison did not exceed 70 men, had been an object of constant anxiety, and plots were continually discovered of their intentions to break out of their dungeons; which obliged Captain Smith to confine them with the utmost severity. The Rheddi of Terriore, whom he had driven out of that town and district in the month of July of the preceding year, went away with those who escaped with him, to the borders of the Mysore country, where he was, at different times, joined by such as were disaffected to the other Rheddi, who had been restored in his stead. They sometimes made plundering excursions into the country between Terriore and Utatore; but attempted nothing of consequence. However, their numbers increased; and they kept up a correspondence with several of the principal men-who continued to reside with the Rheddi in Terriore. When Mahomed Issoof march-ed away in November to the relief of Madrass, the garrison of Tritchinopoly could not spare the number of Sepoys necessary to complete his command, and three of the five companies which had been left in Terriore, were recalled to make up the deficiency. As soon as they were gone, the expelled Rheddi, with his troops, who were waiting to retake the place, arrived before they were discovered at the barrier of the wood, where some of the remaining Sepoys were stationed; but the rest of the guard had been seduced, and instead of assisting the Sepoys, turned their arms upon them, and delivered up the barrier to the enemy, who marched on, and advanced to the town without interruption, sending so much terror before them, that the Rheddi within, with his troops, and the inhabitants, that adhered to him, ran away into the wood and hills, leaving the English serjeant, with the Sepoys, to defend themselves as they could. The serjeant took possession of the palace, which was an extensive building; but the enemy surrounded it in the houses on all sides, that not a man could appear who was not exposed to their fire, which obliged the serjeant to capitulate, and he easily obtained permission to march away to Tritchinopoly, with their arms, and whatever else they chose to carry. Captain Joseph Smith had received some intelligence of the intention to attack the place, and had detached some troops to reinforce it, but it was lost before they arrived at the wood. This event happened in the end of November. In the next month, Hussein Cawn, who had been driven, in the month of July, from Seringham by a detachment from Tritchinopoly, returned from Pondicherry with some Sepoys and two field-pieces, and took post at Utatore, intending again to advance to the island, and retake the pagoda; but Captain Smith sent a party from the garrison, under the command of Captain Blake, who did not suffer them to rest until they took refuge in the Mysore country, where they remained, proposing schemes, and soliciting assistance; but meeting little encouragement from this government, Hussein Cawn offered to join the Rheddi, who had retaken Terriore, in making incursions into the Nabob's country: but the Rheddi, making a merit of refraining from the mischief in his power, proffered money and regular terms of submission to the Nabob, who, for the sake of the money, and to save the expence of defending the distant villages, accepted his obedience, and confirmed him in the government; in which this was his fourth installation, and the other Rheddi had lost and resumed it as often.

The countries # of Madura and Tinivelly had relapsed into their former state of anarchy and confusion, after Mahomed Issoof, with so large a part of his force, was recalled out of them in the month of July. All that the seven companies of Sepoys left in the city of Madura could do, was to collect from the country provisions sufficient for their subsistence. The incursions of the Nattam Colleries from the north, and of those under the Polygars along the hills to the west, ruined or appropriated whatsoever cultivation or revenue arose in the districts at a distance from the city. To the southward, in the Tinivelly country matters were much worse. Maphuze Cawn forgot all his former professions of reconciliation, united more firmly than ever, and took up his residence with the Pulitaver, who led the western Polygars; and Catabominaig, with Etiaporum, who were the heads of the western, concluding from the superiority of the French in the Carnatic, that the affairs of the Nabob and the English would never recover, seized whatsoever country lay convenient for them: nor did the five companies of Sepoys left in the fort of Palamcotah, and bereft of all alliance, venture any opposition to their encroachments, or even to maintain the town of Tinivelly; of which Maphuze Khan and the Pulitaver once again took possession. The Sepoys contented themselves with preserving Palamcotah, where they were often obliged to defend the wails against the skirmishes of the Pulitaver's Colleries, which consumed their ammunition; and, as none of their letters reached the Carnatic, or even Tritchinopoly they wrote by the hand of a Topass, a letter to Anjengo, which is the southern of the English factories on the coast of Malabar, requesting supplies; but the Topass writing what he thought English, the letter was so unintelligible, that the factory neither understood from whence or whom it came, nor what they wanted. At length, letters from Mahomed Issoof procured them credit, which enabled them to purchase provision, and even to get lead and gunpowder from the sea-coast in the bay of Tutaoorin. It was very fortunate, that the fidelity of the Sepoys in Madura and Palamcotah continued unshaken; for had either of these fortresses been betrayed, no means remained of retaking them; and the cession of Madura might have purchased Hyderally, the Mysore general, to join the French, who at this very time had an officer of distinction treating with him at Seringapatam.

The repulse of the French from Madrass had increased the danger of losing these countries, since the French, being no longer under the necessity of keeping their whole force collected in one point, mighty still leaving sufficient to oppose the English army in the field, detach the rest to other objects. The partizan Lambert was moving with his flying troops from Pondicherry to the westward; and danger to the city of Madura might accrue even from Hussein Cawn, if he should get a body of Mysoreans to accompany him from Dindigul. On these considerations, the Presidency resolved to send Mahomed Issoof back into these countries, and to accept his offer of renting Madura and Tinivelly together, at the rate of five lacks of rupees for the ensuing year clear of all charges, excepting what might arise from the necessity of defending them either against the French, the Mysoreans, or Morratoes. The Nabob had, ever since the first appointment of Mahomed Issoof to conduct the war in these countries, regarded him with suspicion and aversion, and insisted that they should be left to his own disposal and controul; although he had not in his whole dependance, a relation or officer of military resolution and experience sufficient to maintain them in this time of difficulty.

The French and English armies continued almost in sight of each other for two and twenty days; the one wishing to be attacked, in their posts at Conjeveram, the other, a general action in the open plain; and neither was seduced to give the advantage which the other desired. Most of the districts to the south of the Paliar were under either the protection or jurisdiction of the French government; and as other defiances had failed, Major Brereton resolved to march into them, as the likeliest means of bringing the enemy to a battle, or at least of obliging them to quit Conjeveram, when some opportunity might arise of retaking this place, without which, even the districts already recovered as far as the English army had advanced could not be protected, unless by their continuance in the field, and in this part of the country. Accordingly, the army moved on the 1st of April from their encampment at Papa Braminy's Choultry; on the 6th, they arrived, and took possesion of the pettah of Vandiwash, in which they began to open ground, against the fort, and sent to Madrass for two pieces of battering connon; and a detachment sent by Captain Preston from Chinglapett beat away the guard at Outramalore, of which place he took possession, to secure the line of communication with Vandiwash.

Mr. Soupires neither gave any interruption to the English army, as they were marching away, nor followed them. Mr. Lally had ordered him to risk nothing, and the French army had for some days been reduced to great distress for want both of money and provisions. The siege of Madrass had exhausted the treasury of Pondicherry, and its revenues were anticipated by mortgages for loans and what monies could be collected from the country between Conjeveram and Arcot, or borrowed in the camp, scarcely furnished the expences of the day, and the inhabitants of the neighbouring villages finding that the English paid punctually, and at better prices, evaded as much as possible to carry any provisions to the French camp. The renters of the neighbouring districts magnified the detriment which their lands had suffered from the Morattoes of Gopaul Row, in order to protract their payments, by the plea of discussing their accounts. In this situation, Mr. Soupires considered the removal of the English army as an advantage; since it permitted him to retreat to Arcot, with the appearance of parting on equal terms. He left in Conjeveram 300 Sepoys and 100 horse, under the command of Murzafabeg, who had deserted from the English a little before the siege of Madrass. The renters at Arcot furnished Mr. Soupires money and provisions for eight days, and he extended his troops in different parties between Arcot and Trivatore, which is situated 20 miles s. w. in the high road from thence to Vandiwash.

Mr. Lally, as soon as he heard that the English army was before Vandiwash, immediately came out of Pondicherry with 300 Europeans, ordering Mr. Soupires to meet him with the main body at Chittapet; where they arrived on the 14th. Trivatore is farther from Chittapet, than it is from Vandiwash. The nearer road from Vandiwash to Conjeveram is not good; but from Vandiwash to Trivatore, and hence to Conjeveram excellent, and of quicker dispatch, although by the large angle it makes several miles more. Major Brereton was informed in the evening of the 13th, of the march of the French army with Soupires, and that the whole had passed Trivatore; on which he decamped in the night from Vandiwash, and, by a forced march, arrived the next day at Trivatore, which he found abandoned, and blew up one of the bastions; and continuing the same stress of march they arrived, on the evening of the 15th, near Conjeveram. Several letters had passed with Murzafabeg, who pretended to be willing to betray his trust, but asked such terms as proved, that he only wanted to gain time until the French army could come to his relief; on which Colonel Monson, with the advanced division, invested the pagoda in the evening, which it was determined to storm the next morning. Murzafabeg no longer dissembled, but kept up a brisk fire of musketry through the night, by which several, and Colonel Monson himself, were wounded.

The gateway of the pagoda at Conjeveram is spacious and lofty, and the tower over it one of the largest and highest in the Carnatic. It stands in the middle of the western wall, and fronts the principal street of the town, which is very broad; but there is an area between, of the same breadth as the wall of the pagoda, and 300 yards across. There were no gates fixed in the gateway; and to cover the entrance the French had thrown up a ravelin before it in barbette, on which, as well as on the small towers at each angle of the pagoda, were mounted guns, but old, and of little service; and scaffoldings of bamboos for small parties of musketry were raised along different parts of the wall within. There was, in the area without, a large choultry, with the back to the pagoda, about 200 yards from the gateway, but a little to the right. Near this choultry, as good cover, the troops threw up a ramp in the night, and early in the morning began to fire over it against the ravelin from their two twelve-pounders, which the enemy returned with all their means, but with little execution; only wounding Major Brereton slightly, and two or three of the gunners. By eight o'clock the earth of the ravelin appeared sufficiently beaten down, and the troops marched to the attack, led by Major Calliaud at the head of the grenadiers. Few of the defenders waited the assault hand to hand, but, after giving their fire, ran into the pagoda. The officers, stimulated by an intemperate rivality of danger, got first over the ravelin, and began, as the men came, to form them for the attack of the gateway, in the middle of which the enemy had laid a large old iron gun on logs of wood; and within were two lines of Sepoys disposed in an angle for the advantage of a cross-fire on the entrance. In a minute, 40 or 50 men, of whom much too many were officers, were crowded together within the ravelin, when the enemy fired their gun, which they had treble loaded with powder, and to the muzzle with musket-balls and bits of ragged iron. The excess of the explosion, and the thick black smoke which arose from it, gave the idea of a mine, nor was the effect much less. It killed eight men on the spot, and wounded ten. Of the killed were Captains Stewart and Bannatyne, Lieutenant Elliot and Ensign Hunter; of the wounded, Major Calliaud, Captain Vaughan dangerously, a Lieutenant and two Ensigns. Even most of those who were safe were so surprized by this havock, that they stood awhile before they formed again to the attack; during which, they luckily suffered very little from the musketry within. By this time, a party of Sepoys, led by Mahomed Issoof and Lieutenant Airy, had clambered over the opposite wall of the pagoda, and appeared in the rear of those who were defending the gateway; and, on their shout, the troops at the gate rushed in, and in a minute the whole garrison was between two fires, at mercy, every man for himself begging quarter; which was given with more humanity than usual on such exasperation. After all was quiet, Murzafabeg surrendered himself, out of one of the chapels into which he had retired, to some of the Sepoys; but, as they were conducting him to Major Brereton, Mahomed Issoof met them, knew the prisoner, and saying, "These are the terms to be kept with a traitor" with one stroke of his scymetar, almost severed his head from his body. The news of this success was received at Madrass the next day, on which likewise arrived advices of no little importance from Colonel Forde.

The Rajah Anunderawze had so little sense of the advantages which might have ensued by pressing on the French immediately after their defeat at Peddipore, that he did not come up with his troops to Rajahmundrum, where Colonel Forde with the English forces were waiting for him, until the 16th of December, which was ten days after the battle, although the distance is only 40 miles. Anunderawze had promised to make the first payment of his treaty, as soon as he should be put in possession of the fort of Rajahmundrum: and, in confidence of his word, Colonel Forde had lent him 20,000 rupees, before he marched with the English from Cossimcotah. This sum, with a supply to the factory at Vizagapatam, and the expences of the field, had absorbed all the money which came from Bengal; and Colonel Forde had nothing but the Rajah's promises to answer the pay of the troops for the month of December. However, still relying on them, he crossed the Godaveri on the 23d, still hoping to appear before Masulipatam before the French had recovered the stun of their late defeat: but the Rajah neither followed with his army, nor sent any money; and, as it would have been vain to have attempted even the march without both, Colonel Forde, with much vexation and resentment, recrossed the river with all the troops on the 26th. The Rajah imagined they were returning to punish him, and, in this fright, fled immediately to the hills which skirt the province about twenty miles to the North of the city; and Colonel Forde, for the convenience of a nearer communication with Vizagapatam, marched two days back, and encamped at Peddapore, which, with a name very nearly the same, is a fort ten miles to the west of that which has designated his victory. Mr. Andrews immediately sent him 20,000 rupees from Vizagapatam, and on the 13th of January came himself to the camp; from whence he went into the hills, and reached the Rajah on the 15th, whose fears of the Colonel, and aversion to furnish any money, continued as strong as ever, insomuch that he seemed no longer solicitous about the success of the expedition. His conduct was the more perplexing, because the news that the French were besieging Madrass had stopped the English credit in these provinces, which the Rajah's name alone could immediately restore; and if his troops did not march, others must be hired, for which no money could be found. The dilemma induced Mr. Andrews to alter the treaty he had made some time before, and to agree, "that whatsoever sums the Rajah might furnish should be considered as a loan; and that the revenues of all the countries which might be reduced on the other side of the Godaveri, excepting such as belonged to the French either by establishment, or grant in propriety, should be equally divided between him and the English." With these conditions Mr. Andrews brought him back to the camp on the 18th: and it was agreed to march on to Masulipatam; but it took seven days more in bargains for exchange with the shroffs before he furnished only 6000 rupees in ready money, and bills at ten days for 60,000 more. At length the armies moved from Peddapore on the 28th, after fifty days had been lost, of which the first twenty diligently employed would probably have accomplished all the purposes of the expedition, which now appeared of much more difficult execution, as the enemy had gained full time to recollect themselves: nor had the delay the smallest plea of necessity; for the Rajah might with as little inconvenience have done at first what he unwillingly complied with at last; although the expedition had been undertaken from a reliance on his promises, warranted by the earnestness of his solicitations. The Hardwicke and the two sloops, which had been dispatched from Vizagapatam on the 12th of December, anchored the next day in the road of Yanam, which lies on the eastern mouth of the Godaveri, where the agents of the French factory, on news of the defeat at Peddipore, had embarked their effects and themselves in a snow, which had not got out of the river when the Hardwicke arrived; and they surrendered to her longboat without resistance. Some days after, the vessels sailed down to Masulipatam, and cruized between this place and Narsipore on the western arm of the Godaveri, until the 9th of February, when they fixed their station in Masulipatam road, waiting for the arrival of the army; but weighing occasionally to bring vessels to, that were passing in the offing, of which they intercepted several laden with rice for Pondicherry, and the French army before Madrass.

The English army arrived on the 6th of February at Elore; but, to prevent another quarrel, Colonel Forde had been obliged to let the Rajah march as he listed, employing his troops to the right and left, in levying contributions, on promise, however, of rejoining him soon at Elore. This place, otherwise called Yalore, is situated 50 miles s. w. of Rajahmundrum, and nearly 40 N. of Masulipatam. It is the capital of a province, or phousdarry, of no great extent, and one of the four obtained from Salabadjing by Mr. Bussy. It has been very little known to the English, and never frequented by them since they withdrew their factory from Masulipatam in the last century. The town is extensive, and in the middle of it is a very large fort, in which the French used to keep a garrison mostly of black troops; but the Marquis de Conflans had taken them away with him, as he was passing on to Masulipatam, where he had determined to make his stand. The long delay of the English troops in following him seemed to have inspired him with a little resolution: for with some of the troops which had joined him after the defeat of Peddipore, and the garrisons of Elore and Rajahmundrum, he formed a body of 200 Europeans, with four field -pieces, and 2000 Sepoys, which he called his army of observation; but they did not venture within less than thirty miles of Elore, and kept moving to the West of Masulipatam, collecting or extorting tributes. Colonel Forde, whilst waiting for the Rajah and his troops, detached Captain Knox, with the first battalion of Sepoys, to reduce the French factory at Narsipore, where by this time the garrison, by the arrival of stragglers from the late defeat, was augmented to 100 Europeans, and 3 or 400 Sepoys. Narsipore stands 20 miles to the s. E. of Elore. Letters were previously sent to the Indian Zemindar of the district, threatening the destruction of his country, if he gave the French any assistance, but offering him alliance if he would join the English army with his troops. The Zemindar met Captain Knox on the road, and accepted the terms with cheerfulness; and the French troops at Narsipore having relied on his assistance, marched away as soon as they saw his defection, leaving in the factory, besides common effects, some cannon and marine stores, and in the river several boats and vessels; but they sunk what ammunition they could not carry off. The English detachment leaving a few men with the Zemindar's officers to take care of what was worth preserving, returned to Elore, where on the 18th came in the Rajah with all his troops collected; and the next day the Zemindar of Narsipore with 1500 foot, armed in the fashion of the country. But, although so much time had already been lost, the Rajah was not yet ready to proceed, and detained the army at Elore until the 1st of March.

Mr. Conflans, on his defeat at Peddipore, had written letters to Salabadjing, earnestly requesting he would march with his army from Hyderabad to Masulipatam, when both their forces united could not fail of destroying the English troops, and punishing the powers of the country which had revolted to their common enemy. The desistance of Salabadjing with Mr. Bussy from the pursuit of Nizamally towards Brampore had encouraged this prince to resume his former ambitions; in which he was, at least secretly, abetted by the adherents of Shanavaze Khan and Mahomed Hussein, whose deaths, as well as his own flight to Brampore, had been the immediate consequences of the assassination of Hyderjung, the duan of Mr. Bussy: but this confederacy refrained from any conspicuous exertion, until they saw Mr. Bussy and the whole of the French force quitting Hyderabad, and the service of Salabadjing, in obedience to the orders of Mr. Lally; when judging little likelihood of their return, they acted with more open declaration; and soon after, Nizamally was enabled, with the assistance of his friends, to increase his force from 1500 to 15000 horse, with which he marched from Brampore in November, and was received with homage into the city of Aurengabad; but the fortress of Dollabad still held out for Salabadjing. The insolence of Salabadjing, wedded to habits, saw no means of coercing his brother, but by the accustomed assistance of a body of French troops, which his own aid to Conflans in this time of necessity was certainly the likeliest means of procuring: but few of his officers were desirous of seeing the re-establishment of a power, which had interfered so much with their own authority and advantages in the government; nevertheless, they imagined, that the present contest for the ceded provinces between the French and English might give a chance of recovering these countries to their former dependence on the soubahship; and in this view most of them advised him to march towards Masulipatam. His brother, bassaulet Jung, concurred in the same opinion, and marched with his forces from Adoni at the same time that Salabadjing was advancing from Hyderabad. Both joined near the Kristna, and amounted to 15000 horse and 20000 foot. Neither their approach, nor the probability of their assisting the French, deterred Colonel Forde from his purpose of proceeding against Masulipatam. It was obvious, that the junction of Salabadjing's army with the French would bring heavy vengeance upon the Rajah, if the English troops should be obliged to retire before them: but even this consideration, because the danger was distant, could not induce him to relinquish the immediate advantages of his delay, although nothing more than the collections of the day levied by his troops spread abroad in all parts of the country.

Five miles to the south of Elore you arrive at the bed of a vast lake, which extends 47 miles in length, from west to east across the situation of the city, and 14 in breadth from north to south. From the beginning of the rains in July, until the end of September, the whole is spread over with water, excepting 60 or 70 small islots, on which the inhabitants remain; but during the rest of the year the whole is dry and passable, and in many places highly cultivated. The army, and for the first time any of the English troops, marched across the lake, and on the 3d of March encamped near a small fort, called Concale, in which the French had left a serjeant with 13 Europeans, and two companies of Sepoys. Captain Maclean, with six companies of Sepoys, were sent to attack and even escalade the fort: the garrison had the day before received assurances from Du Rocher, the commander of the army of observation, that he would arrive to their assistance on the 28th; relying on which, they manned the walls, and seemed resolute to defend themselves. Much firing of musketry passed with much loss to the assailants, who nevertheless twice attempted to break through the wicket of the gate, for want of better implements, with iron crows; but were each time beaten off; on which Captain Macleane sent to the army for a reinforcement of men and two guns; they arrived in the evening, and the guns were immediately applied, and beat open the gates. The detachment rushed in without mercy, and in the first onset killed all they met, who were only Sepoys; for the Europeans hid themselves until the firing and slaughter ceased. A few hours after, a native brought intelligence, that a party of forty Europeans, with some Sepoys, from the army of observation, were arrived within a few miles; on which Captain Macleane marched out to attack them. But they, hearing the fort was taken, had retreated. A small garrison of Sepoys, with a few Europeans, was left to secure the fort from surprize, and the army marched on towards Masulipatam, in sight of which they arrived on the 6th of March; and the same day received advices, that the French army under the command of Mr. Lally, had been obliged to raise the siege of Madrass. The fort and town of Masulipatam are situated beyond the reach of cannon-shot asunder. The fort stands a mile and a half from the sea-shore, on the edge of a sound formed partly by an inlet of the sea partly by drains from the circumjacent ground, and still more by a continued stream which the river Kristna sends off about 15 miles to the s. w. and which falls into the upper part of the sound, very near the fort. The Sound has sometimes three fathom, and at others only three feet water; and opposite to the fort, is 500 yards in breadth. The south side of the fort extends about 600 along the Sound, and 800 from thence to the north; and its area, as well as form, would differ very little from a parallelogram of these dimensions, if the eastern side did not lie in a re-entering angle, which, however, is a very obtuse one. The ground along the seashore for two miles to the north and south of the inlet of the Sound, is a collection of sand-hills, which extend about half a mile inland, when they cease on the border of a morass, which surrounds the fort on every side, and continues to the west and south for several miles; and to the N. w. and north, there is no hard ground at less than a mile of the fort, excepting a few small spots of sand in the morass, which are near it to the N. E.: but to the east, the sand hills along the sea are within 800 yards of the walls. The morass in all directions is intersected with creeks and gullies, which fall into the sound.

The Pettah, or town of Masulipatam, is situated a mile and a half to the N. w. of the fort, on a plot of ground rising above the morass; across which, the communication between this ground and the fort is by a straight causeway 2000 yards in length. The town is very extensive, and its ground on the farther side still to the N. w. is bounded by another morass, which stretches along it from the S. w. to the N. E. but is stopped by the sand-hills of the sea-shore, along which is the only access to the town on firm ground; for both morasses are miry even in the driest season, and were so now, although no rain had fallen for 40 days.

