American History Told by Contemporaries/Volume 2/Chapter 4
CHAPTER IV — MIDDLE COLONIES
25. Pennsylvania, the Poor Man's Paradise (1698)
Gabriel Thomas, one of the most sprightly and individual of colonial writers, labored for seventeen years to build up the Quaker settlements in America. — Bibliography: Tyler, American Literature, II, 228-229; Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, V, 242-245; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 108. — For previous Pennsylvania history, see Contemporaries, I, ch. xxiv.
AND now for their Lots and Lands in City and Countrey, in their great Advancement since they were first laid out, which was within the compass of about Twelve Years, that which might have been bought for Fifteen or Eighteen Shillings, is now sold for Fourscore Pounds in ready Silver ; and some other Lots, that might have been then Purchased for Three Pounds, within the space of Two Years, were sold for a Hundred Pounds a piece. . . .
Now the true Reason why this Fruitful Countrey and Florishing City advance so considerably in the Purchase of Lands both in the one and the other, is their great and extended Traffique and Commerce both by Sea and Land, viz. to New-York, New-England, Virginia, Mary-Land, Carolina, Jamaica, Barbadoes, Nevis, Monserat, Antego, St. Cristophers, Barmudoes, New-Found-Land, Maderas, Saltetudeous, and Old-England; besides several other places. Their Merchandize chiefly consists in Horses, Pipe-Staves, Pork and Beef Salted and Barrelled up, Bread, and Flower, all sorts of Grain, Pease, Beans, Skins, Furs, Tobacco, or Pot-Ashes, Wax, &c. which are Barter'd for Rumm, Sugar, Molasses, Silver, Negroes, Salt, Wine, Linen, Houshold-Goods, &c.
However, there still remain Lots of Land both in the aforesaid City and Country, that any may Purchase almost as cheap as they could at the first Laying out or Parcelling of either City or Country. . . .
. . . the Countrey at the first, laying out, was void of Inhabitants (except the Heathens, or very few Christians not worth naming) and not many People caring to abandon a quiet and easie (at least tolerable) Life in their Native Countrey (usually the most agreeable to all Mankind)) to seek out a new hazardous, and careful one in a Foreign Wilderness or Desart Countrey, wholly destitute of Christian Inhabitants, and even to arrive at which, they must pass over a vast Ocean, expos'd to some Dangers, and not a few Inconveniencies : But now all those Cares, Fears and Hazards are vanished, for the Countrey is pretty well Peopled, and very much Improv'd, and will be more every Day, now the Dove is return'd with the Olive-branch of Peace in her Mouth.
I must needs say, even the Present Encouragements are very great and inviting, for Poor People (both Men and Women) of all kinds, can here get three times the Wages for their Labour they can in England or Wales. I shall instance in a few, which may serve ; nay, and will hold in all the rest. The first was a Black-Smith, (my next Neighbour) who him self and one Negro Man he had, got Fifty Shillings in one Day, by working up a Hundred Pound Weight of Iron, which at Six Pence per Pound (and that is the common Price in that Countrey) amounts to that Summ. . . .
. . . Felt-Makers will have for their Hats Seven Shillings a piece, such as may be bought in England for Two Shillings a piece ; yet they buy their Wooll commonly for Twelve or Fifteen Pence per Pound. And as to the Glaziers, they will have Five Pence a Quarry for their Glass. The Rule for the Coopers I have almost forgot ; but this I can affirm of some who went from Bristol, (as their Neighbours report) that could hardly get their Livelihoods there, are now reckon'd in Pensilvania, by a modest Computation to be worth some Hundreds, (if not Thousands) of Pounds. The Bakers make as White Bread as any in London, and as for their Rule, it is the same in all Parts of the World that I have been in. . . .