Mr. Conflans, with all his troops, excepting the few guards in the fort, were encamped in the Pettah for the convenience of water, of which there is none in the fort but what is preserved in cisterns. His ideas of remaining here extended no farther than this advantage; although, by flinging up an entrenchment across the dry ground from one morass to the other, he might have stopped the English army, to which the force with him was equal, being 500 Europeans and 2000 Sepoys, without the army of observation, which he had not recalled; and, as soon as the English army appeared, he retreated by the causeway, into the fort. The troops of Anunderauze and of the Zemindar of Narsipore encamped in the pettah; the English on the sand to the north-east.

The French, since they took possession of the Fort in 1751, had modernized the defences: the walls were mud faced with bricks as high as the parapet; and the three sides to the west, north, and east, contained 11 angular bastions of various shapes and sizes; before which were a palisaded berm, and a wet ditch; but no glacis. The front to the south along the sound, from reliance on that defence, was left open. The bastion next the N. w. fronted the causeway leading to the pettah: in this bastion was the gateway, and 120 yards of the causeway was converted into a caponiere, which terminated in a strong ravelin that scoured along the length of the causeway.

No regular approaches could be made to the fort, but by an army ten times stronger than Colonel Forde's; for hitherto black troops, howsoever numerous, were counted for nothing in the service of carrying on trenches. Colonel Forde therefore resolved to attack the fort from the sand-hills to the east, as the nearest shot; and by batteries detached from each other, without the communication of trenches, as little was to be feared from the sallies of the besieged. The ground had the advantage, although this circumstance would not have determined the choice, of being nearest to the disembarkation of the stores and heavy artillery from the Hardwicke, which, with the two sloops, were in the road.

Three batteries were erected; one in a fishing village near the inward point of the sand to the s. w. where it is bordered by the inlet of the sea to the south, and the west by a large creek in the morass coming from the north. Four hundred yards to the north of this battery and nearer to the edge of the same creek, was another: the third battery was at an equal distance 100 yards in the rear of both. The battery to the north, and that to the south, had each two eighteen and two twenty-four pounders; but in the south were likewise the bombarding artillery, which were three mortars, of 13, nine, and eight inches. The battery in the center had only two twelve-pounders.

In the s. E. angle of the fort, Close on the sound, was a bastion called the Francois, of 10 guns. For some distance from hence to the north, the want of hard ground had obliged the rampart to recede in a re-entering angle, in the bottom of which was a work in the form of a demi-lune, having only two faces, without flanks, which would have been needless, since the line of the faces sufficiently flanked the bastion Francois on the right, and that called the Saint John on the left. This work was called the Dutch bastion. The Saint John had eight guns, and beyond it in the N. E. angle of the fort was the bastion called the Camelion, mounting 10 guns. The southern of the English batteries fired on the Francois and Dutch bastion; the center on Saint John's; and the northern on the Cameleon. As soon as their position was decided, the garrison raised a battery on the left shore of the inlet as you enter from the sea; which took them all in flank; but as this battery was separated from the fort by the whole breadth of the sound, and might be attacked in the night by the boats of the ships, the garrison kept a constant guard in it of Europeans, besides Sepoys. They likewise stationed a stronger guard in the ravelin at the end of the caponiere on the other side of the fort. Besides the immediate superiority of artillery standing on their works, the garrison had others in store, mounted ready to replace what might be rendered useless in the course of service; whereas the English army could only restore the loss of theirs by borrowing the common guns of the Hardwicke, which were nine-pounders, or the Rajah's, which were good for nothing.

The French army of observation, as soon as the English passed onwards from Concale, crossed the country to Elore, where there was no garrison to oppose them; and from hence went on to Rajahmundrum, where the sick of the army, in all 25 Europeans, and 40 Sepoys, had been left under the command of Mr. Bristol, who a few days before had received a large sum in gold and silver, sent from Bengal to Vizigapatam, and from hence to him, for the service of the army with Colonel Forde. On the approach of the enemy, Bristol sent away the treasure to Cockanarah, a Dutch settlement on the coast: and as soon as they appeared on the river, ordered all such of his men as were capable of the fatigue to go away, and endeavour to gain Vizagapatam. The enemy marched two days onwards from Rajamundrum, giving out that they intended to take Vizianagarum, the capital of Anunderauze, as well as the English fort at Vizagapatam; but their views were only to extort money from the chiefs and renters, by the severities they exercised in the country. However, finding they could not collect as much as they spent, they returned; and directed their march to join the army of Salabadjing. The daily news of their motions terrified the Rajah with apprehensions for his countries, and no persuasions could induce him to advance either his credit or money: none remained in the military chest: Colonel Forde had borrowed all that the officers under his command had realized from the spoils of the campaign, and had even used the prizemoney of the troops; and the interposition of the French army of observation precluded the hopes of receiving what had been sent to Mr. Bristol; and by this time, every soldier in the army had perceived the obstacles which must be surmounted, to reduce the fort, which exasperated the sense of their distresses. In these agitations, the whole line of Europeans turned out on the 19th, with their arms, and threatened to march away. Colonel Forde, with much difficulty, prevailed on them to return to their tents, and to depute one or two to explain their complaints. The deputies declared, that all were resolved not to serve the siege, unless they were immediately paid the amount of the prize-money already due to them, and were assured of the whole booty, in case Masulipatam should be taken. According to the Company's regulations, authorized by the Crown, the troops in India are only entitled to one half of what is taken in the forts they reduce; the other half is reserved to the Company. Colonel Forde promised to pay them their prize-money, out of the very first he should receive; and, as he could not break through the regulation, assured them he would solicit the Company by a representation of their hardships and services, to give up their share of what might be take in Masulipatam; of which, he should retain the amount, until their determination was known. These promises appeased them; and they returned to their duty with their usual ardour. Nevertheless the batteries were not completed till the 25th, 18 days after the arrival of the army, during which the fort had kept a constant fire, which had only killed five men.

Salabadjing, as he approached, sent forward letters and messengers, commanding Anunderauze and the Zemindars who had joined the English, to quit them, and repair immediately, as vassals to his standard. On the 27th, advices were received in the camp, that his army was arrived at Bezoara on the Kristna, 40 miles from Masulipatam; and the same day came reports, that the French army of observation had retaken Rajahmundrum.

The Rajah, who had for some days been faltering, was now so terrified, that he marched away with all his forces the same night, without giving warning, intending to regain his own country on the other side of the Godaveri; and, notwithstanding the dilatoriness of his former motions, he on this occasion advanced 16 miles before day-break. Colonel Forde sent messengers after him, representing the absurdity of his conduct, in thinking to escape the numerous cavalry of Salabadjing on the one hand, and the French army of observation, who were towards Rajahmundrum, on the other; whereas, by remaining with the English troops his retreat would be assured, and the reduction of Masulipatam, even now not impracticable. The plain good sense of this advice brought him back with his army to the Pettah. Colonel Forde, although with little hopes, would not neglect the only means in his power of amusing Salabadjing from advancing to the relief of Masulipatam, and requested his permission to send a deputy to treat, professing no other intention than to take possession of the French garrisons and factories on the coast, without assuming the authority they had held in the inland countries. Salabadjing consented to receive the deputy, and Mr. Johnstone was sent to his camp on the 1st of April.

The three batteries continued a hot fire from the 25th of March to the 4th of April. On the 5th, the weather, which had hitherto been gentle, changed to a hard gale of wind, with thunder, lightning, and immense rain, which brought in the southern monsoon, with the return of fair weather on the 6th. In the evening the artillery officers reported, that there was no more than two day's ammunition left for the service of the batteries. Intelligence was likewise received, that Salabadjing was advancing from Bezoara, and that the French army of Observation, which he had invited, were very near his. It was now no longer possible for the English army to retreat the long way they had come, as the whole garrison of Masulipatam and the army of observation would join the Subah's in the pursuit. However, the camp might embark; for the shore at Masulipatam is still, and the only part on the coast of Coromandel, on which the sea does not beat with a strong surf. But Colonel Forde regarded this mode of retreat as intolerable disgrace, and resolved to storm the fort; judging, moreover, that the garrison would not suspect the attempt at the very time when the excess of the rain had rendered the approach over the morass much less practicable than before. He accordingly ordered the fire of the batteries to be kept up with double vivacity through the next day, and all the troops to be under arms at ten at night.

The ditch of the fort, at the ebb of the tide, which would happen at midnight, has only three feet water, and having no glacis, nothing prevented the immediate access. Notwithstanding the garrison had constantly repaired in the night the damages of the day, the hot and continued firing of this day had ruined the bastions sufficiently to mount; and each of the three had been equally fired upon, to confound the enemy's guess of the assault. As no outworks obstructed a full view of the body of the place, it was seen from the batteries, that the two bastions upon the sound on the extremities of the fort to the s. w. and the s. E. were in barbette, that is, without embrasures and merlons, but with a parapet low enough for cannon to fire over, which is rarely four feet high. From the s. w. bastion, which was named St. Michael's, to the next on the w. called the Saline, the exterior ground was a miry swamp of mud, in which the ditch that surrounded the rest of the fort, could not have been continued, but at great expence and labour, and was left in this state, because supposed of more difficult passage than the ditch itself. Some days before a black servant of Captain Yorke's, who had lately lived in Masulipatam, told him that he had sometimes seen the natives employed in the fort wade over the quagmire between the two bastions: and on this intelligence, Colonel Forde had permitted Captain Yorke and Knox to examine this passage; they took 100 Sepoys and placing them in different parties behind one another to support their retreat, went on at midnight, properly clad to the skin, in order to resemble black men naked, and entered the quagmire, which they passed half over, and found it not above knee deep, but the mud very tenacious; they returned undiscovered, and their report determined Colonel Forde to try an attack on this quarter at the same time as the main assault; which at least would distract the enemy's attention. In the same intention the country troops belonging to the Rajah were to march along the causeway over the morass, and on each side of it, and to skirmish against the ravelin in front of the gateway.

The battalion of Europeans, reinforced with 30 sailors from the Hardwicke, all the artillery-men, and half the Sepoys, were allotted for the real attack, which was to be made on the bastion called the Cameleon in the N. E. angle of the fort. Their whole number was 346 Europeans, rank and file; the Sepoys amounted to 1400; of which the other half were allotted to the false attack to be led by Captain Knox. Each of the three attacks was to be ready on their respective ground before midnight; when, as soon as the false commenced on the west side, the real, and the Rajah's were likewise to begin. As no counter-attempt was apprehended, the guard of the camp was left to some of the Rajah's troops. The attack with Captain Knox having farther to go, marched off first; the main attack was in three divisions, of which the Europeans formed two, and the Sepoys the last; but when they were to move, Captain Callender, who by his rank was to lead the first division of Europeans, was not to be found; and after much search and enquiry, the troops proceeded without him, crossing the morass from the dry ground of sand directly opposite to the Cameleon, the bastion they were to storm. In the way they were joined by the gunners crossing the morass, likewise from the batteries, which for fear of surprize they did not quit until the last moment. But before the troops arrived at the ditch, they heard the firing of Knox's attack, which nevertheless had only begun at the appointed time; on which all marched as fast as they could, as before up to the knees in mire, and in crossing the ditch, up to the middle in water and mud. Here they were discovered just before they got to the pallisade on the berm; and whilst the first division, commanded by Captain Fischer, were tearing it up; which took several minutes, the enemy gathered on the breach, and began likewise to fire cannon and musketry from the next bastions, the Saint John's on the right, and that called the small-gate on the left. The opposition only encreased the ardour of the assailants, and whilst the first division of Europeans with Fischer were gaining the breach, the second, commanded by Yorke, fired up against St. John's and the division of Sepoys led by Macleane against the small gate. Several were killed before Fischer's division had mounted, and got possession of the Cameleon; when, having waited until Yorke's came up, they turned and advanced along the rampart to the left, to get possession of the small gate. There was a handy gun, with its ammunition, on the Cameleon, which Yorke, on the suggestion of Captain Moran, who discovered it, ordered the gunners to turn and fire along the rampart towards the Sound, and in the mean time prepared his division to follow the same direction, as soon as a number of Sepoys sufficient to maintain the bastion were come up the breach; but, just as he was setting off, he perceived a line of Sepoys coming along in the way below, between the foot of the rampart and the buildings of the town: they were sent to reinforce the Cameleon from the arsenal near the Sound, where Conflans continued waiting the event with the grenadier company and other troops. Yorke immediately ran down, and seizing the French officer at the head of the Sepoys, bid him order them to lay down their arms and surrender; which they obeyed with little reluctance, and were sent up to the bastion. Yorke, having observed that the way below was free from interruption, and much broader than the rampart above, resolved to march along it, to get possession of the rest of the defences allotted to his attack; his division accordingly came down, excepting a few left with the prisoners, and the artillery-men with the gun. The guard of the next bastion, St. John's, had sheltered themselves within the angles, from the infilade of the gun; they were 20 Europeans, and more Sepoys, who, as soon as Yorke's division came under the bastion, advanced, to the edge of the rampart, fired down upon them, which killed several and wounded more, and then cried out, that they would surrender. Yorke generously spared the return of their fire: their arms were gathered, and they were conducted by a party to the Cameleon, where the Sepoys were in reserve, who reinforced the party, which was posted to secure the St. John's. The division then marched on, and when under the Dutch bastion, received the fire of the guard, scattered indeed, but with equal iniquity followed by the immediate offer of surrender, which was accepted with the same humanity as before, and the bastion and men secured by parties from the division, and the reserve. These interruptions had allowed the division time to think and expect more, and many shewed much unwillingness to go on; for darkness covers shame; however, they yielded to the threats and exhortations of Captain Yorke; but had not advanced many paces beyond the Dutch bastion, before they passed a small brick building close to the rampart, which fear or curiosity led some to examine. It was an extensive magazine of ammunition, and one unluckily cried out, a mine: this word struck the whole division with terror, and all instantly ran back to the Cameleon (the officers accompanying to reclaim them), and Captain Yorke, who marched at the head, was left alone, with only two drummers, who were black boys, beating the grenadiers' march, which they continued; but in vain, for none rejoined: on which Captain Yorke went back, and found all his men in much confusion at the bastion, some even proposing to go out of the breach and quit the fort. Severity was instantly necessary, and Yorke, as soon as on the bastion, threatened to put the first man to death who offered to come near the breach; on which some of the soldiers who had served with him in Adlercron's regiment, and had enlisted in the Company's service, cried out that their commander was ill used, and offered to follow him wheresoever he pleased: their number immediately increased to 36, with whom he marched off, leaving the rest to follow, as the officers could bring them on. The length of this interruption, joined to the preceding, had given the French officer at the next bastion, the Francois, which stands on the edge of the Sound, time to get down a gun loaded with grape-shot and to point it up the way the party was coming; it fired when they were within a few yards, and with great execution, killing several and wounding sixteen. Captain Yorke fell, with a ball through each of his thighs, and each of the black drummers was killed dead at his side. This havock, however, did not discourage the rest from bringing off their Captain, whom they carried to the Cameleon; and the guards, posted in the St. Jean and Dutch bastions, not dismayed, kept their ground, waiting the event.

During these efforts of the left division, the right, commanded by Captain Fischer, was advancing from the Cameleon to the right, but along the rampart. The next, which is the small gate, was not in complete repair; and the Sepoys with Macleane were attempting to scramble up it, which, with the approach of Fischer's division, drove the guard away to the next bastion, called the Church-yard, from which they fired continually, but without order, as the division approached; and when near, asked quarter, which was granted.

Colonel Forde continued with the reserve on the bastion of St. Jean, issuing the necessary orders, according to the reports from both divisions. The prisoners as fast as taken were brought to him there, and he sent them, as they came, down the breach, into the ditch, where they were guarded as well as the night permitted by a proper number of Sepoys, threatening at the point of bayonet to kill the first that moved; but very few of them ventured any disturbance. The Rajah's troops had for some time begun their attack on the ravelin on the causeway, and, if nothing more, with much din and clamour; but the fire of the false attack with Captain Knox continually diminished; as having begun earlier, they had expended most of their ammunition, although, finding the enemy prepared in this quarter, they only fired across without venturing to pass the quagmire. However, this attack kept some of the garrison from the more material service against the real, and the Rajah's prevented the guard at the ravelin from returning into the fort, which they ought to have done, as being of little use without the walls, whilst the body of the place was in instant danger. But the separation of the main attack into two divisions, confounded the defence much more than the attacks without. Mr. Conflans, not knowing what to do, kept at his house near the Sound, continually receiving messages magnifying the danger, and sending orders which new reports continually induced him to contradict.

The parade of the fort was under the bastion of the great gate, and as this is the usual place of rendezvous on alarm, most of the troops and officers who remained willing to continue the defence, whether driven from their posts, or wanting immediate orders, repaired hither, and had joined the guard of the bastion above, before Fischer's division was ready to advance from that of the church-yard. Near 100 were assembled, but their fire began before the division was sufficiently near, which preserved theirs, and only giving that of the first platoon, rushed on, and soon cleared the bastion. Fischer immediately sent down to secure the gate below, which shut out the troops on the ravelin, and prevented the escape of any from within. Whilst the division was getting into order to proceed again, appeared Captain Callender, no one knew from whence, and taking the command, marched at their head towards the next bastion, called the Pettah, from which came scattering shot, scarcely more than one at a time, and the last that dropped, shot Callender dead; immediately after which the fire of the garrison in all other parts of the fort ceased, and soon after came a message from Colonel Forde, ordering Fischer's division to cease likewise, as Mr. Conflans had surrendered. He had sent a message offering to capitulate on honourable terms; to which Forde answered, that he would give none, but at discretion, nor even this; but would put every man to the sword, if all did not instantly surrender.

On the return of the officer, Mr. Conflans sent orders round for the troops to quit their arms, and repair to his quarters at the arsenal, which is a spacious enclosure. As soon as all was quiet, the English troops assembled on the parade, under the bastion of the gate-way; and 100 Europeans, with two guns, and two companies of Sepoys, were detached to remain on guard over the prisoners until the morning; when, whatsoever troops were at the ravelin, and the battery at the inlet, and had not escaped, came into the fort, to become prisoners with the rest of the garrison. The whole number exceeded the assailants, being 500 Europeans; of whom 100 were either officers or inhabitants of better condition, and 2537 either Coffrees, Topasses, or Sepoys. Of the assailants, 22 Europeans were killed, amongst them the Captains Callender and Mollitore, and 62 wounded. Of the Sepoys, who behaved with equal gallantry as the Europeans, as well in the real, as at the false attacks, 50 were killed, and 150 wounded. The Rajah's people likewise suffered more than was expected from them; but nothing in proportion to the English troops. The fort was furnished with 120 pieces of cannon, and abundance of military stores. The plunder of other effects was likewise valuable; and all that was not merchandize was given back to the prisoners; half the rest was divided amongst the English army, and the other half reserved for them according to the promise they had received.

The improbability of the attempt was the principal cause of its success, for the garrison from the beginning had regarded the siege with mockery, and, being in daily expectation of the arrival of a body of troops which were coming by sea from Pondicherry, had concerted, that the army of observation, joined by this reinforcement, and a great detachment, if not the whole of Salabadjing's army, should then surround and attack the English army, which they represented to themselves as involved in impending and inevitable destruction; and indeed, if these efforts had been made by Salabadjing's army, and the French troops abroad, without waiting for the reinforcement, the English army could not have kept their ground, since the Rajah, with all his troops, would certainly have run away, and the enemy's horse, amongst whom were many Morattoes, would have cut off all provisions, and harrassed every motion: nor could they have made the embarkation, to escape by sea, without abandoning all the stores and artillery.

The ministry of Salabadjing were therefore not more surprized, than vexed, at the loss of the place, because, conscious that it might have been prevented by the activity they had neglected to exert. They held councils with the French commander of the army of observation, and determined still to wait for the reinforcement; when they expected at least to reduce the English to compound for their retreat by the surrender of Masulipatam. The Rajah Anunderauze, divining what might happen, proposed to return to his own country, as soon as the place was taken; and Colonel Forde, from utter contempt of his character, made no objections to his departure; he marched away with all the Indian forces on the 12th, to regain the Godaveri; and, by hasty marches, was, in two days, out of the reach of pursuit.

Early in the morning of the 15th appeared two ships, standing into the road, under French colours. The commander of the Hardwicke, Samson, was ashore embarking prisoners, of whom he had already received 40 on board: but his brother, who was the chief mate, immediately weighed, and got to windward of the strange ships; on which the largest anchored in the road, as did the Hardwicke at a distance; but the other still plying up, the Hardwicke weighed again, as did the largest ship, and the wind having changed, both of the enemy's bore down, with a fair sail; in the mean time, Captain Samson with eight gunners lent from the army, got on board, and determining not to run, before he had tried the strength of the ships, waited to exchange a broadside, which discovering them to be stouter than his own, he again hauled the wind, and working more dexterously got again out of their reach, but continued in the offing. The two French ships anchored again in the road, and in the night sent a catamaran, which they had brought with them, on shore, with letters to Mr. Conflans, signifying, that they were the Harlem and Bristol from Pondicherry, with 300 troops Europeans and Topasses, besides the crews: they were the aid of which advices had been received before. No answer being returned, they suspected the loss of the place, and early the next morning stood out again after the Hardwicke, which bore away for Bengal, and before noon all three were out of sight.

The army of Salabadjing was at this time within 15 miles of Masulipatam; and imagining, that the French ships would return to land the troops, sent forward all the Morattoes towards the shore. Colonel Forde, notwithstanding the great number of prisoners which were to be guarded, divided his force, and leaving half in the fort to take care of them, encamped with the other on the ground he had occupied before. This countenance kept the Morattoes out of cannon-shot, but they burnt and slew all around for several days; when Salabadjing, seeing no probability of retaking Masulipatam, began to treat in earnest; and Colonel Forde went to his camp, and was received with much attention.

But another motive of equal weight concurred to induce this change in Salabadjing's disposition towards the English. Some account of the assassination of Mr. Bussy's Duan, and of Nizamally's flight to Brampour, had reached Bengal before the departure of the present expedition; and Clive, judging that the atrocity of the injury which Nizamally had committed would carry his detestation of the French nation beyond the reach or wish of reconciliation, wrote letters to him, requesting his assistance to the army with Colonel Forde in exterminating the French out of the provinces they had dismembered from the sovereignty of the Decan. Colonel Forde dispatched these letters, with his own to the same purport, and Nizamally had received them: whether they contributed to influence his immediate operations we are uncertain; but as soon as he was certified that Salabadjing was marching against the English army to Masulipatam, he took the field with his own from Aurengabad, advancing towards Hyderabad, and giving out, that he intended to reform the administration. The news of his intentions, which preceded the advices of his march, alarmed Salabadjing for the preservation of Hyderabad itself, and made him not only anxious to return thither as soon as possible, but desirous of being accompanied by a body of English troops; fearing, that if he entertained the French army of observation, all reconciliation with his brother Nizamally would be precluded. Nevertheless the influence which the commander of these troops had gained over his brother Bassalutjung, who managed the most important affairs of the government, delayed the execution of his treaty with Colonel Forde until the 12th of May, on which day it was signed, and delivered.

The treaty consisted of four articles. By the first; The whole territory dependant on Masulipatam, with eight districts, as well as the jurisdiction over the territory of Mizamapatam, with the districts of Codaver and Wacalmannar, were granted to the English without the reserve of fine or military service. By the second article, Salabadjing promised to oblige the French troops, meaning the army of observation, to pass the Kristna in 15 days; nor, in future, to permit the nation to have any settlement in the country of the Decan, which this treaty defines to be bounded on the south, by the Kristna; nor to entertain any French troops in his service, nor to give them assistance, or ever call them again to his own. By the third, he promised not to call Anunderauze to account for whatsoever he had collected out of the governments belonging to the French, nor for the tributes of his own countries for the present year; but he was hereafter to pay the same for them as had been paid by Vizeramrauze, and the father of Vizeramrauze. If Anunderauze failed in this stipulation, Salabadjing was left free to treat him as he pleased: but in all cases was neither to assist, or give protection to the enemies of the English; and by the 4th article, the English engage neither to assist, or give protection to his. The territory ceded to the company extended 80 miles along the sea, and 20 inland, and the revenues amounted to 400,000 rupees a year.

As soon as the treaty was signed, Salabadjing offered Colonel Forde a district near Masulipatam, as a jaghire or pension for himself, if he would accompany him with part of the English troops against his brother Nizamally. Colonel Forde, with as much earnestness, requested his assistance to take or destroy the French army of observation, who were encamped in the neighbourhood, avowedly under the protection of Bassaulet Jung. Neither side had the least inclination to gratify the other, and Salabadjing on the 18th marched away in much disgust with the English, to whom he had confirmed, without any reciprocal benefit, the most advantageous acquisition of its extent, they could wish to gain, with the view of maintaining, on the whole coast of Coromandel from Ganjam to Cape Comorin. The body of French troops crossed the Kristna, but marched to the westward, in consequence of assurances from Bassaulet Jung to take them into his service, when he should return from Hyderabad to his own Government of Adoni. The Presidency of Madrass considered Masulipatam as dependant on their authority, and appointed Mr. Andrews, with a council, to manage the revenue and trade: and Colonel Forde remained there with the troops, in expectation of orders for his future proceedings from the Presidency of Bengal.

Mr. Lally, with the French army, was in full march after the English, when he received the news at Trivatore that they had taken Conjeveram, on which he halted; but sent forward the partizan Lambert, with the body of troops he commanded apart from the army, who posted themselves seven miles from the English, in the road to Arcot, in order to prevent the incursions of their cavalry into those districts; but the English army had no intention to ravage a country they intended to recover. Lambert's party consisted of 300 either Topasses or Europeans, unfit for the regular battalions, about 700 Sepoys, and 200 horse. They had been detached whilst the two armies some time before were facing one another at Conjeveram, to retaliate on Kistnarow, the Killidar of Thiagar, the ravages he had committed in the adjacencies of Pondicherry, and to retake the forts which he and Mahomed Issoof had reduced whilst the French army were preparing on the other side of the Paliar to attack Madrass. In the middle of March, he set down before Elavanasore, which Kistnarow, leaving his rock of Thiagar, resolved to defend in person; continual skirmishes passed between them for ten days, when Lambert, seeing no probability of taking the place without battering cannon, of which he had nine, marched away, and set down before Trivatore; where likewise were some Sepoys left by Mahomed Issoof, and some of Kistnarow's, who were very near surrendering, when Lambert, with his whole detachment, was recalled to the main army; which on the 19th advanced to Covrepauk, where they took up their quarters, still keeping Lambert's party between them and the English, which continued at Conjeveram, and threw up redoubts in their front, and on their flanks.

Soon after the detachment of Gopaulrow's Morattoes had taken possession or Tripetti, he received orders from Balagerow at Poni to return and join him there without delay; lest he should be stopped by the floods of the Kristna, which swells in May. He accordingly recalled all his parties, excepting a small detachment left to guard Tripetti, under the command of an officer named Narrain Saustry. and the main body marched away from the passes of Damalcherri, in the beginning of April. At the same time, Abdulwahab, the Nabob's brother, was permitted to return with his troops, to Chandergerry; from whence he sent them against Tripetty, of which they got possession after a slight resistance: he then requested the Presidency to grant him the farm of the pagoda; but as his rank exempted him from controul, the Presidency let it to the same renters as were holding it when taken by the French, by whom they had likewise been continued in the management.

Three companies of Sepoys sent from Tritchinopoly joined Kistnarow soon after Lambert's party was recalled from the south, with whom and his own troops Kistnarow immediately took the field again, and ravaged as far as Trivadi, within 14 miles of Pondicherry, and from thence to Cuddalore, where, since the reduction of Fort St. David, the French kept a garrison. Some bad troops were sent from both, and the adjacent districts, to oppose him, and having amongst them 30 Europeans, and he none, excepting the Serjeants of the Sepoys, the enemy attacked him with confidence, and were decisively beaten. Ten of their Europeans, and a great number of their country troops, were killed. Of the English Sepoys 30, and nine of Kistnarow's people; but the enemy left behind them three pieces of cannon, a tumbril, and 30 barrels of ammunition, which he carried away in triumph to Thiagar; and from thence sent back the English Sepoys to Tritchinopoly. This success was gained in the beginning of May.

A few days after the reduction of Conjeveram, intelligence was received, that the garrison of Sepoys at Palamcotah, in the country of Tinivelly, had ventured to stand an engagement in the field against Maphuze Khan and the Pulitaver, joined by most of the other Polygars, and, although the enemy quitted the field, so many of the Sepoys were killed and wounded, that the garrison could no longer appear out of the fort. It had before been resolved to send Mahomed Issoof into the southern countries, as soon as the army in the field could be diminished without risque; of which, the caution of the French army at Covrepauk to avoid even the chance of skirmishes, and the departure of the Morattoes with Gopaulrow, who might have joined them, no longer left any apprehensions. The troops of Tanjore and Tondiman were therefore ordered to return, with Mahomed Issoof's detachment, and the whole body were to pass by Vicravandi and Trivadi, in order to assist Kistnarow in ravaging the French districts in the way. They set out together on the 26th of April: the detachment with Mahomed Issoof was six companies of Sepoys, 60 of the horse, and six of the Europen gunners he brought with him, and two field-pieces: the Tanjorines were 300 horse, and Tondiman's troops 250, with 1100 Colleries. After the first day's march, the troops of Tanjore and Tondiman declared they would not expose themselves to the risque of passing through the enemy's districts, nor of crossing the Coleroon near them. Mahomed Issoof, impatient to arrive at his destination, yielded to, if he did not suggest, their repugnance, and consented to go the way they chose. Accordingly, they all quitted the straight road to the south, and striking to the west, passed by Arnee, and entered the mountains about nine miles south of Velore: then continuing along the valley of Vaniambady, they came out at another pass near Tricalore, and burning seven or eight villages under the fort which were held by the French renters, they arrived at Thiagar on the 8th of May, where Kistnarow was returned from his excursion to Trivadi. The Tanjorines and Tondimans, thinking the rest of the country from Thiagar safe, proceeded home more like travellers than troops: but Mahomed Issoofs detachment marched on in regular order to Tritchinopoly, where they arrived on the 14th; and, on the 16th, having taken leave of the Nabob, he continued his march to Madura.

Nothing could testify more confidence than the dismission of such a number of troops in the face of the enemy. Their distresses for every kind of supply, and for want even of their pay, after they arrived at Covrepauk, deferred Mr. Lally from trusting their goodwill in action, until he could satisfy their complaints. For this purpose, he went to Arcob, and, having detected various frauds in the management of the Amuldar or renter, who farmed the districts, fined him 40,000 rupees; and he received 10,000 from Mortizally of Velore, with the promise of some provisions, to refrain from molesting his domain. But before he had procured these aids, he received news, that the English squadron, consisting of nine sail of the line, and three frigates, had arrived on the 28th of April at Negapatam, from Bombay. Their appearance, whilst the French army was at such a distance, alarmed the garrison at Karical, and even Pondicherry itself; but not Mr. Lally, who, on the contrary, thought it requisite to shew better countenance, and, having satisfied immediate wants with the money he had obtained, marched on the 6th of May with the whole army from Covrepauk, and encamped camped the next day at Balchitty's choultry, seven miles to the west of Conjeveram. The situation they chose was strong, and the country being quite level, the advanced guards of the two armies were in sight of each other.

An exchange of prisoners had been some time before agreed on, and 100 of those taken at Fort St. David arrived at Chinglapet from Pondicherry on the 6th, which enabled the Presidency of Madrass to reinforce their army with that number, although of other Europeans: but the French could not immediately receive an equal advantage, because their prisoners were released from Tritchinopoly, and had to march from thence to Pondicherry. Colonel Brereton fell at this time dangerously ill, and with much regret was obliged to be earned into Madrass, when the command devolved to Colonel Monson, the next officer in the king's regiment, who immediately made preparation, and on three successive days, from the 12th to the 15th, drew the army out of the lines, offering the enemy battle in the plain; but the ground of their encampment was too strong to be attacked by an equal force. By this time, the resources of money and provisions which Mr. Lally had lately procured were nearly exhausted, and the soldiery renewed their complaints, which most of the officers, from personal hatred to himself, were little solicitous to repress. Knowing their discontent, he would not venture the battle he otherwise wished, (for he was always brave and impetuous, and had 2000 Europeans in the field,) before he had tried how far their prejudices might influence their duty: and made several motions, tending to no great consequence, which convinced him, that, in their present mood, they would not fight with ardour under his command. The English army, ignorant of the motives, were much surprized to see the whole of the French quitting their encampment on the 15th, and in march towards Trivatore. From hence they were disposed into different cantonments. Parties were sent to Arcot, Covrepauk, and Carangoly, 200 Europeans to Chittapet, 400 with the field artillery to Vandiwash; 1200, with 100 European horse, marched to Pondicherry, whither Mr. Lally likewise went, resolved not to meet the English again in force, until the arrival of the French squadron, which was daily expected with reinforcements. On the 28th, the English army was distributed into cantonments at Chinglapet, Conjeveram, Stree Permadore, and Muslewack, which, with the forts of Pondamalée and Tripassore, formed a barrier from the river Paliar to Pulicate, The French had some time before withdrawn their troops from Sadrass, and restored the fort and town to the Dutch.

Thus ended this campaign, after it had lasted 100 days, during which of 8 or 10,000 men in arms, not five were killed. But the principal object of both sides was to protect their respective territory, and not to risk an engagement without positive advantage, which neither gave.

Mr. Lally carried with him to Pondicherry more resentment than ever against the governor, the council, and all who were employed in the civil administration of the company's affairs; imputing to their malversations all the obstacles and impediments which obstructed the success of his arms. The council, he alledged, received presents from the renters of all the districts, who, emboldened by the knowledge of their peculations, continually evaded the regular payments, or insisted on remissions in the terms of their leases: and whilst the public treasury was thus disappointed or defrauded of its incomes, its issues he insisted were squandered with equal prodigality, because the council and their dependants held shares in all the supplies for the public service, whether in the camp or city. Something of these accusations might be true; but Mr. De Leyrit, the governor, was a man of distinguished moderation and equity; and other members of the council were likewise men of worth, superior to such practices; but all who were not, sheltered their own characters under the public disbelief, of the calumnies against those who were guiltless of the delinquencies imputed to them: and all knowing Mr. Lally's aversion to Mr. Bussy, who had remained ill at Pondicherry since the siege of Madrass, paid particular court to his person and character, and continually expressed their regrets at the indiscretion of the ministry in Farnce appointing Mr. Lally to the supreme command in India, when they had it in their power to have employed an officer of such approved and successful services as Mr. Bussy.

As soon as the main body of the French army arrived at Pondicherry, 60 Europeans were sent to Kariral; against which place, from its distance and situation on the sea-shore, although a regular fortification, Mr. Lally always apprehended a descent from the English squadron. Another party was prepared to attack Kistnarow, whose ravages had greatly impaired the revenues expected from the adjacent districts; but did not take the field until the 24th, which gave time to Captain Joseph Smith, at Tritchinopoly, to send three companies of Sepoys, under the command of Hunterman, the serjeant-major of the garrison, who arrived at Thiagar before the French party; which thereupon returned to Trivadi: where they remained waiting for detachments until they were strengthened to 200 Europeans, 1500 Sepoys, 40 Hussars, 500 black horse, and eight guns, and where likewise joined by the matchlocks and peons of the French districts: when, by forced marches, they suddenly invested Elavanasore on the 5th of July; and took it by assault on the 11th. Kistnarow himself was in Thiagar; his gallantry, and the importance of the place, which protected all the districts southward toward Tritchinopoly, determined Captain Smith to make an effort for their preservation, which the strength of his garrison could ill afford. Forty Europeans, with three guns, and six companies of Sepoys, marched under the command of Lieutenant Raillard, a Swiss, and before they reached Volcondah were joined by 1000 horse, which the Nabob had levied since his arrival at Tritchinopoly, intending to employ them in the Madura and Tinivelly countries, which he expected would have been left to his management. Kistnarow, on hearing of the march of Raillard's detachment, came out of Thiagar with all his horse, and some Sepoys, in the night of the 12th, and the next day joined him at Volcondah. Serjeant Hunterman, with the rest of the three companies of Sepoys he had brought, and what foot Kistnarow usually kept in Thiagar, remained to defend it, until his return with the reinforcement. At break of day on the 14th, the whole body of the French troops, now commanded by the Viscount Fumel, who had made a forced march in the night from Elavanasore, appeared before the pettah at the bottom of the rock, and investing it on every side on the plain, brought two guns against the two opposite gates on the north and south, and disposed two parties to escalade in other places. The fight was every where sharp; both the escalades and the attack on the north gate were repulsed; but after two hours, the enemy forced the other, and brought their guns into the town, and Hunterman, still unwilling to give up, had nearly been cut off in his retreat to the gateway of the passage leading up to the fort above, which he however gained, having lost one-third of his Sepoys; but the enemy more, having 200 of theirs, and 30 Europeans killed and wounded. They had scarcely disposed their guards, when their scouts brought word, that the troops with Ralliard and Kistnarow were approaching, and were within a few miles; on which Fumel, with the impetuosity of his nation on success, marched out with most of the troops, but without the field-pieces; and met the English, who were advancing fast on the plain within two miles from the fort. Ralliard, thinking the advantage of his two field-pieces greater than it really was, halted his line to cannonade, which the enemy stood; and, instead of coming on as Ralliard expected, waited till their own, which were five, came up, when they fired amongst the Nabob's cavalry, and knocked down several on which the whole of this dastardly body went off, and left the infantry unflanked. Ralliard and Kistnarow were in this instant riding towards the cavalry, to lead them up to the enemy's; and, hurried by vexation, followed in hopes of rallying them, and left the infantry without command; against whom the enemy, seeing the horse going off, advanced to the push of bayonet. There was, not far in the rear of the English line, a village, in which the oxen with the ammunition and the stores were waiting; and the gunners, thinking it a safe station to secure the field-pieces, turned, and began to draw them off as fast as they could, thinking they should be covered by the rest of the infantry; who, confused by these various appearances of terror in others, took panic themselves, and broke, before the enemy's Europeans were at their breasts; and all instantly fell under the sabres of their black cavalry: meanwhile the exhortations of Ralliard and Kistnarow were vain to retain the Nabob's, who went off on the full gallop in the road to Tritchinopoly. All the Europeans were killed, or made prisoners: all the Sepoys threw down their arms, and suffered more as the enemy did not think them worth taking, and only 200 of them got back to Tritchinopoly. Kistnarow, seeing all lost, followed the Nabob's cavalry; Ralliard road back to the enemy, discharged his pistols at the first he met, and then galloped out of their reach. He was afterwards found dead five miles from the field of action; his head and breast bruised with violent strokes of his pistol, under which he is supposed, as he had neither cartridges nor sword, to have expired, and to have inflicted this severe, but needless execution on himself, to avoid the disgrace of his defeat. The enemy returned to Thiagar, and summoned Kisbnarow's officer in the upper fort to surrender, who, encouraged by Serjeant Hunterman, refused; which obliged them to send to Chittapet and Vandiwash, for three mortars, and more Europeans. They fired and bombarded the rock until the 25th; when Hunterman, having nearly expended all the ammunition, capitulated to 600 Europeans, and obtained honourable terms for the whole garrison, Kistnarow's people as well as the English Sepoys; all being permitted to march away with their arms, their persons without search, their baggage on oxen, and under an escort of French troops to the distance they chose: the artillery only excepted. The gallantry of Hunterman was rewarded with an Ensign's commission.

Nothing of consequence had passed between the two armies since they went into cantonments, except reciprocal excursions of small parties to drive off cattle, of which the English collected 5 or 6000. The French garrison in the fort of Arcot consisted of 60 Europeans and six companies of Sepoys: and being as ill paid as the rest of the troops, the Sepoys made overtures to Colonel Monson, proffering to deliver up the fort for a reward in money. At the same time, the Kellidar of Covrepauk, in which were only ten Europeans, and he of Timery, who had none, offered likewise to sell their forts. Timery, from its distance, was not deemed worth the purchase; but the reputation of Arcot, and the communication with it by Covrepauk, induced the Presidency to accept the terms of these forts, although costly. But the Sepoys at Arcot, when the day of execution approached, confessed that they could not succeed; and a few days after 200 Europeans were sent into the fort from Vandiwash, but not, as it seemed, from any suspicion of the plot. However, their march stopped the bargain with Covrepauk.

Narrain Saustry, the Morattoe officer, whom Abdul wahab had driven from Tripetty, took up his residence an Carcambaddy, a town in the hills, 15 miles distant, belonging to a petty Polygar, subject to a greater called the Matlaver, with whose assistance he raised forces, mostly such as were to be found in those wilds; and in the night of the 30th of June, by a bye-path in the mountain of Tripetty, got possession of the temple on the summit. The troops maintained by the renter, and two companies of Sepoys with Ensign Wilcox, were in the town below, which commands the usual path of the pilgrims to the pagoda. Narrain Saustry therefore waited for another force, which the Matlaver was to send; when one from the rock, and the other from the plain, were to surprize the town. They accordingly made the attack on the 9th of July at four in the morning; and, after skirmishing an hour, were beaten off, with the loss of 20 men killed and wounded; but the Morattoes still kept possession of the pagoda. A few days after, the town was reinforced by the Presidency of Madrass, with three companies of Sepoys, 15 Europeans, and a small gun. None but Indians, and they of the better castes, are permitted to ascend the hill on which the pagoda stands; for the Bramins pretend, that if the summit should be trodden by forbidden feet, all the virtue of the pagoda in the remission of sins would be lost, until restored by an immense purification. Not apprized of this creed, the Sepoys sent by the Presidency were as usual a mixture of Mahomedans and various castes of Indians, so that out of the six hundred, only 80 were worthy to mount to the assault: and the Europeans were utterly excluded. The renter nevertheless, with the 80 Sepoys, and his peons and matchlocks, in all not exceeding 500 men, ventured to attack the enemy in possession of the pagoda, and was repulsed with loss, but the blood shed in the attack did not unsanctify the pagoda.

In the latter part of June, three of the usual ships arrived from England, with 200 recruits, sent by the Company; and brought intelligence, that the 84th regiment of 1000 men, in the king's service, were coming in other Ships, under the command of Lieutenant-colonel Coote, the same officer whom we have seen serving in Bengal with the rank of Major; he was appointed to the command of the Company's troops in Bengal; but with permission to stop and serve with his regiment, if more necessary, on the coast of Coromandel. The satisfaction arising from this intelligence was in some measure impaired by a resolution of the Court of directors; who, dazzled by the wealth acquired in Bengal from the revolution of Plassy, and by representations of its sufficiency to supply their other presidencies, had determined to send no more treasure to any of them until the year 1760; but for every reason this intelligence was kept within the council.

At this time likewise, 200 English prisoners were received from Pondicherry, in exchange for the same number of French released at Tritchinopoly; but more than one half of the English were seamen, taken in the frigates stranded at St. David's, and other vessels; who were immediately sent away to the squadron, which was cruizing to the southward. However, these additions to the army enabled the Presidency to extend their attention to objects they had been obliged to neglect, in order to make head in the adjacencies of Madrass: and 90 Europeans, of whom 20 were invalids, and the others not the best men, were sent to Tritchinopoly, proceeding by sea to Negapatam, and from thence through the country of Tanjore.

Three companies of Sepoys had been sent to bring away as many of the French prisoners as they could guard from Masulipatam. As the sea was adverse, they marched by land, and were joined on the road by 100 horse of Nazeabulla's, from Nelore. They arrived at Masulipatam on the 1st of June, and on the 15th began their march back with 200 of the prisoners; but on the 3d day were recalled by Colonel Forde, in consequence of intelligence which threatened their farther progress with danger.

The Subah Salabadjing, on his return from Masulipatam, halted within four days of Hyderabad, and commenced a negotiation with his brother Nizamally. An interview ensued, which was followed by a reconciliation, and concluded by the restoration of Nizamally to the same extensive powers in the government of the Decan, which had excited the apprehensions of Mr. Bussy, and the mortal hatred of both to each other, in the beginning of the preceding year. This revolution in the administration deprived Bassaulet Jung, the other brother, of all his power; which had been considerable as Duan, and little controled by the indolence of Salabadjing. He therefore marched away in seeming disgust with his brothers; but with most against the ablest; and took with him the troops which had formed Conflans' army of observation. They were 200 Europeans, and the 2000 Sepoys under the command of Zulfacar Jung: his own were 1500 good horse, and 5000 foot of various sorts, with a train of heavy artillery. They recrossed the Kristna, summoning acknowledgments, and plundering the country; and when Bonjour's detachment, set out from Masulipatam, were arrived at Condavire, within 50 miles of the road of his march. From hence, Bassaulet Jung, and his principal officers, sent forward threatening letters to Nazeabulla at Nelore, and the three greater Polygars, as well as all the lesser ones along the Pennar, ordering them to account for their shares of the tribute with the arrears, due to the throne through the officiality of the Subah of the Decan, by whom Bassaulet Jung, pretended he was commissioned to call them to account; and, as a more effectual terror, gave out, that he should pass through their countries, in order to join the French at Arcot. The style of his letters, and still more his approach, had deterred Nazeabulla, as well as the northern Polygars, from giving any assistance to the English in recovering the mountain of Tripetti; although all applied to Madrass for assistance to defend themselves. This consternation was strong, when the renter was repulsed in the attack of the mountain; and, on the news of his ill success, 200 of the black horse, with three companies of Sepoys, were sent from the army at Conjeveram to Tripassore, where they would be in readiness either to succour the renter, Nazeabullah, the Polygars, or to march on to join Bonjour's detachment, if returning. But this party was scarcely arrived at Tripassore, when the presidency received intelligence from Ensign Wilcox, that a detachment of Europeans, Sepoys, and horse, sent from Arcot; to Narrain Saustry, were marching round the hills, in order to attack the troops in the town of Tripetti; which if they should take, the revenues of the approaching feast in September would be lost, and the recovery of the pagoda, resisted by French troops, rendered hereafter much more difficult; whereas, in the present state, Narrain Saustry in possession of the mountain, and the English of the town, neither at least could get any thing, excepting by a compromise. The importance of this object, and of the other concerns in this quarter, determined the presidency to send Major Calliaud, with 200 Europeans and 300 Sepoys. They arrived at Tripetti on the 8th of July; but, as before, the re-inforcement of Sepoys furnished few of the right sort to attack the mountain. Calliaud therefore marched with the Europeans, four companies of Sepoys, and two guns, against Carcambaddy, the way over hills and vallies, covered with wood, but inhabited by a people fit only for skulking attacks, although of no contemptible caste being entitled to the pagoda of Tripetti. They fired continually from the thickets and covers, and killed and wounded several of the line before they forced the first barrier. At the second, Major Calliaud with much, difficulty got one of the guns upon a rock, which flanked the barrier, and the first discharge, loaded with grape, killed the Polygar and several of his men, after which the detachment met no farther resistance. They were seven hours gaining their way, and arrived at three in the afternoon at the Polygars town; which they found abandoned, burnt it down, and destroyed the adjoining plantations. The next day they returned to Tripetti, and Calliaud thinking the enemy in the mountain would be as much discouraged, as the renter's people were elated by this success, sent all the fit men of his Sepoys, who, with the renter's, did not exceed six hundred, although Narrain Saustry had twice as many, to attack the pagoda again; which the enemy, after skirmishing three hours, abandoned, and all ran away to take shelter in the hills of Matlaver. Four of the renter's men were killed, and 20 wounded. Every thing being thus quieted in the neighbourhood, and no farther tidings of the French party from Arcot, Calliaud set out on his return on the 18th with all the troops he had brought, excepting ten Europeans, whom he left with Wilcox.