Of Lawyers and Physicians I shall say nothing, because this Countrey is very Peaceable and Healty ; long may it so continue and never have occasion for the Tongue of the one, nor the Pen of the other, both equally destructive to Mens Estates and Lives ; besides forsooth, they, Hang-Man like, have a License to Murder and make Mischief. Labouring-Men have commonly here, between 14 and 15 Pounds a Year, and their Meat, Drink, Washing and Lodging ; and by the Day their Wages is generally between Eighteen Pence and Half a Crown, and Diet also ; But in Harvest they have usually between Three and Four Shilling each Day, and Diet. The Maid Servants Wages is commonly betwixt Six and Ten Pounds per Annum, with very good Accommodation. And for the Women who get their Livelihood by their own Industry, their Labour is very dear, for I can buy in London a Cheese-Cake for Two Pence, bigger than theirs at that price when at the same time their Milk is as cheap as we can buy it in London, and their Flour cheaper by one half.
Corn and Flesh, and what else serves Man for Drink, Food and Rayment, is much cheaper here than in England, or elsewhere ; but the chief reason why Wages of Servants of all sorts is much higher here than there, arises from the great Fertility and Produce of the Place ; besides, if these large Stipends were refused them, they would quickly set up for themselves, for they can have Provision very cheap, and Land for a very small matter, or next to nothing in comparison of the Purchace of Lands in England and the Farmers there, can better afford to give that great Wages than the Farmers in England can, for several Reason s very obvious.
As First, their Land costs them (as I said but just now) little or nothing in comparison, of which the Farmers commonly will get twice the encrease of Corn for every Bushel they sow, that the Farmers in England can from the richest Land they have.
In the Second place, they have constantly good price for their Corn, by reason of the great and quick vent into Barbadoes and other Islands ; through which means Silver is become more plentiful than here in England, considering the Number of People, and that causes a quick Trade for both Corn and Cattle ; and that is the reason that Corn differs now from the Price formerly, else it would be at half the Price it was at then ; for a Brother of mine (to my own particular knowledge) sold within the compass of one Week, about One Hundred and Twenty fat Beasts, most of them good handsom large Oxen.
Thirdly, They pay no Tithes, and their Taxes are inconsiderable ; the Place is free for all Persuasions, in a Sober and Civil way ; for the Church of England and the Quakers bear equal Share in the Government. They live Friendly and Well together ; there is no Persecution for Religion, nor ever like to be ; tis this that knocks all Commerce on the Head, together with high Imposts, strict Laws, and cramping Orders. Before I end this Paragraph, I shall add another Reason why Womens Wages are so exorbitant ; they are not yet very numerous, which makes them stand upon high Terms for their several Services, in Sempstering, Washing, Spinning, Knitting, Sewing, and in all the other parts of their Imployments ; for they have for Spinning either Worsted or Linen, Two Shillings a Pound, and commonly for Knitting a very Course pair of Yarn Stockings, they have half a Crown a pair; moreover they are usually Marry d before they are Twenty Years of Age, and when once in that Noose, are for the most part a little uneasie, and make their Husbands so too, till they procure them a Maid Servant to bear the burden of the Work, as also in some measure to wait on them too. . . .
Reader, what I have here written, is not a Fiction, Flam, Whim, or any sinister Design, either to impose upon the Ignorant, or Credulous, or to curry Favour with the Rich and Mighty, but in meer Pity and pure Compassion to the Numbers of Poor Labouring Men, Women, and Children in England, half starv'd, visible in their meagre looks, that are continually wandering up and down looking for Employment without finding any, who here need not lie idle a moment, nor want due Encouragement or Reward for their Work, much less Vagabond or Drone it about. Here are no Beggars to be seen (it is a Shame and Disgrace to the State that there are so many in England) nor indeed have any here the least Occasion or Temptation to take up that Scandalous Lazy Life. . . .
What I have deliver'd concerning this Province, is indisputably true, I was an Eye-Witness to it all, for I went in the first Ship that was bound from England for that Countrey, since it received the Name of Pensilvania, which was in the Year 1681. The Ship's Name was the John and Sarah of London, Henry Smith Commander. I have declin'd giving any Account of several things which I have only heard others speak of, because I did not see them my self, for I never held that way infallible, to make Reports from Hear-say. I saw the first Cellar when it was digging for the use of our Governour Will. Penn.