No party of Europeans had marched from Arcot against Tripetti, and the report arose from the plundering excursion of some Sepoys and horse in the skirts of Bomerauze's country, to second a demand they were making on him of 60,000 rupees. Nevertheless the advices were so intirely credited at Madrass, that Colonel Brereton, without waiting to advise with the council, ordered Major Monson to move the army from Conjeveram towards Arcot, as nearer to succour whatsoever the enemy might intend to distress. They marched on the 5th; and on the 7th in the morning appeared before Covrepauk, with two 18 and two 12-pounders. This fort is small, but well-built of stone, and has a wet ditch, which was in good order. Colonel Monson summoned the officer, more according to form than his own expectation of the answer he received, which was, that, if the garrison, whites and blacks, were permitted to retire to Arcot, the soldiers with their knapsacks, and the officers with their effects, the gate should be immediately delivered: the capitulation was transacted and concluded in less than an hour. This easy success, for the fort was worthy of breach, gave hopes that the French garrison of Arcot would not make all the defence they might; and as the situation was equally near to Tripetti, the army advanced, and arrived in the city on the 9th. The garrison shewed good countenance, and their artillery was so superior, that nothing could be done, until the English army were supplied with a train from Madrass, before which the greatest part of the French army might arrive from their different cantonments to the relief of Arcot; and for this reason, Major Monson, before he received the orders of the presidency, marched back to Conjeveram; but left 400 Europeans of the Company's troops in Covrepauk, which secured the revenues of the country between these two stations.

Mr. Pococke, waiting for the arrival of the French squadron, had continued with his own to windward of Pondicherry, mostly at Negapatam, where they were plentifully supplied with cattle by Captain Joseph Smith at Tritchinopoly, who caused them to be driven to the sea-coast, out of the observation of the king of Tanjore. In the end of June, a Danish vessel arriving at Tranquebar, reported, that 12 sail of French ships were in the bay of Trincanomaly in Ceylon; on which, the whole squadron weighed on the 30th, and on the 3d of July came off the mouth of that harbour; where they neither saw, nor gained any tidings of, the French ships. Mr. Pococke then cruized off the Fryar's Hood, the N. E. headland of the island, which all vessels coming to the coast of Coromandel at this season endeavour to make, and, in this station, met five of the expected ships from England, with the first division of Coote's regiment, with which he returned, and anchored on the 30th at Negapatam; keeping them in company until the provisions and stores they had brought for the use of his squadron were taken out. The presidency received advices of their arrival on the 5th of August, and notwithstanding the various wants of men at this time for defence and attack on shore, requested Mr. Pococke to detain the troops, to serve with him in the expected engagement with the French squadron. Several advices had lately been received, that the Dutch government of Batavia, their captial in the East-Indies, were preparing an armament, which was to sail to the bay of Bengal; and on the 8th six ships arrived at Negapatam, having left another in the bay of Trincanomaly. They had on board 500 European soldiers, and 1500 disciplined Malays, with abundance of military stores. Various reports and conjectures were formed of the destination of this force. The Dutch themselves gave out, that it was chiefly intended to reinforce their garrisons on the coast; and their unavowed emissaries reported, that the whole were to act as auxiliaries to the English against the French on the Coast of Coromandel. Mr. Pococke knew how much the military force in Bengal had been diminished by the expedition to Masulipatam, and might suffer by the usual mortality of the climate; and reasoning from the antipathy of the Dutch government to the great successes and power which the English had lately acquired in Bengal, suspected that the armament he saw was principally intended to reduce their influence in that country: and, with the spirit of considerate gallantry, and zeal for the general success of the public service, which on all occasions distinguished his command, sent all the troops to Madrass, recommending, that a part of them might be immediately forwarded to Bengal. They were all landed by the 25th, and marched in different parties, as soon as refreshed, to the main body at Conjeveram, where Colonel Brereton, having recovered from his illness, again took the command.

A few days after the return of Major Calliaud from Tripetti, the Polygar of Carcambaddy with his own, and a number of the Matlaver's people, began to repair the town; on which Ensign Wilcox marched with the 25 Europeans, 300 of the Sepoys, and an iron three-pounder. They were galled the whole way, and obliged to force the three barriers in the path; and when they came to the open spot of the town, where they expected no resistance, met the most, by a continual fire from the thickets round. Wilcox nevertheless persisted, and, being aimed at, received at once three musketballs, and was mortally wounded. On which the troops put him into a dooley and retreated, likewise bringing off the gun. The enemy did not follow them earnestly; so that the loss was only three Europeans killed, and 14 Sepoys wounded.

The French party of Sepoys and black horse from Arcot, had been beaten back by Bomerauze's people, and lay at Lallapet, near the mountains, 10 miles N. w. of Arcot, waiting an opportunity of renewing their incursion; but were beaten up there on the 26th, by three companies of Sepoys, and the troops of the renter of Covrepauk, sent by Captain Wood, who commanded in the fort. The enemy fled at the first fire, leaving 70 muskets, and 17 horses, and the Sepoys remained to guard the nearest pass leading from Lallapet into Bomerauze's country. Bassaulet Jung; with his army, had, in this while, continued his march from Condavire to the south, and, having passed Ongole, attacked the fort of Pollore, about 30 miles to the north of Nelore and the river Pennar, which, although out of the country of Damerla-Venkytapah-naigue, was of his dependance. This success encreased the fright of all the three polygars, and of Nazeabulla in Nelore; and all renewed their applications to Madrass for immediate assistance, and the Tripetti renter was fully persuaded, that Bassaulet Jung intended to get possession of the pagoda, before the great feast, which begins in the middle of September, and generally produces 20,000£.; and it was known that Bassaulet Jung was in strict correspondence with Pondicherry.

To these alarms on the north of the province, were added others in the south. The detachment with Fumel which had taken, Thiagar had advanced as far as Volcondah, where, after many threats and messages, they had frightened the Kellidar out of 60,000 rupees; and, during the negociation, their horse plundered as far as the straights of Utatoor. It was then reported, that Fumel intended to advance with the whole, and take possession of the island of Seringham, which would give them all the country between Thiagar and Tritchinopoly. This detachment could not be opposed in time from Madrass because the interjacent country was under the enemy's garrisons; and whatsoever troops might be sent from hence, proceeding half way by sea against the monsoon, and then through the country of Tanjore, would not enter into action in less than six weeks, and then, if successful, would be out of the reach of recall. Tritchinopoly was the nearest station to make head against them; but the whole garrison would not, in the field, have been equal to the force with Fumel.

Fortunatety, in this concurrence of perplexities, the distresses and discontent of the French army had continued as urgent as ever, even after the expence of the campaign was diminished by their retreat into quarters. In the beginning of August, the whole of Lally's regiment, excepting the Serjeants and corporals, and 50 of the soldiers, mutinied, and marched out of the fort of Chittapet, declaring, that they would not return to their colours, until they had received their pay, of which many months was in arrears. Their officers, by furnishing their own money, and engaging their honour for more, brought them back, excepting 30, who dispersed about the country: but this defection, which the cause exempted from rigorous punishment, shook the discipline of the whole army.

From this view of circumstances, the Presidency of Madrass resolved to leave something to chance in the extremities, rather than diminish the superiority, which their force had lately acquired in the center of the province, by the reinforcements arrived from England, and the enemy's detachment to the southward; and determined to employ this advantage immediately against Vandiwash, the most important of the enemy's stations between Madrass and Pondicherry. Accordingly 300 Europeans, with two twelve-pounders, and all the stores necessary for the attack, were sent to Chinglapet; but whilst on the road, and before the main body had moved from Conjeveram, arrived the Revenge, on the night of the tenth of September, with important intelligence from the squadron.

The Dutch at Negapatam, pretending that their armament from Batavia required the service of all their massoolah boats, would spare none to water the English ships; to procure which, Mr. Pococke sailed on the 20th with the squadron for Trinconamalée, where common boats can ply to the shore. They anchored there on the 30th, but at the mouth of the harbour; and the Revenge was sent forward to cruize off the Friar's Hood. On the 2d of September, at ten in the morning, some ships were discovered to the s. E. Soon after came down the Revenge, chased and fired upon by one of the strangers, which denoted them to be the long-expected enemy. The English squadron weighed immediately, and could not get within cannon-shot of them by sun-set; but perceived that the number and strength of the ships greatly exceeded the force they had met the year before.

Mr. D' Aché having left the coast, as we have seen, on the 3d of September, arrived, after thirty days sail, at the Isle of France, and found in the port a reinforcement of three men of war, under the command of Mr. D' Eguille, an officer of experience and reputation, Several of the company's vessels, but none of force, for enough had been sent before, were Likewise arrived from France. The crews of all these ships amounted to 5500 men, and all the provisions which could be collected in the isles, or even drawn from Madagascar, with the supplies sent from Europe, were insufficient to feed this multitude, added to the numbers already in the colony, which they nearly equalled. Several councils were held on this distress, and it was at length determined to send one of the men of war, with eight of the Company's ships, which would take off between 3 and 4000 men, to the Cape of Good Hope, where they were to purchase provisions sufficient for the squadron in the ensuing voyage and, in the mean time, the crews would be supported without breaking in upon the general stock. These ships arrived off the Cape in the beginning of January; and two of them had the luck to fall in with and take the Grantham, an English East-India ship, dispatched from Madrass in September. They purchased, but at a vast expence, a great quantity of meat, grain, and wine, and returned to the Isle of France in April and May; after which, the strength of four of the Company's fighting ships, which had not hitherto mounted the number of guns they were built for, were armed to the full scale of their construction. These alterations, and other equipments, retarded the daparture of the squadron until the 17th of July. They went first to the isle of Bourbon, and then to Foulpoint, in the island of Madagascar, to take in some rice, and other provisions, which had been procured there; and on the 30th of August arrived off Batacola, a port in Ceylon, 60 miles to the south of Trinconomaly; where they received intelligence of the English squadron, and two days after came in sight of them off Point Pedras. The land and sea-winds differing in the same hours at different distances from the shore, the currents likewise various, squalls, a fog, and contrary courses whilst seeking each other when out of sight, kept them asunder, or out of immediate reach, until the 10th of September, when they again fell in with one another off Fort St. David. The French, being farthest out at sea, lay-to in a line of battle a-head, their heads to the East. The English having the wind came down a-breast, and at two in the afternoon were within gun-shot, when each ship edged to get into their stations alongside of smarter their allotted antagonists.

The English squadron consisted of nine ships of the line, attended by a frigate, the Queensborough, two of the Company's ships, and the Protector converted to a fire-ship. The French were 11 sail of the line, of which four were of the navy of France, and they had three frigates under their lee. Difference of sailing, and disappointment in working, prevented the English from forming their line with as much regularity as the enemy, who were waiting for them, drawn up in order of battle.

The French line was led by the Actif of 64, one of the King's ships. She was followed by the Minotaur, another of the King's, of 74, in which Mr. D'Aguille wore the flag of Rear-Admiral, and by much the stoutest ship in the squadron, having in her lower tier thirty-two-pounders, which in the French weight is equal to 40 English; then stood three of the Company's ships, the Due d'Orleans of 54, the Saint Louis of 56, and the Vengeur of 64. These five formed the van. M. D'Aché, in the Zodiaque, hoisted his flag in the center, supported by the Comte de Provence of 74: the four others of the rear-division were the Due de Bourgogne of 54, the Illustre of 64, the Fortunée of the same rate as the Illustre, and the Centaur of 68; of which only the Illustre was a King's ship. The Elizabeth of 64 led the English line, followed by the Newcastle of 50, the Tyger of 60, and the Grafton of 68, in which was Rear-Admiral Stevens: these four were the van. Mr. Pococke, in the Yarmouth of 66, was in the center, followed by the Cumberland now mounting only 58, the Salisbury of 50, the Sunderland of 60, and the Weymouth of 60 closed the rear. The total battery of the French squadron exceeded the English by 174 guns, and consequently by 87 in action.

The Grafton was the first ship up, and whilst presenting her broadside fell a-breast of the Zodiaque, whom Mr. Pococke, as in the two engagements of the last year, intended to reserve for himself. M. D'Aché immediately threw out the signal of battle, and began to fire on the Grafton, the first shot at 15 minutes after two; but Mr. Stevens waited for the signal of his admiral, which did not appear until five minutes after, when the Yarmouth was very near and ranged against the Corate de Provence. The firing then became general through both lines; but the Sunderland, the last but one of the English line, sailing very ill, kept back the Weymouth behind her. By this mischance the Salisbury, which was much the weakest ship, being only of 50 guns, and they only eighteen and nine-pounders, ranged, unsupported, against the lllustre, and sustained likewise the fire of the Fortunée behind, which the Sunderland should have taken up, at least in this state of the action: the consequence was equal to the disparity, and in 15 minutes the fall of the Salisbury's main top gallant, and then her foresail, obliged her to quit the line: but by this time, the Sunderland shooting a-head, engaged the lllustre. The three ships of the English van, a-head of the Grafton, had luckily fallen soon, and in good order, into their stations, and in less than a quarter of an hour, the Actif, which was opposed to the Elizabeth, took fire, which brought the crew from the batteries, and the Elizabeth taking advantage of their confusion plyed her excessively, and soon drove her out of the line to extinguish the fire: the Elizabeth still edging down upon her, was shopped by the Minotaur starting forward; which obliged her to haul her wind again, and this operation shot her beyond the line of action. The Newcastle then took up the Minotaur, although a 60 to a 74; and the Tiger, of which the Captain had been blamed in a former engagement, supported the Newcastle, by taking on herself the fire of the two next ships. The fight between these five continued with the utmost violence for 70 minutes; when neither the Newcastle nor Tiger had a sail under command; on which Mr. Stevens, who had left the Zodiaque to Mr. Pococke, and had beaten the Vengeur out of the line, came between, and seeing the two ships of the French line next beyond the Vengeur much crippled, set forward to engage the Minotaur; and her broad-side, as she was passing on, drove the St. Louis out of the line. In the rear, the Sunderland, which had taken up the lllustre, was likewise attacked by her follower, the Forfunée; and in ten minutes, before she had fired three rounds, her maintop-sail fell, and her head-braces being likewise shot away, her foretop-sail swung a-back, which made her fall a-stern of both her antagonists. At ten minutes past three the Count de Province, which had stood the Yarmouth, and was afterwards taken up by the Cumberland, likewise left the line to refit her rigging, as did the Duke de Bourgogne, which had divided her fire between the Cumberland and the Salisbury, and received theirs, divided likewise in return. The Weymouth, by what accident we don't find, was kept a-stern in the rear; but at three o'clock, the Salisbury came again into the engagement; and, on the French side, the lllustre, seeing the two ships before her gone, closed up to the Zodiaque. At four, the only ships engaged were the Minotaur and Due d'Orleans against the Grafton, the Zodiaque against the Yarmouth, the lllustre against the Cumberland, and the Fortunée and Centaur against the Salisbury and Sunderland. The pilot of the Zodiaque seeing, as he thought, the Fortune'e and Centaur going off likewise, put the helm a-lee, without order, and, as Mr. D'Aché was running to correct him, a grape shot carried off the flesh of his thigh, to the bone; he fell senseless, amongst four or five who were killed or struck down with him. The captain of the Zodiaque had been killed an hour before; and the officer who took the command after Mr. D'Aché fell, wore the ship to rejoin the comrades which had already left the line. The Centaur, lllustre, and Minotaur, thinking such was the will of their admiral, wore likewise, and set sail to accompany him. The English ships still in action endeavoured to follow them, but were soon left out of gun-shot, and all firing ceased at ten minutes after four.

In this engagement the rear division suffered much less than the van. On board the Weymouth, which closed the rear, not a man was either killed or wounded, and in the Sunderland a-head of her, the whole loss was only two men killed; nevertheless the Centaur, the last of the enemy's rear, suffered as much in her masts and rigging from their fire, as any of the other ships of the French line, who were closer engaged, and her Captain, Surville the elder, was, killed. The Salisbury had 16 killed, and 40 wounded; the Cumberland 8, and 30; the Yarmouth 10, and 27; the Grafton 13, and 37; the Tiger, which suffered the most of any, 37, and 140; the Newcastle 26, and 65. The Elizabeth four, and twenty. In all 114 killed and 360 wounded. In, the Newcastle, the captain, Michie, an officer of distinguished gallantry, was killed; as were Mr. Jackson, the first lieutenant of the Tiger, captain More, who commanded the marines in the Elizabeth, and the master of the Yarmouth. Brereton, captain of the Tiger, Somerset of the Cumberland, the second lieutenant of the Grafton, and the fourth of the Salisbury, were wounded. None of the English ships, after the engagement, could set half their sail; and the Newcastle and Tiger were taken into tow by the Elizabeth and Weymouth. The loss-of the French crews was supposed to be equal; but when they went away together at sun-set, all, excepting the Centaur, carried their top-sails

The uncertainty of the number of troops which the French squadron might have brought for Pondicherry, determined the presidency of Madrass to suspend for a while the attack they had resolved to make on Vandiwash; but to send a part of their troops to Tripassore to support that part of the Country against Bassaulut Jung. But no arguments could prevail on Major Brereton to desist from the enterprize, from which he expected to acquire distinguished honour; and the presidency, unwilling to check his ardour, refrained from giving him positive orders to desist.

Heavy rains had rendered the roads and rivers impassable until the 26th, when the whole army marched from Conjeveram; it had been reinforced with 40 men from Chinglapet, under the command of Preston, and with 100, of 158 released prisoners, which had arrived at this garrison on the 11th from Pondicherry. The whole force was 1500 Europeans, 80 Coffres, and 2500 Sepoys, infantry; 100 Eurepean, and 700 black cavalry; 10 field-pieces, and two eighteen-pounders: and two more eighteen-pounders were to join from Chinglapet.

On the 27th in the morning, the horse before the line, when within three miles of Trivatore, fell in with 50 of the French hussars, who stood them, but, overpowered by numbers, were routed, and eight, with an officer, taken prisoners: in the afternoon, the garrison of Trivatore, which consisted only of a captain and 22 men of the Lorrain regiment, surrendered on the first summons. The main body of the enemy had advanced from Vandiwash in the morning, and were halting at the village of parsee, six miles on the road, of which Colonel Brereton receiving information, marched on without stopping at Trivalore, and encamped near them; and at midnight, the enemy moved off, and returned to Vandiwash; where, as before they took up their quarters in the pettahs, and under the walls of the fort, into which the governor Tuckeasaheb, notwithstanding the strictness of his alliance, was very averse to admit any of the French troops, excepting some of their gunners; and they to prevent worse consequences, would not compel him. The English army continuing their march the next day, encamped in the evening under the ledge of rocks, which extend about three miles to the N. w. of the fort. The day after, which was the 29th, parties were employed in reconnoitring; but neither their observations, nor the enquiries of spies, discovered the real state of the enemy's force.

On the march of Major Monson to Arcot in the beginning of August, the French drew the greatest part of their Europeans from the garrisons of Chittapet, Carangoly, and Outramalore, to their main body at Vandiwash, from whence the whole had advanced as far as Trivatore, when Monson, finding the attack of Arcot impracticable, returned to Conjeveram: on his retreat, they detached 100 Europeans to reinforce Arcot, and sent back the troops which they had drawn from the three other garrisons; which reduced the European infantry that returned to Vandiwash to 600; but the whole of the European cavalry, who where 300, went with them. The same alarm for Arcot had led Mr. Lally to recall the detachment to the southward with Viscount Fumel, who were then before Volcondah; but Fumel, not having levied the contribution he expected, delayed to obey the orders, and, on Monson's retreat, was permitted to persist, and had time to finish. During the delay between the first resolution, and the present motion of the English army to attack Vandiwash, the government of Pondicherry obtained some uncertain intelligence of the intention, and again reinforced he main body there with 400 men from the adjacent garrisons.. They likewise again recalled Fumel, and more than half his detachment were arrived at Pondicherry, from whence they were at this time advancing towards Vandiwash, and, as it was reported, under the command of Mr. Bussy. Major Brereton received intelligence of the approach of this party, but no information that the troops from the other garrisons were arrived at Vandiwash; and thus computing the whole number assembled there, including the cavalry, instead of 1300, to be only 900 Europeans, to which his own force was nearly double, thought no time should be lost before the arrival of the detachment they expected from Pondicherry, and determined to attack them in their quarters on the night of the 29th, which was the next after that of his arrival before Vandiwash.

There were three pettahs under the fort, lying to the w., the s., and the E.; the w. at 150, the s. at 220, and the E. at the distance of 170 yards. The south pettah contained the houses of the more opulent inhabitants, and was inclosed on the E. S. and w. by a mud rampart, which on the s. side had circular projections to serve as bastions; but the north side next the esplanade was left open, that the guns of the fort might preserve their command on the streets and houses. The pettah to the east commenced opposite to the n. e. angle, and extending 650 yards, covered the east side of the fort, of the esplanade, and of the pettah to the south. The western pettah extended only along the breadth of the esplanade to the south; it had for some time been abandoned, and was in ruins, and most of the natives, on the approach of the English army, had quitted their habitations in the other two. The French cavalry lay in the eastern pettah. Their infantry were under sheds and tents in the covered way and on the esplanade to the south, and they kept guards on the ramparts of the south pettah; but none as they ought, in the ruined pettah to the west. A thousand Europeans, including a company of 80 Coffrees, and six hundred Sepoys, were allotted to serve in the attack they were divided into three divisions; the first led by Major Monson, was to assault the south face of the south pettah, and having entered, were to advance through the streets to the esplanade, where the main body of the French troops were lying; who at the same time were to be attacked on the right by the second division, advancing out of the pettah to the west: this division was commanded by Major Robert Gordon. The third Major Brereton commanded himself, as the reserve for occasions, and they took post under a ridge which runs parallel to the west face of the south pettah, but farther back on the plain than the pettah allotted to Gordon's division. The European and black horse were to halt a mile in the rear of Brereton's. The rest of the troops were left to guard the camp. Monson's division consisted of 360 Europeans, of whom 200 were grenadiers, all that were in the army, and they had one company of Sepoys as attendants: Gordon's were 200 Europeans, and 80 Coffrees; Brereton's 360 Europeans and 500 Sepoys. Each of the three divisions had two excellent brass six-pounders.

The pettah to the South has three principal streets, which intersect it intirely from north to south, and several others in the same direction, of shorter extent; nor are any of the cross streets from east to west regularly pervious from one wall to the other, and some of them are only short communications between the streets in the other direction: so that many dodging advantages might be taken by knowledge of their different bearings and intersections. At two in the morning, the head of Monson's division approached towards the gateway on the south face of the pettah, and were challenged and declared by two or three Sepoys advanced on the plain to look out; on which the guards on the ramparts began to fire. The gateway was in a return of the rampart from the left, and the road to it lay under the rest of the rampart to the right, so that the two field-pieces which were advancing at the head of the line could not batter the gate at less than 150 yards, without being immediately under the fire of this part of the rampart, which with the uncertainty and delay of their effect in the dark, determined Colonel Monson to try the wall at once. It had neither ditch nor palisade before it, and the first grenadiers lighted upon a part, which, for want of repair, permitted them to scramble up, and being followed by more, they drove the enemy before them, opened the gate, and let in the main body of the division. The gate entered upon the principal street of the three which leads through the pettah to the esplanade and the other two are about 50 yards on each hand. The troops, as they came in, first ranged along the ground between the wall and the habitations, which was broad; and then formed into three columns, one in each of the street; but the two field-pieces moved at the head of the center column. All the three advanced very deliberately, keeping as nearly as possible on the same parallel, the two outer columns sending small parties into the cross streets on their outward flanks to dislodge the enemy from whatsoever posts their fire came, which, although not strong from any, was frequent and from several; but the greatest annoyance was from two field-pieces at the edge of the esplanade, firing down the center street. However, they were at length silenced by the two field-pieces, with the center column. Firing had been heard on the ground allotted to Gordon's division, but soon ceased. In an hour and a half the three columns arrived at the openings on the esplanade, where to their surprize they met no farther resistance; and disappointed of the assistance they expected from Gordon's division, it was resolved to wait for day-light, and in the mean time to throw up a barricade at the head of the center street, which for want of proper tools was very insufficiently performed. Their loss hitherto was not ten killed and wounded.

A sky rocket was the signal for Gordon's division to advance from the western pettah, and it was fired as soon as Monson's had entered the southern. The troops of Gordon's had, for fear of discovery, kept on the side of the pettah farthest from the esplanade, but Preston and two or three more officers had examined the streets, which were very narrow, and beyond on the esplanade, where they found the ground rugged, and interrupted with sloughs and standing water. But Gordon not having acquired any distinct ideas from their report, boggled, and was confused in the orders he gave. At length it was understood, that the troops, as soon as they had passed through the pettah, were to form on the esplanade in divisions, which would be 15 in front. The select picquet of 40 picked men, commanded by Lieutenant Dela Douespe, who were to lead the attack, were soon through, and formed, and advancing. Gordon himself was to march at the head of the main body, but he was not to be found when it was ranging on the esplanade; and Preston, his second, not knowing the motives of his absence, would not venture to take his post; and thus the whole were stopped, waiting his return. The picquet marched with recovered arms, and without dropping a shot, until they came to the angle of the southern pettah, where the rampart had a shoulder, on which were mounted two pieces of cannon, which by the direction of the streets could not be turned to any service in the fight behind them; and it should seem that the enemy had discovered the situation and intention of Gordon's attack, for a considerable body of infantry were waiting at the angle, some on the rampart, and others at the edge of the houses below; who, as soon as the picquet were within a few yards, suddenly threw a number of blue lights, which discovered them intirely, and were instantly followed by a strong running fire of musketry, and the discharge of the two pieces of cannon; but the whole of the execution was from the musketry, for as the picquet was almost under the rampart, the cannon could not point low enough, and fired over their heads. Douespe returned the fire with disparity of situation, and greater of numbers, but would not retreat without orders, and was not without hopes of being immediately joined by the main body of the division, especially as the two pieces which accompanied it, began to answer the two guns on the rampart. But his expectations of farther support were vain. The shot of the two guns from the rampart fell near the main body whilst forming, and some musketry fired upon them from the covered way of the fort, on which the 80 Coffrees all ran back into the pettah, and through it, quite away, and the Europeans not led on, and having nothing effectual to fire upon, soon broke and went off likewise, leaving the picquet, and the field-pieces still engaged. But Preston, for Gordon was not yet to be found, knowing the determination of the picquet to persevere, ran singly to them, and brought them back to the pettah, where they joined the officers deserted by all the rest of the troops: but the artillerymen, animated by the well-known resolution of their commandant Captain Robert Barker, still stood by him and their guns. The fugitives not equally frightened, made their way to the reserved division with Brereton, who on the first notice, ran unaccompanied to the pettah from whence they were coming, and in the strong impulse of indignation, ran the first man he met through the body: unfortunately he was one of the bravest in the army; so that this example carried little influence, and left none to exhortation, and very few obeyed his call; with whom he went as far as the two guns, which Barker was still firing, and by this countenance had deterred the enemy from making a push, which would easily have taken them; but Brereton, sensible of the risk to which they were exposed, ordered him to draw them off into the pettah, from whence they joined the reserve at the ridge. Thus all were gone before the firing ceased in the southern pettah, where Gordon with four or five of the fugitives soon after appeared, coming; in at the gate to the south, where Monson's division had entered.

The day broke, and the enemy's fire recommenced and increased with the light. The gunners, whom the Kellidar had admitted into the fort, plied the cannon on the towers opposite to the three streets, to the head of which Monson's division had advanced; and with the field-pieces on the esplanade, their fire was from 14 guns all within point blank, from the fort at 300, from the field-pieces at 100 yards. The return was from the two field-pieces at the head of the center street, and from platoons of musketry in the other two. The disparity was severe, and could not be long maintained. The officers ordered the men not employed, to take shelter under the sheds projecting before the walls of the houses in the enfilanded streets; the sheds, as in the other towns of Coromandel, were separated from each other by partitions of brick or mud: some withdrew into the cross streets immediately behind. Nevertheless, all who appeared were so excessively galled, that it was necessary to retreat; but from the continual hope of support from the two divisions without, Major Monson wished not to quit the contest until the last extremity. In the middle of the pettah is a continuation of streets leading quite across it, although not in a straight line, from the east to the west side, were the last ends upon the area of a pagoda, in which a party had been posted, and the wounded were sheltered and served. The colums were ordered to retire into this line of the cross streets, where all, according to the breadth of the main streets, might fire down them, and immediately disappear, until loaded and ready to fire again. This movement staggered the enemy for they could do no more, if they continued on the esplanade at the other extremity of the streets; and if they advanced along them, would be exposed in deep columns. Nevertheless, confident in their numbers, and pressing to decide before the English troops should be reinforced from without, they began and maintained this fight with great spirit and activity, until they were convinced it could not succeed; on which they sent off their rears, which brought two of their field-pieces from the esplanade, and with them marched along a street adjoining to the western wall of the pettah, which led them to the pagoda towards this end of the cross streets; which the guard immediately abandoned, leaving some of the wounded in the pagoda; having secured this station, the party advanced the field-pieces along the line of the cross streets, firing and taking in flank the whole of Monson's division, against which the attack in front likewise continued, and with encreasing vivacity: and in a very little while the remaining field-piece of the division was disabled; on which the men began to lose courage, and Monson consulting his second, Major Calliaud, they resolved to retreat and take post against the southern wall of the pettah. The grenadiers of one of the Company's battalions were to halt near the gateway, but seeing it open, marched out into the plain, quickening their pace at every step. Major Calliaud, who was near, instead of calling alter them, followed, and running beyond, stopped suddenly before them, and cried, "Halt." The instinct of discipline prevailed. They obeyed, and forming as he ordered, faced, and, luckily for themselves, followed him into the pettah. Major Monson met him at the gate, and, in the midst of much vexation, thanked him with much cordiality; but said that the whole body, still closely pressed by the enemy, were faultering too fast to be trusted any longer; and that it was better to lead them off in order, than risk their going off in confusion of their own accord. The exhortations of their commanders encouraged them to keep their ranks; the Sepoys marched in front, helping to carry off the wounded, and fifteen prisoners. The enemy, by unaccountable oversight, did not follow them into the plain; but were contented with firing from the wall; about half a mile from which, the line halted in a grove, and in a little while perceived Major Brereton's and Gordon's divisions with the European and black horse, the Sepoys, and two field-pieces, advancing rouna to join them; at the same time, they saw the whole body of the enemy's European cavalry, 300 riders, approaching from the eastern pettah, where they had remained in expectation of an opportunity of cutting off their retreat, which, from want of alertness, they lost, and could not venture to attack after Brereton appeared. The whole returned to the bank, where Brereton's division had taken post, and in the afternoon from thence to the camp, without molestation or alarm. The loss, on the immediate review, appeared to be 12 officers, and 195 rank and file, killed, wounded, and taken prisoners. The Lieutenants Minns and Latour were the only officers; but, it was supposed, that 70 rank and file were killed; and that of this number, 50 fell in the pettah. The eagerness of performing some distinguished service before Colonel Coote should arrive, and supersede him in the command of the army, urged Colonel Brereton to make this attack, which was much more hardy than judicious, even if the enemy had not been reinforced. However, the great gallantry and the inferior numbers of the body which sustained the greatest part of the loss, rather encreased than diminished the confidence of the army. The enemy suffered as much, having 200 killed and wounded. Mainville, who commanded against Lawrence at Tritchinopoly, just before the truce in 1754, and two Captains, were killed.

The two squadrons anchored on the 11th, the day after they had engaged each other; the English in the road of Negapatam, the French 4 leagues farther to the south, who being much less disabled, were ready to sail again on the 13th; and two days after, anchored in the road of Pondicherry. The ships immediately landed whatsoever supplies they had brought for the service of the colony; the treasure amounted only to 16000 pounds in dollars, and the diamonds taken in the Grantham, were worth 17000 pounds. The troops were only 180 men. Mr. D'Aché would not go ashore, and signified his intention of sailing immediately for the islands. The season, although advanced, was not yet dangerous, nor were his ships more hurt than the English; but this resolution rose from intelligence of the four men of war, which were coming with Rear-Admiral Cornish to join Mr. Pococke, and who might arrive every day. Accordingly, early in the morning of the 19th, Mr. D'Aché made the signal for weighing, and all the ships loosed their top-sails.

The supplies they had brought were so much less than the wants and hopes of the colony, that disappointment appeared in every face; but the sight of the ships getting under sail, in 24 hours after their arrival, spread universal consternation, and excited the utmost indignation. All the military officers, the principal inhabitants, and even the clergy, assembled at the governor's, and immediatly formed themselves into a national council; which unanimously decreed, that the precipitate departure of the squadron must produce the most detrimental consequences to the interests of the state, as holding out to all the powers of the country an opprobrious acknowledgement that they had been entirely defeated in the last engagement, and could not stand another; and that they utterly despaired of every thing on shore. In consequence of this deliberation, a protest was immediately drawn, declaring Mr. D'Aché responsible for the loss of the colony, such were the words, and resolving to complain to the king and ministry, and demand public justice of his conduct. The ship Due d'Orleans was by some accident detained in the road, after the others were under sail, and the commander was charged to deliver the protest to Mr. D'Aché, and a copy to every commander in the squadron, which were twelve leagues out at sea when the Due d'Orleons joined them. Mr. D'Aché immediately held a general council of his captains, and on the 22d anchored again in the road of Pondicherry; and came ashore to consult, with Mr. Lally and the government. On the 25th, in the morning, the English squadron, coming from Negapatam, appeared standing in the line of battle into the road, but driving by the current to the northward. All the French ships weighed, but hawled the wind close, which being at w. s. w. kept them at their first distance from the English, which they had it in their power to bear down upon, and engage. Mr. Pococke, unable to get up to them, kept his line of battle until the evening, when he continued his course, and anchored on the 27th at Madrass. Mr. D'Aché 7 still insisted on returning as soon as possible to the islands; and the government of Pondicherry unwillingly compromised for his departure, on condition that he should leave all the Coffrees serving in the squadron, which were 400, and 500 Europeans, either sailors or marines; who were accordingly landed, and he sailed away on the 30th of September. Mr. Lally, with his usual spleen, called the Europeans the scum of the sea; and, indeed, most of them for a while could be fit for little more than to do duty in the town, whilst the regular troops kept the field.

The animosity of Mr. Lally to Mr. Bussy had continued, without remission: he even employed his emissaries to persuade Mr. Bussy to make him a present of money, as a certain means of reconciliation; intending to use the proffer as a confession of Mr. Bussy's delinquency, of which he was every where seeking proofs. Meanness and ambition were never more strictly united than in this design. Mr. Bussy, having remitted his fortune to Europe, offered his credit, if employed in community with the government of Pondicherry and Mr. Lally's, to raise money for the public service; but treated the hints of the other proposal, as the desperate zeal of his adherents unwarranted by himself. They saw one another but seldom, but were obliged to correspond on public affairs. The letters of Mr. Lally were replete with suspicion, jealousy, insinuation, artifice, insolence, sarcasm, and wit; Mr. Bussy 's, with sagacity, caution, deference, argument, profound knowledge, the justest views of affairs, and the wisest means to promote their success: and Mr. Lally himself, whilst he pretended to ridicule, respected the, extent of his talents. Their dissention was in this state, when the arrival of a frigate from France on the 20th of August brought orders from the king and ministry, recalling all the intermediate officers, who had been sent with commissions superior to Mr. Bussy's, and appointing him second in the command, and to succeed to it after Mr. Lally. This distinction produced a more civil intercourse, and Mr. Lally, with seeming complacence, asked the assistance of his counsels. The first he gave was the most obnoxious he could. Rajahsaheb, the unfortunate but insignificant son of Chundasaheb, had lately found means to persuade Mr. Lally to appoint him Nabob of the Carnatic; and the ceremony had been performed with ostentation, in the month of July, both at Arcot and Pondicherry. This promotion, without the participation of Salabadjing, the Subah of the Decan, was a public renunciation of his alliance, and might be improved by Nizamally to confirm him in the interests of the English. The approach of Bassaulut Jung on the northern confines of the Carnatic appeared to Mr. Bussy a resource, not only to re-establish the former union with Salabadjing, but likewise to strengthen the immediate operations of the French army, by offering Bassaulut Jung the government of the Carnatic and its dependencies under the sanction of Salabadjing, on condition that he would join them with his troops. Mr. Lally at first revolted against the idea: and his aversion to it was imputed not more to his jealousy of the importance which Mr. Bussy would regain, by his influence with a prince long accustomed to respect his character, than to his own obligations to Rajahsaheb, who it was said had purchased his appointment. However, Mr. Lally had consented, that Mr. Bussy should march with a detachment to join Bassaulut Jung, and conclude the negotiation, when the French squadron sailed away from Pondicherry, where news arrived the same day of the action at Vandiwash, on which Mr. Lally, as a complete victory, fired a hundred guns round the ramparts of Pondicherry, and wrote magnificent accounts of the success to every man of consequence within or near the province.

Mr. Bussy arrived at Vandiwash on the 5th of October. The English army had left their encampment in sight of this place the day before; they halted two days at Trivatore, during which heavy rains and the bad quality of the only water they had to drink brought sickness upon the camp, which caused Major Brereton to quit this post, and repair to Conjeveram, where they arrived on the 7th. On the same day, Mr. Bussy marched from Vandiwash with all the troops encamped there, reinforced from other parts to 1500 European foot and 300 horse, besides the black horse: he expected the English might wait, and give battle, but they were gone; and the garrison left in Trivatore, which was only ten Europeans, and a company of Sepoys, surrendered to him at discretion. Draughting 150 of the European horse, and 400 foot, to accompany him to Bassaulut Jung, he sent back the rest of the army to Vandiwash, and arrived at Arcot on the 10th; where he was detained several days, by the rains of the monsoon.

Bassaulut Jung advancing from Polore gave out that he would attack Nelore; but when he came near the Pennar quitted the southern road, and, turning to the west, encamped on the 10th of September on the plains of Sangam, a town with several pagodas on the bank of the river, 16 miles from Nelore. Here he summoned Nazeabulla and the three greater Poly gars to come and pay their obeissance to him in person. Nazeabulla contrived to make him believe magnified reports of the force of his garrison, and of troops coming to reinforce it from Madrass, which brought on a civil intercourse of letters between them; but the Polygars he despised, and resolved not to spare. They, however, fearing to offend the English government, endeavoured to evade the visit by various excuses, on which be sent his horse over the river to forage on the arable lands for themselves, and to seize cattle and grain for the rest of the army. This detriment not prevailing, he passed the river with his whole force, and on the 1st of October encamped at Sydaporam, a considerable town, where the hills of Bangar Yatcham begin on this side, and situated within ten miles of Venkitagherri, the place of his residence, and 20 from Kalastri, which is the principal town of Damerla Venkitappah. Here he waited, not a little distressed for money, and expecting the arrival of Mr. Bussy, who, on the 18th, had made his first day's march from Arcot, when he was stopped short by extraordinary intelligence from Vandiwash.

More than a year's pay was due to the whole army: what money had been supplied to them lately was in lieu of their provisions, when not furnished regularly. The soldiers believed, that much more than came had been brought by the squadron, and, what was worse, that their general had amassed and secreted great wealth. Their intrepidity at the action of Vandiwash had increased the indignation of their distresses. They complained continually and openly, nor did the officers chuse to punish them on this score; because the plea of their discontent was true. On others they wished to preserve the usual discipline. On the 16th some soldiers of Lorrain were punished; some for neglect of duty, but others for slovenliness, which they could not avoid. In less than an hour after this chastisement, the drums of Lorrain, compelled by 40 or 50 of the soldiers, who had concerted, beat the general; and in an instant every man of the regiment was under arms; and in a few minutes all concurred in the same resolution: refusing to admit the commissioned officers, and every serjeant, excepting two, they marched in order out of the camp, towards the mountain where the English army had lately encamped. The officers of Lally's and the battalion of India, hearing the drums of Lorrain, beat the general likewise, and turned out the line, thinking the camp was going to be attacked by the English; and some of the officers who had persisted in accompanying the men of Lorrain, prevailed on them to stop; but could not, to return, before they knew the intentions of Lally's and India, of whom they had some doubt, whether not preparing to surround and attack them. For this purpose they detached a picket to confer with them, of whom the spokesman was the boldest of the mutiny, and, instead of proposing any conditions for Lorrain, exhorted all he harangued to follow their example, and redress their common wrongs, unless the whole army immediately received the full arrears of their pay. His words ran like fire: all, animated with the same spirit, cried out, march. The expostulations of their officers were vain, they were ordered to retire. Parties and detachments were commanded, which brought up the field-artillery, the tumbrils, oxen, tents, and baggage, and even obliged the buzar and market, which consisted of 2000 persons, and a multitude of animals, to move with them, and to which they appointed the usual guard. They sent likewise to demand the colours; but seeing the officers determined to die rather than deliver them, desisted. As soon as every thing was gathered, the whole line, with seventeen pieces of cannon, marched away. As soon as they arrived at the mountain, they with one voice elected La Joye, the serjeant-major of the grenadiers of Lorrain, their commander in chief; and he immediately nominated another Serjeant his major-general, and appointed the best of the rank and file to command the different companies, with the usual titles of commissioned officers. Orders were then prepared, and read at the head of the men, exacting every article of the service. The camp was pitched, centries, pickets, advanced guards, rounds, calls, with every detail of duty and discipline, strictly observed. They did not like, but did not refuse, the visit of several of their officers; but forbade every interference that seemed authority. On hints whether they intended to go over to the English, they pointed to their cannon, which were ranged in front of the camp, facing the north, from whence alone the appearance of the English army could be expected. The night passed without riot or confusion.

In the mean time, expresses were sent to Pondicherry, where the whole council immediately assembled at Mr. Lally's, who accused them all, as the instigators of the revolt; but produced 10,000 pagodas out of his chest, and sent them by the Viscount Fumel, with the promise of a general pardon to the troops. The council likewise gave assurances that the whole arrears should be discharged in a month, and sent their plate to the mint, as an earnest, which example was followed by many of the inhabitants. Fumel arrived early in the morning of the 20th at the camp of the troops, who had moved six miles farther on to the westward, towards Arni: He was permitted to confer with their chiefs, whom he harangued on the obvious topics of desertion, dishonour, and the destruction of all the French interests in India, and thought them sufficiently relented to appeal to the whole; who, according to his request, assembled round him on the plain, to the number of 2000 men. He gave hints of the money and pardon; and his representations had wellnigh converted them, when 70 or 80, who were the desperate mutineers, and had kept away from the assembly, rushed in with their bayonets fixed, and said, that nothing could be determined without their consent, which should never be given to a reconciliation before they had received every farthing of their arrears. Fumel, thinking neither their number or violence sufficient to revoke the impression he had made, broke up the assembly, signifying, that he should return to Vandiwash, and wait there three hours for their determination, before he returned to Pondicherry. Within the time the answer came; the serjeant La Joye was a sensible man, and disapproving, although he commanded the revolt, prevailed on them to be content with receiving six months pay immediately, the rest in a month, and a general amnesty, signed by Mr. Lally, and all the members of the council of Pondicherry. Accounts were immediately begun; and, whilst waiting for them and the return of messengers from Pondicberry, the troops continued abroad with the same regularity as before, under his command. The pardon arrived, and the money was paid on the 21st in the morning, and the whole body, excepting 30 who had deserted, marched back under the command of their former officers to Vandiwash, where before evening the whole camp was enlivened with dances and jollity, as if after some signal success.

Mr. Bussy, on the first intelligence of the revolt, resolved to proceed no farther, until he saw the event. The discontent caught the troops he had taken with him, and he was obliged to appease them by a month's pay, and then to wait, until the money to make up the six months, as to the rest of the army, was remitted from Vandiwash; and before he resumed his march, several incidents had happened, which necessitated him to change the state of his detachment, and the rout he intended to take.

As soon as the English army, returning from their unsuccessful attempt at Vandiwah, arrived at Conjeveram, 200 Europeans, with two field-pieces, 200 black horse, and 500 Sepoys, were detached under the command of Captain More, towards the encampment of Bassaulut Jung at Sidaporum; they were to be joined in the way by the six companies of Sepoys at Tripetti, by 1000 belonging to Nazeabullah at Nelore, and by the Europeans in both these places, who were about 70. This force was intended to follow and harrass Bassaulut Jung's army, if they should march round to meet and join Mr. Bussy; but it was the 15th of October before they reached Kalastri, where the troops from Tripetti arrived the same day, but those from Nelore had not yet advanced. The two Polygars, Bangar Yatcham and Damerla Venkatypettah, terrified by the cavalry of Bassaulut Jung at their borders, and doubtful of the distant protection of the English troops, temporized, and according to his summons went to his camp, accompanied by Sampetrow. This man, who has been formerly mentioned, came into the province with the Nabob Anwarodean Khan, and had served as his Duan, or prime-minister, until his death; after which, he was sometimes consulted and employed, but never trusted, by Mahomedally, and had a little before the siege of Madrass retired with his wealth, which was considerable, to Kalastri. His disgust to the present Nabob had attached him to Maphuze Khan, who still continued helpless and discontented, endeavouring to keep up the disturbances which he had created in the Tinivelly countries. An officer deputed by them both went to Bassaulut Jung, as soon as it was known that he had separated from his brothers, Salabadjing and Nizamally; and it is said, seconded the advice of the pencil in his service, to enter the Carnatic, but with very different views; for Sampetrow, who managed the intrigue, intended that Bassaulut Jung should proclaim himself Nabob, and appoint him his duan; foreseeing that the concerns of his countries nearer the Kristna would soon call him away; when he intended that Bassaulut Jung should nominate Maphuze Khan his deputy in the Carnatic, and Sampetrow continuing duan, would, by his ascendance over Maphuze Khan, gather the whole power of the government into his own hands. When it was objected what engagements were to be taken or kept with the French, Sampetrow said, None, if possible, with either them or the English; but, if necessitated to chuse, Maphuze Khan was at least equally free from predilection to either. As a specimen of his own abilities for the situation to which he aspired, he persuaded the two Polygars to make each of them a present of 40,000 rupees in ready money, and added the same sum of his own. This assistance was very much wanted, and gave recommendation to his counsel, of which he was expecting the effect, when an officer of the first distinction in Salabadjing's court, and the confident of Nizamally, arrived in the camp, with offers of friendship, reconciliation, and grants, to dissuade Bassaulut Jung from entering into any alliance with the French against the English. Nizamally foresaw that the standard of his brother, as the son of Nizamalmuluck, with the force he commanded, and his resources, if acting in conjunction with the French in the Carnatic, might turn the fortune of the war in their favour: and, in their success, he saw and dreaded, with abomination, the restoration of Mr. Bussy to the councils of Salabadjing, as the ruin of his own ambition. Bassaulut Jung inclined to the advice of Sampetrow, and would probably have advanced into the plains of the Carnatic, with equal professions to the French and English, if the English troops had not arrived as they did at Kalastri. Their appearance disconcerted him the more because the commander of the French troops in his army, and the agent deputed to him from Pondicherry, had, with as much confidence as imprudence, assured him before he crossed the Pennar, that Mr. Bussy would join him at Sydaporum on the 1st of October. It was now the 19th, and Bassaulut Jung, so long disappointed, would not at length believe that Mr. Bussy had even left Pondicherry; when reports arrived of the revolt at Vandiwash; on which, he beat his great drum, recrossed the Pennar, and marched to the N. W. into the country of Cudapah, towards the capital of the same name. The French troops accompanied him, distressed for necessaries; but their officers prevailed on him to request of Mr. Bussy, that he would immediately advance and join him in Cudapah. Mr. Bussy received this intelligence on the 24th, and set out the same day; but, as more than half the way he had to pass was through the mountains, he took with him only three companies of Sepoys, 100 of the European horse, and 200 black under a good partizan, which he had enlisted at his own expence at Arcot, because those he had brought from Vandiwash were gone off for want of pay. They marched without artillery and with very little baggage.

The monsoon, with signs of stormy weather, warned Admiral Pococke to quit the coast: the presidency endeavoured to persuade him to leave such of his ships as did not require the dock, in the bay of Trinconamalée; from whence they might return with the fair weather in January, ready to oppose any part of the French squadron, which might be sent back expeditiously from the islands, in order to command the coast during the absence of the English; but Mr. Pococke judiciously resolved not to diminish his strength, until he had rounded Ceylon, and was far enough up the Malabar coast to be sure the enemy were not waiting to meet him there, under this very disadvantage: but promised, as soon as secure from this event, to send round Mr. Cornish's ships, if they should join him in the way. On the 16th, the Revenge, which had been left cruizing to the southward, came in with intelligence that she had on the 8th fallen in with Mr. Cornish's division, and three Indiamen, having on board Colonel Coote, with 600 men, the remainder of his regiment, and that they were beating up to Madrass. Mr. Pococke sailed, with his squadron, at break of day on the 18th, and the same night met Mr. Cornish's off Pondicherry: he immediately put such of the troops as were on board the men of war into the Queensborough frigate, and sent her away, with the three Indiamen, to Madrass; were they did not arrive until the 27th, taking ten days against the monsoon to gain what with it might have been run in as many hours. As soon as the troops were landed, 200 from the camp were embarked, in five Indiamen, for Bengal, with Major Calliaud, whom Colonel Clive had requested might be sent to take the command of the army in that province, if Colonel Coote should be detained to serve on the coast. Sixty Europeans had been sent a few days before to Masulipatam; but these detachments were partly compensated by another exchange of prisoners with Pondicherry, from whence 170, all that remained there, were delivered, and arrived on the 17th at Madrass.

The last exchange before this in August had cleared Tritchinopoly of the remainder of the French prisoners in confinement there. The numbers which, on different successes, had been brought into the city, were 670, all taken during the campaigns of Colonel Lawrence, under the walls of the city; but only 400 were remaining to be released, in the late exchanges: of the rest most had died; 30 had been sent on their offer of enlisting to serve with Mahomed Issoof in the countries of Madura and Tinivelly; and the others, who, although foreigners were not Frenchmen, had been admitted to serve in the garrison of Tritchinopoly, which, the final clearance of its dungeons released from the severest and most anxious part of their duty. The detachment of 90 men sent from Madrass, arrived at the city on the 26th of August. The Dutch at Negapatam would not let them land in their bounds, which obliged them to come on shore in the open town of Nagore, where they would have been exposed to risque, if there had been a strong force in the French fort of Karical. With this reinforcement the garrison had 250 estimated Europeans, most of whom were invalids, deserters, or Topasses, and 3000 Sepoys; and the Nabob still maintained his 1000 horse, which had afforded parties sufficient to secure the revenues of the districts of Tritchinopoly south of the Coleroon, of Seringham on the other side, and even farther on to Volcondah, before the detachment with Fumel had extended the authority of the Frengh government as far as Utatoor. The intermediate villages, of which the French had lately taken possession, had remained for many months before unmolested, and were flourishing; and, as soon as it was known that Fumel was returning from Volcondah to Pondicherry, Captain Joseph Smith detached Captain Richard Smith, with 180 Europeans, four guns, 800 Sepoys, and 500 of the Nabob's horse, to recover the country that had been lost. They marched on the 18th of September; but had only crossed the Coleroon, when news of the arrival of the French squadron at Pondicherry alarmed the Nabob so much, that to quiet his apprehensions, all the Europeans, with 600 of the Sepoys, were recalled into the city; but the horse, with the other 200 Sepoys, went on to Utatoor. Colonel Brereton, when determined to march against the French at Vandiwash, had enjoined Joseph Smith to undertake some enterprize which might draw off a part of their force from their stations towards the Paliar, and oblige them to detain to the southward, what might he at this time in those quarters; his letters arrived on the 6th of October. J. Smith had for some time meditated an attempt to retake Devi Cotah by surprize, to give the squadron a certain, station, from which they might be supplied with water and provisions, without begging leave, as it were, of the Danes and Dutch. The opportunity was at this time probable; for, confiding in the remoteness of its situation from any of the English stations, and wanting troops in other parts, Mr. Lally had reduced the garrison to 30 Europeans and 100 Sepoys; and the Coleroon, which disembogueth into the sea near Devi Cotah, was at this time full and rapid. On the night of the 9th, Captain Richard Smith, with 140 Europeans and Topasses, 300 Sepoys, two petards, and some scaling ladders, embarked in two large boats, which served as ferries over the Coleroon, and thirteen of wicker, covered with leather, which are likewise used on the same river. Lieutenant Home, with 500 Sepoys, and two field-pieces, marched two days before to Tanjore, and the Nabob's horse, with the 200 Sepoys, advanced from Outatoor to the districts of Verdachelum; all the three parties were to join, and attack Chilambarum, if the attempt on Devi Cotah succeeded. It was expected, that the current would carry the boats down in 60 hours, although the distance by the course of the river is 200 miles. Heavy rains commenced as soon as the troops were embarked, and continued this and the succeeding day. At the noon of the 11th they landed in an unfrequented part covered with wood to dress their meal and clean their arms; in the ensuing night, one of the large boats, in which was Ensign Hunterman, with half the Europeans and Topasses, the scaling ladders and petards, and seven of the smaller boats, lost the main channel of the river, and entered into that which leads from it on the left toward Chilambarum, and soon after ran aground on a bank of sand; where seeing nothing of the other boats, and uncertain whether they were before or behind, or whether they might not likewise have struck on some sand, Hunterman resolved to remain where he was until day-light; before which, Captain Smith, with the rest of the boats, was arrived at the rendezvous, five miles from Devi Cotah, and waiting for those with Hunterman, which did not come up until the evening. This delay discovered the detachment. Nevertheless Captain Smith marched across the land, and took post on the 14th, intending to escalade in the ensuing night. Two broad and deep channels of the Coleroon pass along the north and south sides of the fort; the ground to the west was at this time a morass; the eastern face standing on dry sand, was the only part accessible; but had a dry ditch and glacis; both, however, slight. The boats carrying the troops dropt down the north channel to the strand, where all landed. The Europeans were to escalade, the Sepoys to sustain them, and no fire was to be given by any on any cause, before the Europeans had gained footing on the rampart. The moon was risen, and the Europeans with the ladders were nevertheless at the foot of the wall before they were discovered by the garrison, who immediately thronged and fired; which the Sepoys at the crest of the glacis, who shared part of it, returned in much hurry and confusion, and then ran away; on which Captain Smith seeing no farther probability of success, ordered the Europeans to retreat likewise. Thirty of them had continued in the boats, unable to move with swelled legs, acquired by sitting 60 hours up to their knees in water; and nine, who were foreigners, had deserted. The next day he received intelligence of he repulse of the English troops at Vandiwash, signified with apprehensions of evil consequences from the ill success; and this news, with the mischances of his party, and the preparation of the garrison rendered farther perseverance imprudent. In the morning the disabled men, were sent off to Atchaveram, and the rest followed in the afternoon. The swelling of the rivers had prevented Home's detachment from advancing beyond Tanjore; and if they had, the news of the repulse at Vandiwash, would equally have prevented the attempt on Chilambarum; and they were ordered to return to Tritchinopoly. Captain Smith followed, with his own detachment, and all the stores, through the country along the south bank of the Coleroon, and arrived on the 24th. The small boats were burnt for want of hands to carry them back, but the two larger were left to be towed up, as soon as the freshes were passed.

All the revenues collected by the French government, even when their possessions were most extended, had never sufficed for the expences of the field. Much ground had lately been recovered by the English; whose reinforcements, and their late, although unsuccessful, attack on Vandiwash alarmed the country on the south of the Paliar; in which many of the villagers were quitting their fields, which gave the renters specious pretexts to require abatements oil their leases from the administration of Pondicherry. No money, and many debts remained in the treasury there: and the late revolt demonstrated that the troops could not be trusted for the time to come any longer than they should be strictly paid. The only part of the province whether under the French, the English, or the Nabob's authority, which had lately remained exempt from ravage, contributions, or military operations, was the country from Outatoor to the southern districts of Tritchinopoly, including the rich and fertile island of seringham; where the approaching harvest of December, which is by far the greatest of the year, promised in this, a more abundant crop than usual. The government's share was valued at 600,000 rupees, and would be received in February. From these considerations Mr. Lally resolved to take possession of these countries, with a force sufficient to keep the garrison of Tritchinopoly within their walls. But as this could not be effected, without exposing the stations and country near the Paliar to risque, by the substraction of such a number of troops as would be sent away to the southward, he meant to station 800 men near Arcot, who were to move to the relief of any place that might be attacked; and, with this assistance in prospect, he supposed that the garrisons he should leave in the forts, although very slender, would defend themselves to extremity, and protract the successes of the English force, until his object to the southward was accomplished. Mr. Deleyrit, and the Council of Pondicherry, objected to the separation of the army, as fraught with the most dangerous consequences. Mr. Lally imputed their repugnance to the intention he had declared of farming out the collections under his own inspection, by which they would be deprived, as he supposed, of their usual perquisites; and they attributed his propensity to the expedition to the same spirit of peculation.

To confirm the appearance of maintaining the Paliar, a detachment of 50 men of Lally's regiment attacked three companies of Sepoys, posted in a village called Checkrimalore, situated on the south bank of the river, in a line opposite to Conjeveram; but the Sepoys stood firm, killed five, and took three men, with an officer mortally wounded. Two companies were likewise posted at Salawauk, between Outramalore and Chinglapet, of which Lieutenant Fletcher drew off one to strengthen the escort proceeding with the last exchange of French prisoners to Sadrass; on which the French guard at Outramalore drove away the other company remaining at Salawauk; but a few days after, Lieutenant Fletcher recovered this post. At the same time, parties and detachments were continually moving, to accomplish the dispositions Mr. Lally had arranged. The troops allotted for the southern expedition were 900 Europeans, of which 100 were cavalry, 1000 Sepoys, 200 black horse, and ten pieces of cannon, under the command of Mr. Crillon; their rendezvous was at Thiagar, to which they resorted from different parts by various routes, and were all assembled there on the eleventh of November. Neither the Presidency of Madrass, nor Captain Smith at Trichinopoly, obtained any certain account of their force or intentions. The Nabob's horse, with the 500 Sepoys, which had been sent to Verdachelum, and had done no little mischief during their excursion, had returned to Utatoor on the 12th, and were halting there on the 15th, when they discovered an advanced party of the enemy, which they supposed the whole, and immediately retreated to Pitchandah; a few hours after, the enemy came up to Samiaveram, and the next day, their horse advanced, and reconnoitered the banks of the Coleroon, and then fell back and took post with the rest in the village and pagoda of Munsurpet. The whole force was 35 Europeans, 100 Coffrees, 500 Sepoys, two guns, and some black horse, commanded by a partizan and two subalterns; of which Joseph Smith obtained right intelligence; and early the next morning sent out 10 companies of Sepoys, 120 Europeans and Topasses, six field-pieces, and 400 of the Nabob's horse, under the command of his second Richard Smith, and from the intimacy between them he accompanied the detachments as a volunteer. They crossed the Caveri and Coleroon opposite to the city. The village of Munsurpet had rice-fields in front, through which the road onwards to the Coleroon was a causeway raised above them; so that the enemy had no attack to fear on this side, and their retreat was open to Samiaveram and Utatore. The banks of the Coleroon are steep and high, and the water at this time was so low as to run only in small channels, leaving large beds of sand, and a shore of it, under the banks. Three companies of Sepoys were sent up the bank with the colours of all the companies, which they displayed at proper distances to resemble, whilst the main body of the detachment filed unseen under the bank, two miles on to the right, when quitting the river, they continued their march in the bed of a water-course then dry, which led to the north, and brought them on two miles, still undiscovered, until they were in a line with Munsurpet, when the water-course turning another way the troops came out of it; and as they were ascending a rising ground just before them, within a mile and a half of Munsurpet, were for the first time perceived by the enemy there; whose confusion was much less than might have been expected from the surprize. They got, although in hurry, their line into order, and began to retreat fast in order to gain Samiaveram. The Nabob's horse were detached to harass and impede their front, and by hard driving four of the field-pieces were brought near enough to fire upon their line of march, when they very imprudently unlimbered their guns to return this fire. Nevertheless the pursuit lasted four miles, when they halted in a village, to stand the brunt; but were soon beat from their guns, and the whole broke, and every man begged quarter. One officer, 15 Europeans, and 30 Coffrees, were made prisoners; most of the rest of these troops were killed during the pursuit and fight. Some of the Sepoys were cut down in the beginning of the rout by the Nabob's horse, who were immediately ordered to spare all who flung down their arms. The two guns, two tumbrils, a great quantity of ammunition, all the baggage, and an elephant, were taken. Captain Richard Smith conversing with one of the prisoners, obtained information from him of the force with Mr. Crillon, and, to his great surprize, that it would encamp this very evening at Utatore, and advance on the morrow. Fatiguing as the service of the day had been, no time was to be lost. The whole detachment, with their prisoners and spoils, returned that night to the bank of the Coleroon, and slept on their arms, and early the next morning began to cross the river, in which a sudden fresh was coming down, which obliged the latter part of the detachment to pass in boats, and the last boat in which was one of the guns, was driven on a sand, from whence it took four hours to release it, and four men were drowned in the attemp; and by this time the foremost of Crillon's troops appeared on the bank of the river. The flood kept them there until the 20th, when they crossed into the island of Seringham, and encamped opposite to the west face of the pagoda, in which Captain J. Smith had stationed 300 Sepoys, 500 Colleries armed with their long lances, and two field-pieces, with European gunners. The outward wall of the pagoda, being 40 feet high, can neither be defended nor escaladed; and, if battered down, which would be tedious, the ruins would be difficult to pass. The great gateway is within, 40 feet high, 30 broad, and 40 through to the inside of the pagoda. As it is impossible to weild gates of such a surface, a wall 20 feet high had been raised across the middle of the passage, and in the wall was left an opening, in which likewise no gate had been erected. A trench was therefore dug across the passage in front, and a parapet was raised behind the opening for the field -pieces. At day-break on the 21st, the French advanced their heaviest cannon, which soon beat down the partition-wall, and disabled the field-pieces on the parapet. They then ran to the assault, and stormed their way in; not without much resistance from the Sepoys, but very little from the Colleries. Irritated by their loss, they refused quarter for some time after all resistance had ceased. They then turned out whom they had spared, when the musketry fired upon them as they were going away, and some of the European horse rode after and cut down others: but neither with the permission of their officers. The garrison of Tritchinopoly beheld this wanton cruelty from the walls; but could give no relief. Few of the Sepoys regained the city, and one of the three companies was entirely lost. Joseph Smith reproached Crillon severely for this barbarity.

The Presidency, as soon as certified of the destination of this part of the French army, resolved that the whole of their own should immediately take the field. The choice of operations was left to Colonel Coote, who on the 21st of November came from Madrass to Conjeveram, where the largest division of the troops were in cantonment. Having taken the command, he immediately assembled a council of war, in which it was agreed, that the separated and distant situations of the enemy's troops, left a fair opportunity to reduce the fort of Vandiwash, which it was determined to try. The troops which had landed with Colonel Coote, joined the camp at Conjeveram on the 23d; from whence Captain Preston was sent off the same day with his own company of infantry and of the pioneers, to remain at Chinglapet, in readiness to advance with them when called for to Vandiwash, bringing likewise two eighteen-pounders and a howitz. The next evening Major Brereton proceeded with a strong detachment to attack Trivatore; and on the 25th Colonel Coote with the main body advanced toward Arcot, where all the enemy's troops in the field were encamped. These dispositions were meant to perplex their guess of what blow was intended; they had most reason to expect against Arcot, but nevertheless concluded Vandiwash.

A party sent forward by Major Brereton invested Trivatore at nine at night, but kept their guards so negligently, that the garrison, which were only a company of Sepoys, escaped through them before morning. Major Brereton, leaving two companies of Sepoys in Trivatore, marched on with his division, and arrived the next day, which was the 26th, at Vandiwash. Early the next morning they assaulted the pettah and carried it, after a slight resistance from some Sepoys, but without any loss.

Colonel Coote arrived the same morning with his division at Arcot, where he saw nothing of the enemy's troops on the ground of their encampment near the town. They had sent a detachment on the night of the 24th, preceding the morning that Colonel Coote began his march, which attacked the English post at Checkrimalore, where the three companies of Sepoys had just been reinforced, without the enemy's knowledge, with 50 Europeans from Conjeveram. Their detachment attacked before day-break of the 25th, and were repulsed with the loss of 20 Europeans, and their commanding officer, and retreated immediately to Chittapet; to which, as appointed the general rendezvous, the rest of the troops in the field at Arcot were on their march in the evening of the 26th, whilst Colonel Coote's division was approaching the ground they were quitting. In the evening of the 27th, some hours after his arrival at Arcot, Colonel Coote received an express from Major Brereten of his success on the pettah of Vandiwash; and immediately made a forced march towards him. The next day, he left Major Monson to bring on the line, and proceeding with the cavalry, arrived before noon at Vandiwash, where Brereton had almost completed a battery for the two eighteen-pounders which accompanied his division. It was erected in the western pettah, against the tower and cavalier in the s. w. angle of the fort. In the night, another battery was begun near the N. w. angle of the southern pettah, directly opposite to the same tower; and both were completed before the morning; but as the two eighteen-pounders expected from Chinglapet were not arrived, two twelve-pounders brought up from the line were mounted in their stead. Hitherto the enemy had fired day and night from the walls, and only slightly wounded one man. The fire of the batteries opened with the day, which was the 29th, and the tower attacked was silenced, and a practicable breach made in it, before noon: when Colonel Coote summoned the French officer, who answered, that he should obey the orders he had received, to defend the fort to extremity. The batteries then continued to dismantle other parts of the defences; and in the evening Major Monson came up, with the main body of the army.

In the morning, the Kellidar sent some of his officers and servants, to stipulate for his own security in the event. Colonel Coote pledged himself to coutinue him in the fort, and in the rent of the districts, as a dependant of the Company, if he would, with his own troops, seize, and deliver up those he had admitted belonging to the French; but insisted on a positive answer by two in the afternoon; at which hour no answer came; but a little after, the French soldiers appeared on the walls, and called out that they would deliver up the fort. Colonel Coote chanced to be at the battery, and immediately ordered a company of Sepoys to advance, and take possession of the gateway; who when they came there, were told that the key was with the Kellidar. This baulk might have produced untoward consequences, if Colonel Coote, at the same time that he sent the Sepoys to the gate, had not advanced himself with another company to the breach, which they entered without opposition; and being immediately followed by some of the officers with the picquet, no resistance was attempted in any part of the fort. The troops belonging to the French were five subaltern officers, 63 private Europeans, and 100 Sepoys the Kellidar's, 500 horsemen and foot. In this success, not a man of the English troops was killed, and only five were wounded. The English forces had thrice before been against this place, and in the last were repulsed, as we have lately seen, with as much loss as they had suffered in any action in these wars. The Kellidar had signed the treaty just as the troops entered; but his importance in the province, his relation to the family of Chundasaib, his long connexion with the French government, and his inveterate enmity to the Nabob Mahomedally, weighed unjustly more than the respect due to a contract of which he was fulfilling his part. He was brought to Madrass, behaved haughtily, and would give no account of his treasures, which he had sent away to Coilas Guddy, a fort on one of the highest hills near Velore, in which resided the widow of Subderally Cawn. The Nabob said, that the making him prisoner was of more importance than the reduction of the fort, but offered te release him for ten lacks of rupees.

The French troops in the field had made no motion from Chittapet to interrupt the attack; and, as their inaction rendered it unnecessary to march against them, Colonel Coote resolved to attack Carangoly, before they were reinforced sufficiently to risque an engagement. Carangoly is situated 35 miles w. s. w. from Vandiwash, 12 to the south a little westerly from Chinglapet, and 18 from Sadrass and the sea. The fort is large, having four not very unequal sides, of which the circumference is 1500 yards. It is built of stone, and has, before the main wall and the towers, a parapeted fausebray, and a wet ditch. The four sides nearly face to the cardinal points of the compass; a pettah, separated from the fort by an esplanade, and extending in a curve, entirely enveloped the north, and part of the west and east faces of the fort. As the weakest part, because nearst to the opposite pettah, the French had thrown up a glacis before the north front, but had not completed it before the tower in the N.°E. angle. The army, by detachments, entered the pettah, on the 4th of December, and were exposed to some fire from the fort, which killed a grenadier. The attack was confined to the north front, which, besides the two round towers in the angles, had the usual voluminous defences of a gateway, and a square tower on each hand of it; in all five projections. On the 6th the army had finished, and began to fire from a battery of two eighteen-pounders, opposite the square tower next the round one in the angle on the left of this front. One of the guns fired to breach in the angle of the curtain on the left of the square tower, and the other to take off the flanking fire of the round: but the fire of the fort was much superior; for besides several old guns long belonging to the fort, the French had nine excellent pieces well mounted, which they brought to this face; and embrasures not only in the gateway, but in the two towers on the right of it, commanded the battery; to oppose which another battery for two guns was raised on the left of the first, which opened on the 7th in the morning, and the eight-inch howitz was planted in the N. w. part of the pettah, which firing dead shells in ricochet enfiladed in its whole length the rampart of the front attacked. At noon of this day the breach appeared practicable, and Colonel Coote summoned the commandant, Colonel O Kenelly, an Irishman, and an officer of reputation in Lally's regiment, signifying that if he persisted, the garrison would be exposed to the same treatment as had been inflicted on the troops taken by assault at Seringham. O Kenelley answered, that as the letter was not directed in French, he had not opened it; and as soon as the trumpet who brought it had reached the pettah, recommenced the fire. It continued hotly on the 8th and 9th; when Colonel Coote advanced a zig-zag from the breaching battery. On the 10th in the morning, there only remained shot for two hours; and more had been sent for from Chinglapet; but before the batteries ceased, a flag of truce, little expected, appeared on the walls. Time was at this time of more importance than any thing but the disgrace of a repulse, and Coote granted almost all that was asked. The garrison, which consisted of 100 Europeans, including officers, marched out with their arms, two rounds a man, six days provisions, colours flying, and drums beating: the Sepoys were disarmed, but likewise set free. Four of the nine guns belonging to the French had been dismounted, two Europeans were killed, and five dangerously wounded. The Sepoys had suffered more. The loss of the English troops was Lieutenant Campbell of the artillery; a grenadier, a Sepoy, and a Topass mortally wounded.

On the 12th, the army encamped again at Vandiwash; where they were joined the same day by Captain More, with his detachment from the northward. These troops had advanced, accompanied by those at Tripetti as far as Nelore, and were joined on the road by the party of Europeans stationed there with Lieutenant Elliot; but the troops of Nazeabullah although ready had not stirred a step from the walls; he nevertheless pretended that the dread of his preparations had been the principal cause of Bassaulut Jung's retreat out of the Carnatic. All alarms having ceased in this part of the country, Captain More sent back Elliot's party to Nelore, and those which had come from Tripetti, and returned with his own division by the way of Tripassore to Conjeveram.

Colonel Coote, when marching against Vandiwash, had ordered Captain Wood, if to be done with safety, to advance from Covrepauk, and take post in the city of Arcot, in order to prevent the French garrison in the fort there from collecting provisions. Wood arrived in the town on the 28th, with 300 Sepoys, 50 Europeans, and 50 black horse, who, without the least opposition, took possession of the Nabob's palace and the adjacent streets, although not half a mile from the fort; where they obliged the French renter and the principal inhabitants to redeem the rest of their property by furnishing at the market-price a large quantity of rice, of which the scarcity was increasing every day by a general failure of the harvest in this part of the country. Captain More's detachment was ordered to join Captain Wood's on their return, and both to make preparations for the attack of the fort of Arcot, against which Colonel Coote intended to march as soon as he had reduced Carangoly. They had collected fascines and other material's, and had even begun to construct one of the batteries, when they were obliged to desist, and retire, on tho 9th, by the approach of Mr. Bussy returning from the northward with a much larger force than had accompanied him out of the province.

After fifteen days march, and three of halt, Mr. Bussy, with his detachment, arrived on the 10th of November at Bassaulut Jung's camp, which was lying on a plain, six miles from the city of Cudapah. The distance from Arcot in the direct line is 110 miles nearly north; but 300 by the road, which winds more than two thirds of the way along the valleys of rocky mountains. The French detachment with Bassaulut Jung, the Europeans as well as the Sepoys, were, for want of money, in want even of food; and to maintain them, their officers had sold every thing of their own, but their clothes; from similar distresses, although not so severe, the troops of Bassaulut Jung were ready to revolt. His proposals to Mr. Bussy were, "that the French should regard him as the absolute master of the province of Arcot, should surrender to his authority all the countries of which they were in possession, whether in this province or in the dependencies of Tritchinopoly, and he would account with them for one-third of the produce; but whatsoever might hereafter be conquered, should become entirely his own, free of this deduction. All affairs and troubles were to be regulated by the Duan he should appoint. The French were to swear they would assist him against Nizamally, if he should enter the Carnatic; with whom they should make no treaty without the participation of Bassaulut Jung; and, after they had conquered or made peace with the English, should furnish him with a body of troops, to make war on Nizamally. After the peace, he was to be put in full possession of the whole Carnatic, and its dependencies, according to the ancient usages, when the French were no longer to be entitled to any part of the revenues. He might return into the Decan whensoever he pleased; and, during his absence from his capital of Adoni, the French were to furnish a detachment of 300 Europeans, and 2000 Sepoys, with artillery, ammunition, and stores, to garrison this place; and the expence of this body of troops might be deducted out of his share of the revenues of the Carnatic. As his troops were unpaid, and since the disaster of Nazirjing were afraid of serving in the Carnatic, Mr. Bussy should immediately lend him four lacks of rupees to be distributed amongst them as the only means of engaging them to march. If this agreement should not take effect after his arrival at Arcot, he and his army should be reconducted out of the province with friendship and good faith." The tenor of these terms bore the strongest marks of Sampetrow's advice: Mr. Bussy answered them by other proposals, which left the issue of every one made by Bassaulut Jung uncertain, and liable to future discussions and arrangements. The personal conferences only widened the difference, by discovering more clearly to each the views of the other; but Bassaulut Jung took no personal disgust to Mr. Bussy, and at his solicitation issued patents subjecting, at least in words, the whole province of Arcot to the government of Mr. Lally, and enjoining all the chiefs and feudatories to pay him the usual tributes and obeisance. In the same plain where Bassaulut Jung and Bussy were encamped, were likewise lying two other considerable bodies of troops, the one a detachment of 3000 Morattoes appointed to guard that part of the territory of Cudapah, which had been ceded the year before the last to the Morattoe Jurisdiction; the other was a body of 2500 Pitan horse, belonging to the Nabob of Cudapah. Mr. Bussy, by former intercourses, knew the officers of both. The Pitans lent him money, which enabled him to inlist 100 of their horse, the same number of Bassaulut Jung's, and 200 of the Morattoes; and to supply the immediate wants of the French troops attending Bassaulut Jung, and his own detachment, which he now joined into one body under his own command. This whole force collected, consisted of 350 European infantry, 100 European horse, 2500 Sepoys, of which 500 were Arabs or Abyssinians, 800 black horse, and 10 pieces of cannon; with which he marched away on the 16th of November, five days after his arrival, returning by the same way he had come. On the 10th of December, he arrived at Arcot, from whence his approach had obliged Captain Moore and Wood to return with their detachments to Covrepauk, and from hence Captain Moore proceeded with his to the army at Carangoly, to which it added 180 Europeans, 1200 Sepoys, and 160 black horse. The Europeans replaced the number which were left in garrison at Vandiwash and Carangoly, and the Sepoys were more.

The loss of these places was the severest reproach of the error which Mr. Lally had committed in detaching so great a part of his force to the southward: of which he himself was so sensible, that he justified it only by the distress to which he was reduced for money to supply the immediate pay and subsistence of the army. He now sent expresses to recall them all, excepting 300 Europeans, which were to be left in the pagoda of Seringham. The main body of the French troops remained waiting their arrival at Chittapet. Mr. Bussy left his force about the town of Arcot, and went himself to Pondicherry. The horse he brought spread themselves, and committed every kind of ravage and destruction as far as Conjeveram, between the Paliar and the mountains. A body of Morattoes belonging to Morarirow had been for some time at the pass of Cudapanatam, w. of Velore; they were commanded by Innis Khan, whom we have seen serving in the former wars of Tritchinopoly. Both Madrass and Pondicherry had agents in their camp, treating for their service. The English, Morarirow knew, had most money; and pretending, that he had incurred great charges in preparing a body of troops at their requisition, to march to their assistance before the siege of Madrass, for which he had not been paid, the terms he now demanded were peremptory, and the rates high. They endeavoured to bargain lower; and he, as the shortest means, in his own politics, to make them conclude immediately, accepted 20,000 rupees from the French agents, and sent a thousand of his horse through the hills, who did not join their camp, but in two days were on the English ground between Arcot and Conjeveram.

Colonel Coote, with the army, marched from Vandiwash on the 13th, and encamped the next evening at Papantanguel, a town six miles forward in the road from Trivatore to Arcot; in which situation, half a day's march enabled him to intersect the enemy's troops moving to join each other, whether from Arcot, or from Chittapet; but none appeared; for few of the returning troops from Seringham, and none they expected from Pondicherry, December were as yet come up; and the division remaining at Arcot was too weak to venture, before the others were advanced near enough, to ensure the junction. On the 16th, the army marched, and encamped at Muleawady, six miles nearer Arcot, but still to the south of the Paliar. By this time, the horse brought by Mr. Bussy, and the Morattoes let loose by Morarirow, were committing every kind of ravage and desolation in the country to the north of this river, and as far as within 20 miles of Madrass. Thousands of cattle were swept off in as many days, which they sold to the first purchaser, at seven or eight for a rupee, and then made them again the booty of the next excursion. With this experience, the inhabitants would no longer redeem them; after which, no submissions exempted themselves form the sword, and all abandoned the villages and open country, to seek shelter in the woods, forts, and hills nearest their reach. Not a man ventured himself or his bullock with a bag of rice to the camp; which, for three days, were totally deprived of this staple food. Excessive rains fell during the 17th and all the next day, which the tents could not resist; and from the necessity of affording the troops some repose, Colonel Coote marched from Muleawady on the 19th, and put the whole army into cantonments in the fort of Covrepauk, and the villages adjacent. The next day, he went to Madrass, to confer with the Presidency on the measures necessary to be taken against the force which had been sent to recover the countries of Seringham and Tritchinopoly: for intelligence had not yet been acquired, that the greatest part of them were recalled.

The reduction of Vandiwash, notwithstanding the loss of Seringham, revived the reputation of the English arms in the southern countries. The king of Tanjore sent horse and foot, and Tondiman and the two Moravers their Colleries, to the Nabob at Tritchinopoly. Mr. Lally's orders, recalling the troops, where immediately obeyed. On the 9th, 600 European foot, and 100 horse, left the pagoda, and recrossed the Coleroon. As soon as they were gone, Capt. Joseph Smith resolved to circumscribe the troops which remained, as much as the strength of his garrison allowed, and detached 500 Sepoys, and as many Colleries, to invest Cortalum, a mud fort on the southern bank of the Caveri, 15 mils w. of Tritchinopoly, which were followed the next day by 300 more Sepoys, two field-pieces, two cohorns, and 50 Europeans, under the command of Ensign Morgan. The fort, in which were some Sepoys, capitulated as soon as the cannon appeared. Ensign Morgan then sent half his detachment to attack Totcum, another fort like, and almost opposite to Cortalum, in which were 10 Europeans, and 200 Sepoys, who defended themselves until Morgan came up with the rest of his force, when they surrendered. From Totcum, Morgan marched to Samiaveram, in order to join another detachment from the city, when both were to proceed against Utatoor. Early on the l6th, Joseph Smith received intelligence, that a convoy of ammunition, guarded by a few Sepoys, were on the road from Utatoor to Seringham; and at the same time, a party of 40 Europeans, and 100 Sepoys sent from Seringham to join and assure the arrival of this convoy, were perceived crossing the Coleroon; on which he detached 40 Europeans, 400 Sepoys, 200 of the Nabob's horse, and some Colleries, across both rivers, under the command of Ensign Bridger, with orders to proceed to Samiaveram, where he was to be joined by Morgan's party from Totcum, and both united, were to take post at Samiaveram in order to intercept the return of the enemy's detachment. At the same time, Captain Richard Smith marched out of the city with 100 Europeans, 300 Sepoys, and three guns, and took post on the southern bank of the Caveri opposite to the Pagoda of Seringham; where he soon after knew, by a signal from the rock of Tritchinopoly, that 100 more Europeans had marched from the pagoda, and were passing the Coleroon; on which, as had been concerted, he crossed the Caveri, and kept up the hottest fire he could against the gate of the pagoda, which was returned from various scaffoldings within, and Captain Smith was wounded; but still persisting, the enemy, as had been foreseen, recalled their detachment. Soon after Ensign Bridger's signals gave token that he was in possession of the pagodas at Samiaveram; but that Ensign Morgan's party was not yet come up. The next morning, the French detachment which first marched from Seringham, returned with the convoy from Utatoor, and advanced boldly to the upper pagoda of Samiaveram; near which, Ensign Bridger was prepared to oppose them. On the first firing, most of the coolies threw down their burthens of ammunition, and ran away; on which the troops, with the rest, took post in the lesser pagoda, and, shutting the gates, prepared for defence. But in less than an hour, Ensign Morgan, with the whole of his force from Totcum, appeared, and the enemy surrendered. They were a captain, a lieutenant, and 38 grenadiers. Of Bridger's detachment, several Sepoys, with a serjeant of one of the companies, and three Europeans, were killed. These operations were of consequence; for this being the season of harvest, and the corn ready to reap, the renters, as usual, yielded the government's share, which amounted to 100,000 rupees, to the stronger force. The intelligence of these successes had not reached Madrass, when Colonel Coote arrived there from the camp, but advices were received that the greatest part of the French force were returning from the southward; nevertheless, the presidency were much inclined to indulge the anxious and repeated requests of the Nabob, to reinforce Tritchinopoly with 200 Europeans, in order to retake Seringham and Utatoor, and to recover the countries which had lately been lost, with so much detriment to his revenues; but the arguments of Colonel Coote, confirmed by the recent example of the same error committed by Mr. Lally, and its consequences, evinced the impropriety of diminishing the army at this time, when it seemed that the French were collecting their whole force, in order to risque the fate of the Carnatic in a general battle. His reasons prevailed; and he returned on the 25th to Covrepauk, where, during his absence, nothing had happened, but a skirmish between the black horse of the army, which were increased to 700, and an equal body of Morattoes, whom they beat off. On the 24th, a detachment of 40 black horse, with some Sepoys of the garrison at Vandi wash, surprized a party of the enemy's Sepoys, quartered in a village called Niconum 15 miles to the south, of whom they killed twelve, and dispersed the rest.

The main body of the French army from Chittapet, increased by the returning troops from Seringham, and whatsoever more could be spared from the garrisons to the south of the Paliar, had advanced to Arcot, soon after the English filed off to Covrepauk. Thus their whole force, but stronger than before, was once again assembled; and they encamped along the south side of the river quite up to the suburbs of the city. On the 26th, Colonel Coote moved the English army to Chinesimundrum, a village six miles from Covrepauk, and five from Arcot, where the ground afforded a very advantageous encampment; for a large tank extended in front, a morass on each hand, and the only access in front and rear was by a cause-way. On the 29th, the Generals Lally and Bussy came with a party of horse to reconnoitre the camp, and a skirmish passed between them and the out-posts. The next day, the greatest part of their horse appeared again, and, after several motions, made an attack on a guard of Sepoys, posted in a village called Trimetcherry, about a mile in front of the camp, and cut down several of them in the street; but the rest kept their ground in the houses, and revenged the loss by killing several of the horse, who, seeing other troops advancing, retired. On the 31st, three companies of Sepoys crossed the river, and, at three in the morning, entered, and beat up the camp of the Morattoes, which lay on the right of the French encampment. All fled, as usual when surprized; but of the few shot which were returned, one chanced to wound Ensign Meredith, who commanded the party; after which, the Sepoys could not be prevailed upon to pursue their success by destroying the animals and baggage. Thus closed the year 1759, the third of this dubious war, with the two armies in sight of each other, but neither ready for immediate decision; for the English were afraid of the superiority of the enemy's cavalry, and were waiting in expectation, not only of drawing off the body of the Morattoes, which were with them, but likewise of being joined by 2000 more who were still remaining with Innis Khan on the other side of the mountains. On the other hand, Mr. Lally was likewise negotiating for the same assistance, and still mistrusted the attachment of his European troops, although equal in number to the English; and waited for an addition, by the return of what remained of the detachment which had been sent in April, under the conduct of Mr. Moracin, to reinforce Masulipatam.

Not venturing to land the troops, as Masulipatam was taken, Mr. Moracin sailed away on the 18th of April, and in five days arrived at Ganjam, which is situated at the northern extremity of the Chicacole province on the sea. The French had long kept a trading-house here, and were connected with Narraindeu, the principal Rajah in this part of the province: the fort and wood of his residence is called Moherry, and is situated twelve miles from the sea-shore, and thirty miles w. s. w. from Ganjam. Besides Moherry, he had six or seven other forts, which lie more inland, and farther to the north. His constant force was 3000 men, besides which he occasionally hired from the other polygars. The Rajah Vizeramrauze, during his administration under Mr. Bussy in the province of Chicacole, had by some severities provoked the hatred of Narraindeu; which devolved, after the death of Vizeramrauze, on his successor, Anunderamrauze, who, as we have seen, had invited and joined the English, whom nevertheless Narraindeu had less reason to dislike than the French, under whose authority the vexations he resented from Vizeramrauze had originated. Nevertheless Moracin proposed, "that their forces united should march first against the English settlement of Vizagapatam, and then against Vizianagaram, the principal residence of Anunderauze. If successful thus far, they were to go on, until joined by the French army of observation, which was with Salabadjing, when Masulipatam was stormed: probably Salabadjing would assist in retaking this place, and Narraindeu, in reward for his services, was to be placed in all the advantages possessed by Anunderauze" Narraindeu accepted the terms, but with no intention of prosecuting the expedition, any farther than the continuance of his own advantages. But the French troops, having expected to land at Masulipatam, were not provided with equipments for long marches, which it required much time to prepare at Ganjam. They were in the detachment 43 English soldiers, who had been taken prisoners, and had entered into the French service, on condition of being only employed on this expedition. Thirty of these men together made their escape soon after they landed, and, through many hardships, found their way to Cuttack in Orixa in the middle of May, where they were relieved by the English resident, Mr. Grey, who sent them to Balasore, from whence they were conveyed to Calcutta. Seven more arrived at Cuttack in June, and afterwards came in several other deserters of other nations. It was the beginning of July before Mr. Moracin was ready to march; by which time, he had expended all his ready money, and the subsistence of the detachment depended on the sale of some trumpery commodities, and the precarious faith of Narraindeu; who, however, accompanied them with his troops. After three or four marches, they were distressed to extremity for provisions, which neither the army of Narraindeu, nor the inhabitants of his towns, would supply without money. At Burrampoor, a town in the hills, six miles before you arrive at Mogherry, the French soldiers entered the houses to get victuals; a fray ensued, and blood was shed on both sides. Narraindeu, with all the troops, immediately left them; and summoned the assistance of the neighbouring chiefs. The French detachment, having no alternative, marched back towards Ganjam. Narraindeu, and his allies, met them in the way, and stood what they called a battle; but the European arms, as usual, easily dispersed them; and the detachment took post in Munsurcottah, a town situated eight miles from Ganjam, in a country abounding in flocks and grain, where they collected provisions, although surrounded by the enemy; with whom they commenced a negotiation, of which Narraindeu seemed to be as desirous as themselves. To conclude it, one of the French officers, named Darveu, went to Narrainder in his camp, but accompanied by 40 Europeans, and the same number of Sepoys. On their return, they were attacked by the whole force they had visited, and all the Europeans excepting three were killed: the Sepoys, not being so much the object of this treachery, suffered less. Mr. Moracin immediately returned to Ganjam, and encamped within and round the French factory, which is on the river-side; and threw up works sufficient to protect his detachment from attacks through the avenues of the town, which Narraindeu, and his allies, surrounded. Of the two ships which brought the detachment, the Harlem had been dispatched to Arracan for provisions, and the Bristol had been driven ashore in a hard gale of wind, before the troops marched to Burrampore. There was on the stocks on the river side a large snow; and in the river, several smaller vessels belonging to the factory, in which they intended to return to Pondicherry with the northern monsoon, after the English squadron should have quitted the coast. In the mean time, they continued for many days, skirmishing with the troops of Narraindeu, who at length offered to treat, which produced a cessation of hostilities, but no terms of reconciliation; for the demands of the French were in proportion to the injuries they had received; and Narraindeu only meant to save the expences of the field, with security that the French troops would not make incursions into his country, after his own should have returned to their quarters. This they promised, and remained quiet.

In the mean time letters from Narraindeu to Colonel Clive arrived in Bengal, requesting him to send a body of Europeans, which, joined by his own force, might easily take or destroy the whole of the French detachment with Moracin. The report of the deserters confirmed the feasibility of this project. But the dubious state of the English affairs, and the decrease of their military force in Bengal scarcely permitted any farther diminution of it: however, Colonel Clive, with his usual spirit of enterprize, determined to try the experiment. Sixty Europeans, half of them artillery men, were embarked on the Hardwicke, which had 100 Europeans as her crew. The ship sailed out of the river on the 30th of September, and on the 7th of October anchored in the road of Ganjam under Dutch colours. Two French officers immediately came on board to enquire news and were detained prisoners. Captain Sampson then went ashore under a passport to Moracin, magnified the force he had brought, said more was coming, and proposed that he should surrender his whole detachment to avoid unnecessary bloodshed. But Moracin had obtained juster intelligence. Samson then landed messengers which got to Narraindeu, who being by this time certified that the French detachment would soon go away of their own accord, had no farther motive or inclination to renew hostilities against them: but nevertheless promised Sampson that he would soon appear with his army, and again invest the town. A civil intercourse of messuages contitinued between them until the 20th, when Sampson being convinced that he intended to do nothing, sailed away for Bengal.

In the beginning of November, Mr. Moracin embarked from Ganjam with 40 Europeans in a sloop, and on the 11th landed at Cocanara, which lies close to the sea, on the right-hand of a small river, about 20 miles N. E. of the eastern arm of the Godaveri. On this arm are situated the English and French factories of Ingeram and Yanam. Of the prisoners taken at Masulipatam, most of those who had been admitted to give their parole, had departed, and were residing at Yanam, waiting for embarkations to proceed to Pondicherry; and, on this pretence, went to Moracin at Cocanara, and informed him fully of the state of affairs in this part of the country. The districts from the Godaveri to Cocanara, were under the government of Juggapettyrauze, a near relation of Anunderauze. They had long been at enmity, and when Anunderauze invited the English, Jaggapetty joined the French, and with his troops accompanied them at the battle of Peddipore. After the victory Colonel Forde granted away his countries to Anunderauze, who hitherto, for want of the assistance he expected from the English, had not ventured to employ his own force to get possession. Jaggapetty nevertheless expecting to be attacked by him, had kept the field on the western arm of the Godaveri, and from his camp corresponded with Mr. Andrews, the English chief at Masulipatam, to revoke the cession made to his rival. His fort of Samel Cotah is only ten miles inland from Cocanara. Moracin sent agents thither and to his camp, to propose an alliance, informing him of the force that was following from Ganjam, and promising more from Pondicherry. Jaggapetty neither concluded, nor rejected the proposal; but neither he nor his people at Samel Cotah gave even the common assistances of the country to the troops with Moracin; who, for want of provisions, committed violences, were resisted, and most of them were either seized by the officers of the district, or took service with them; which reduced Moracin to re-embark on the sloop with five or six, the remainder of his party; they sailed on the 19th, and a few days after arrived at Pondicherry.

The troops remaining at Ganjam were 250 estimated Europeans, but of which half were Topasses, and 100 Sepoys. They embarked under the command of the Chevalier Poete, on the snow and two sloops, rigged and manned with the stores and crew of the Bristol: they arrived at Cocanara on the 19th of December; and Poete sent ashore fifty Europeans, and the Sepoys, to try the inclinations of Jaggapettyrauze: immediately after they landed, a hard gale of wind drove the two sloops ashore.

The troops sent from Bengal with Colonel Forde had received repeated orders from this Presidency to return thither from Masulipatam; but they were to march over land the whole way, in order to meet, and attack Moracin's detachment, who it was supposed would be, if not at Ganjam, somewhere on the coast. The rains would not permit the Bengal troops to take the field until the beginning of November; before which, Colonel Forde had sailed in the middle of October from Masulipatam for Bengal, where he arrived just in time to render one more very important service to his country. The command then devolved on Captain Fischer, and varying resolutions detained the troops at Masulipatam until the 5th of December. They were reduced from 500 Europeans, and 1500 Sepoys, to 300 of the one, and 800 of the other: the Europeans, by death and desertion, notwithstanding they had recruited 50 out of the prisoners; but the Sepoys, chiefly by the dismission of 500, who had sailed with Clive on the expedition to Bengal, and were permitted to return from Masulipatam to their homes in the Carnatic. The waters of the Godaveri were not yet abated; near the sea are seven or eight channels between the two principal arms; and other smaller rivers coming from the Colair lake, intersect the land between the western arm of the Godaveri and Masulipatam; which render the march along the sea-shore, although shorter in distance, much more tedious than the inland road. The troops therefore returned this way, which was the same they had come, excepting, that they passed the bed of the Colair farther to the westward, where it becomes soonest dry. At Rajahmundrum they heard, that the French detachment with the Chevalier Poete had landed at Cocanara.

Anunderauze, on the appearance of Moracin at Cocanara a month before, had no doubt that he would be immediately joined by Jaggapettyrauze, and sent off a body of troops from Vizianagarum to protect the districts of Rajahmundrum from their inroads. On the approach of this force, Jaggapettyrauze returned with his, from the Godaveri to his fort of Samelcotah, and both were near each other, when the French troops with Poete arrived on the coast, and the English with Fischer at Rajahmundrum. The officers of Anunderauze begged assistance from Fischer, who, advising them to keep the forces of Jaggapettyrauze at bay, proceeded with his command as fast as fatigue and impediments permitted, towards Cocanara. The district for some distance round this place is covered with cocoa-nut groves, for the shelter of the weavers; and the French troops were lying in a village at the skirt of the groves two miles from the Dutch fort, and the sea; and, for what reason is not found, Poete had not yet landed any more to reinforce the first detachment. Jaggapettyrauze was encamped five miles on their left, against whom the forces of Anunderauze were advancing, but in a different line of march, at the same time that the English troops were approaching Cocanara, who, before they came in sight of the French detachment, saw the armies of the two Rajahs skirmishing on their right; which Fischer deeming a proof that none of the French had joined Jaggapettyrauze, supposed them intent only on preserving their retreat to the sea, and sent forward Captain Yorke with the grenadiers and 500 Sepoys to prevent their embarkation. The French troops had gained no certain intelligence of the force with Fischer, and waited on their ground until they could distinguish the number of Yorke's division, who when near sent off the Sepoys to gain their flank, and hastened up in front with the grenadiers as fast as they could march. The French only remained to give one fire, and then ran as fast as they could through the grove, followed almost at the same pace, to gain the Dutch factory, into which they were admitted. Yorke immediately surrounded the factory, which had very slight defences, and Fischer coming up in the evening with the main body, invested it more closely, and peremptorily demanded the French troops, whom, after a very formal protest, the Dutch agents delivered the next day, which was the 28th of December. In the ensuing night Poete sailed with the rest of his detachment 200 men, Europeans and Topasses, all in the snow. From Cocanara the English troops marched on to Vizagapatam, where they arrived on the 16th of January; and a few days after, all the Europeans embarked in two English ships proceeding to Bengal; but the Sepoys were left to pursue their route on shore by Ganjam and through the province of Orixa. Thus nothing remained to fear in the company's possessions and acquisitions to the north of the Kristna. We shall now describe the progress of their officer Mahomed Issoof in the countries towards Cape Comorin.

He arrived at Madura on the 4th of May, and had been absent ten months. The force he left in the country, when called away, was 14 companies of Sepoys, six in the fort of Madura, five in Palamcotah, and three at Tinivelly. Nothing more could be expected from either of these bodies, than to defend the ground in sight of the walls they garrisoned. Accordingly all the districts of both provinces from the forest of Nattam to the gates of Travancore, lay subject to their contributions, or exposed to their ravages. The declension of the English affairs, which began with the surrender of Fort St. David, (on which Mahomed Issoof was recalled,) and continued until the French were obliged to raise the siege of Madrass, kept Maphuze Khan in continual hopes, that he should be joined by a body of French troops, and established with their assistance in the government of those countries; and the administration of Pondicherry, by their letters and emissaries, encouraged him to think so. Waiting this fortune, he remained with the Pulitaver, styling himself, and styled a sovereign; but without any other means of subsistence than what the Pulitaver chose to supply, who, never regulating his money by words, scarcely furnished him with common necessaries. The return of Issoof Khan bettered his condition; as the Pulitaver was afraid he might at length listen to a reconciliation with the Nabob, and Maphuze Khan, always governed by the love of ease, felt no resentment at the humility to which he had been reduced. He presided, at least in appearance, in the councils of the eastern Polygars; who resolved to meet Issoof with their united force, and invited the western to the common defence; who having joined them against Palamcotah in the late distresses of the English affairs, expected no pardon, and took the field. The western league consisted of six polygars: Catabominaigue, their former leader, was lately dead, and had been succeeded by a relation, who took as usual the same name, and bore, instead of the indifference of his predecessor, an aversion to the English. Etiaporum was always the next to him in importance, and now in activity.

The force which accompanied Mahomed Issoof from Conjeveram, consisted only of six companies of Sepoys, and 60 horse, but he had on his march requested troops from Tondiman and the two Moravers, with whom he had always continued on good terms, and 3000 men, horse, colleries, and Sepoys, from the three polygars, joined him on his arrival at Madura, where he nevertheless immediately began to make farther levies, and by shifting and garbling out of all that were with him, composed a body of 300 horse, and 700 Sepoys, who had seen service, which he sent forward to ravage the districts of Etiaporum, where they were to be joined by three of the companies of Sepoys from the garrison of Palamcotah, which had restored its losses by new levies. This body of troops were to maintain their ground until the last extremity, in order to prevent the junction of the western with the troops of the eastern polygars, until Mahomed Issoof himself could follow with the main body from Madura, where he was under the necessity of remaining a while longer.

The Colleries of Nattam extend 40 miles, from the districts of the lesser Moraver to the western mountains. Their forest skirts the Madura country to the north; and, where opposite, is within twelve miles of the city. It was they who attacked the troops with Colonel Heron in 1755. They are much wilder than the colleries to the North of them in the territory of Tritchinopoly, and differ still more from those of Madura and Tinivelly, having neither forts nor military array. They acknowledge no considerable chiefs, and live in small parcels, connected by choice or relation; so that their disputes rarely exceed the private revenge of individuals. They regard all other people as booty; but robbery amongst themselves as the greatest crime: and any one of them escorting a stranger is a sufficient protection against all the rest; but without this safeguard, which is always paid for, the traveller risques his life at every step. Contemptible in the open field, where they rarely trust themselves, they are much more dexterous than any of these races in the practices of ambuseade and theft. They had plundered the country up to the gates of Madura of all the cattle, robbed all the villages, and continued to way lay whatsoever parties were returning to the city with provisions from other quarters. As all of the troops with Mahomed Issoof were fit for hostilities against such an enemy, he resolved to employ them in attacking their haunts, whilst his levies were forming to better discipline. He, however, attended the service himself, which appeared more like one of the general huntings peculiar to Asia, than a military expedition. Avenues were cut into the forest, and the inhabitants shot as they fled but some were reserved to be released, or executed, on occasion. A month was, however, employed before he had completed this revenge, and reduced them to beg quarter, and pay cattle, their only money, mostly collected by theft; which, with others he procured, to the amount of 1000 beeves, and 2000 sheep, were sent to Tritchinopoly, from whence they were forwarded at different times by Captain Joseph Smith to the sea-coast, for the use of the squadron, and enabled them to keep the windward station, without consuming their own stock of provisions.

On the second of July he began his march from Madura, with 600 horse, 3000 Sepoys, and 2400 other foot belonging to Tondiman, and the Moravers, In all 6000 men. His artillery was one eighteen-pounder, and nine from six and lower. He was scant of powder, having none but what he made himself; for, since the destruction of the mill at Madrass by Mr. Lally, the presidency could not supply their troops and garrisons in the Carnatic from their own produce; but borrowed from the squadron, and received from Bombay. The muskets of his Sepoys were old, infirm, of various nations, and not sufficient in number, and were supplied by fowling-pieces, and any fuzees he could collect. He was likewise in want of flints, which are substituted in some parts of India by agate; of which there is none in these countries. All these wants he represented to the presidency, and especially requested two eighteen-pounders, and two field-pieces of six, with a full supply of shot.

His first march was to Calancandan. He had taken this fort in 1756; but after his departure for the Carnatic, the Pulitaver and Vadagherri had extended their acquisitions thus far, and placed their guard in Calancandan. It was a mud fort, without cannon, and, after a slight resistance, submitted to his. From hence he proceeded to take up the large detachment he had sent forward against Etiaporum; who, by continually ravaging the districts of this polygar, kept his troops on their own ground, and deterred both him and Catabominaigue from marching across the country to join the Pulitaver: having sufficiently constrained these chiefs, the detachment proceeded against Coilorepettah, which stands nearly midway in the straightest road between Madura and Tinivelly, about 50 miles from each. This fort had likewise been stormed in June 1756 by Mahomed Issoof, and carried with considerable loss. The polygar was then taken prisoner; whether restored or succeeded by another, we do not find; but the place was at this time in the hands of one who defended it as well; for 100 of the Sepoys were killed and wounded in the attack, which lasted three days, and then the polygar made his escape by night. The fort was immediately razed to the ground, after which the detachment joined the main body with Mahomed Issoof, and the whole proceeding by the way of Gangadaram, arrived at Tinivelly in the middle of July. They were scarcely arrived, when Maphuze Khan, whose mind always wavered with every change of circumstances, wrote a letter to Mahomed Issoof, offering to quit his allies, and proceed to the Carnatic; provided he was allowed a suitable jaghire for his maintenance: He even asked a safeguard to come to Tinivelly. Mahomed Issoof, without authority, assured him that his requests should be complied with; and recommended them to the Presidency, by whom they were referred to the Nabob.

The midland country, for thirty miles to the north of the town of Tinivelly, is open and of great cultivation, and, lying between the eastern and western Polygars, had been the favourite field of their depredations. The principal station from which the eastern made their inroads into these districts was the fort and wood of Wootamally, situated 35 miles N. N. w. of Tinivelly. The Polygar, grown rich by easy plunder, had many colleries, who were well armed; and Mahomed Issoof soon after his arrival at Tinivelly marched against him with the greatest part of his force, and in a few days reduced his fort, in which he placed some troops; and stationed a guard of 50 horse, and some peons and colleries in a place called Shorandah, as an intermediate post. He was no sooner returned to Tinivelly, than a multitude of colleries belonging to the Pulitaver and Vadgherri surprized the guard at Shorandah, and either killed or took all their horses, with their riders; on which Mahomed Issoof detached seven companies of Sepoys, who recovered the post, and remained in it, in order to protect the adjacent country.

Equal confusion prevailed in the districts to the south of Tinivelly. The troops of the Maliaver, or King of Travancore, were making incursions from their wall to seize the harvests at the foot of the hills from Calacad to Cape Comorin. The variety of distractions, which existed on every side, could not be all opposed at the same time, unless a greater army were embodied than all the revenues of the two provinces could defray. But the king was the least inveterate enemy to the English; because the polygar of Vadagherri had provoked his resentment, by continually employing his Colleries to make depredations in his country on the other side of the mountains, through the pass of Shencottah, which lies 15 miles to the south of Vadagherri. On this ground of common enmity, Mahomed Issoof opened a negotiation with the king; who consented to a conference at the gates of his country near the promontory. They met in the end of August, and the interview passed with much politeness and seeming cordiality. The king, at least publicly, demanded nothing, and agreed to desist from his inroads into the districts of Tinivelly, and to act with a considerable force in conjunction with Mahomed Issoof against Vadagherri, and the pulitaver. On the 3d of September, Mahomed Issoof still remaining at the gates of Travancore, was joined by 1000 of the king's Sepoys, armed with; heavy muskets made in his own country, and disciplined, although aukwardly, in the European manner; but they were well supplied with stores and ammunition. He then returned to Tinivelly, and marching from thence with his whole force, in deference to the king, proceeded directly against Vadagherri, although 20 miles beyond Nellitangaville, the residence of the Pulitaver: when arrived near Shencottah, he was joined by an army full as large as his own, consisting of 10,000 more of the king's troops of various kinds of infantry, who had marched through the pass. This was perhaps the greatest force that had been assembled for some centuries in this country. Vadagherri defended his woods for a day, in which about 100 men were killed and wounded on both sides; but in the night abandoned his fort, and escaped away to the Pulitaver at Nellitangaville.

The arrival of such a guest, who, for the first time, had been reduced to such distress, frightened the Pulitaver; and set his cunning to work to divert the storm from himself. The repulse of the English troops at the attack of the pettah at Vandiwash on the 30th of September, was known in the country, and was believed, as the French had represented it, a signal defeat. Maphuze Khan had received letters from Bassaulet Jung and the government of Pondicherry, which encouraged him to think, that they should very soon overpower the English in the Carnatic, when he might expect to be substituted to his brother Mahomed Ally, who was to be deposed from the Nabobship. This correspondence, and these expectations, the Pulitaver communicated to the king of Travancore, and offered, if he would quit the English, and join Maphuze Caun against them, to give him whatsoever districts in the Tinivelly country might lie convenient to his own. The King immediately exposed these documents to Mahomed Issoof, and standing on his importance, demanded the cession of Calacad and the adjacent districts, for which he had so long contended against the Nabob's government. He said, that more territory than he claimed had already been recovered with his assistance; that what might be refused by one, would be readily given to him by another; and that, if he should join the Polygars, the Nabob's authority would never be established in the Tinivelly country. Mahomed Issoof, whilst perplexed with this dilemma, was informed that the two eighteen-pounders, with 500 muskets, which had been sent, according to his request, from Madrass, were lost at sea; and that the two six-pounders, although landed, were stopped by the Dutch agent at Tutacorin. This mischance gave greater weight to the king's arguments, and greater value to his assistance; for the force of Mahomed Issoof alone was not sufficient to reduce the Pulitaver, whom all the best colleries in the country were flocking to defend. He therefore surrendered the districts which the king demanded; and the Presidency approved the cession; but the Nabob suspected that it had been promised by Issoof at his first interview with the king, in order to secure his future assistance to his own ambitious views.

As soon as this agreement was settled, the Travancores moved again in conjunction with his troops. On the 6th of November, they invested the wood and fort of Easaltaver, which was one of the dependencies of the Pulitaver. The Colleries defended the wood three days, and then abandoned both; and retired to Nellitangaville. After this success, the want of ammunition obliged Mahomed Issoof to remain until he received supplies from Madura, Palamcotah, and Anjengo. The army of Travancore, to prevent disgusts from disparity of customs, encamped separately, but in sight of Mahomed Issoof's; and on the 20th of November, a body of 5 or C000 Colleries attacked the camp of the Travancores in open day. Mahomed Issoof, on the first alarm, sent his horse, and followed with his Sepoys and other foot; but the Colleries retreated before they came up, and their nimbleness, with the ruggedness of the country, rendered the pursuit of little avail. They had killed and wounded 100 of the Travencores, before they went off. A day or two after this skirmish, Mahomed Issoof received three howitzes, with some stores, and a supply of ammunition from Anjengo; and the two six-pounders with their shot likewise came up from Tutacorin; he then moved with his allies, and on the 4th of December set down before Washinelore, another fort dependent on the Pulitaver, much stronger than any he had, excepting Nellitangaville, from which it is situated twenty miles to the N. w. and twelve in the same direction from Outamaly.

Washinelore stood within three miles from the great range of mountains, at the foot of which ran a thick wood, extending two miles into the plain, and within 1300 yards of the west and south sides of the fort; but turned to a much greater distance on the north, and to the east the plain was open, and every where covered with profuse cultivation. A very extensive pettah, the residence of some thousand inhabitants, commenced within forty yards, and extended 1200 to the N. E. of the walls: a thick thorn hedge, with barriers, surrounded both the pettah and the fort. The extent of the fort was 650 by 300 yards: it was of mud, but almost as hard as brick; it had four large square towers, one at each angle, and several smaller, which were round, between. Every tower was a separate redoubt, enclosed by a parapet, to command within as well as without the fort: the access to the tower was a steep ramp, only two feet broad, the entrance a narrow wicket in the parapet; the curtain between the towers had no parapet, and was only a rampart sloping on both sides from a base of 15 feet to 3 at top; but the slope from within was much less sharp than from without, so that, if assaulted, the defenders might easily run up to the top. The parapets of the towers have circular holes for the use of small arms, but no openings prepared for cannon, of which there was not a single piece in the fort. This description only suits Washinelore, for the other forts in the Madura and Tinivelly countries have parapets with loop-holes to their ramparts, as well as to their towers; but all are of earth, excepting Madura and palamcotah. The Colleries on this side of the Tinivelly country, possess nothing of the ugliness or deformity which generally characterize the inhabitants of the hills and wilds of India. They are tall, well-made, and well-featured. Their arms are lances and pikes, bows and arrows, rockets, and matchlocks, but whether with or without other weapons, every man constantly wears a sword and shield. In battle, the different arms move in distinct bodies; but the lancemen are rated the most eminent, and lead all attacks. This weapon is 18 feet long; they tie under the point a tuft of scarlet horse-hair, and when they attack horse, add a small bell. Without previous exercise, they assemble in a deep column, pressing close together, and advance at a long steady step, in some degree of time, their lances inclining forward, but aloft, of which the elasticity and vibration, with the jingle, dazzle and scare the cavalry; and their approach is scarcely less formidable to infantry not disciplined with fire-arms. The importance of Washinelore, and the great force which was come against it, brought some thousands of Colleries to its relief; but all, excepting 8 or 900 chosen men allotted to defend the walls, kept in the woods: from whence every day and night parties sallied, and alarmed or attacked one or other, and sometimes both the camps; and greater bodies on three different days made general attacks on the batteries, of which these continued interruptions retarded the construction, insomuch that they were not finished until the 26th, 20 days after the arrival of the armies; but the howitzes had commenced before. The only efficacious gun was the 18-pounder, which Mahomed Issoof had brought from Madura, for the rest were only 6-pounders and lower; but from excessive firing, the 18-pounder burst the day after it was mounted; and by this time all the ammunition, as well of the batteries as troops, excepting the quantity which prudence required to be reserved for defence, was expended. However, part of the parapet of the tower fired upon, was beaten down, and Mahomed Issoof resolved to storm the next day. Many troops of both armies waited on the assault; and as soon as it began, the Pulitaver, with 3000 chosen Colleries, who had marched in the night from Nellitangaville, issued from the wood and fell upon the camp of Mahomed Issoof, drove away the troops that guarded it, and began to commit every kind of destruction. Mahomed Issoof instantly sent back a large body to repulse them, and continued the assault; but the garrison within received double animation from the Pulitaver's success, which was announced to them by the usual war-cry and the sounding of their conchs. All the other Colleries collected in the woods appeared likewise, as if on the same notice, and in different bands attacked the troops at the batteries, and at the foot of the breach; and although continually repulsed, continually rallied, and with the resolution of the garrison saved the fort until the evening, and then waited in the woods to interrupt the renewal of the assault in the night; but so much of the reserved ammunition had been expended in the day that Mahomed Issoof deemed it dangerous to remain any longer before the fort, and drew off his artillery. Two hundred of his troops and of the Travancores were killed, but more of the enemy. The next day he moved to a distance, and dismissed the Travancores, who proceeded through the pass of Shencotty to their own country, and Mahomed Issoof returned with his own troops, and those lent him by Tondiman and the Moravers, to the town of Tinivelly.

End of the Eleventh Book.