Gabriel Thomas, An Historical and Geographical Account of the Province and Country of Pensilvania, etc. (London, 1698), 23-45 passim.
26. Proposal to Unite the two Jerseys (1701)
BY THE LORDS COMMISSIONERS FOR TRADE AND PLANTATIONS
This piece was prepared by the heads of the Colonial Office in London (commonly called the "Lords of Trade"). Their organization is set forth in Contemporaries, I, No. 54, and No. 46 below. — Bibliography: Channing and Hart, Guide, § 106. — For previous accounts of New Jersey, see Contemporaries, I, ch. xxv.
IN obedience to your excellencies commands, signified to us by Mr. Yard, upon several papers laid before your excellencies, relating to the state of his majesty's provinces of East and West-Jersey, in America : We have considered all the said papers, together with others of the like nature, that were already in our hands ; and having likewise heard what the proprietors and others had to offer ; we thereupon most humbly report to your excellencies,
That those countries which are now known by the name of East and West New-Jersey, were granted, together with several other territories, by king Charles the second, by letters patents, bearing date the 12th day of March, 1664, to the then duke of York, his heirs and assigns. . . .
That the said duke of York did thereupon grant, convey and assign, the said provinces, (by the names of Nova-Cæsaria or New-Jersey) to John lord Berkeley and sir George Carteret, their heirs and assigns, with all and every the appurtenances thereto belonging, in as full and ample manner as the same was granted to him, by the aforesaid letters patents of king Charles the second.
That his said majesty king Charles the second, by other letters patents, dated the 29th of June, 1674, did again grant and convey to the said duke of York, all the said lands and territories, in the same manner as before expressed ; and that several sub-divisions and sales, having in the mean while been made by the said lord Berkeley, sir George Carteret, and others claiming under them ; he the said duke of York, did, by indenture, dated the 6th day of August, 1680, grant and confirm the province of West New-Jersey, with all the appurtenances thereunto belonging, to Edward Byllinge, of Westminster, gent, in whom the title thereunto then was, and to his heirs and assigns forever ; and did in like manner, by indenture, dated the 14th day of March, 1682, grant and confirm the province of East New-Jersey, with all the appurtenances thereto belonging, to James Earl of Perth, William Penn, esq ; and several other persons, in whom the title to the same then was. . . .
That the present proprietors, who derive their respective titles to their several shares and proportions of the soil of these provinces, by several mean conveyances, from and under the aforementioned grants to Edward Byllinge, and to the Earl of Perth, and other persons to whom the duke of York had immediately conveyed the same ; do in like manner, and by virtue of divers such mean conveyances, claim the same powers and rights of government as were granted by king Charles the second, to the duke of York ; and by him to others, according to the tenor of the aforesaid indentures.
That nevertheless, we do not find, that any sufficient form of government has ever been settled in those provinces, either by the duke of York, or by those claiming under him, as aforesaid ; but that many inconveniencies and disorders having arisen from their pretence of right to govern. The proprietors of East New-Jersey, did surrender their said pretended right to the late king James, in the month of April 1688 ; which was accordingly accepted by him.
That since his majesty s accession to the crown, the proprietors both of East and West New-Jersey, have continued to challenge the same right as before; and did in the year 1697, apply themselves to us, in order to their obtaining his majesty's approbation of the person whom they desired to have continued governor of the said provinces, but at the same time refused to enter into security to his majesty, pursuant to the address of the right honourable the house of lords, of the 18th of March, 1696, that the person so presented by them the said proprietors, should duly observe and put in execution, the acts of trade ; yet nevertheless proceeded, from time to time, to commissionate whom they thought fit, to be governor of those provinces, without his majesty's approbation ; according to what is required by the late act, for preventing frauds and regulating abuses in the plantation trade.
That in this manner having formerly commissionated col. Andrew Hamilton, afterwards mr. Jeremiah Basse ; then again superceding their commission to mr. Basse, and renewing or confirming that to col. Hamilton ; and ever since that also, some of them having sent another commission to one capt. Andrew Bown : The inhabitants sensible of the defect and insufficiency of all those commissions, for want of his majesty's authority, have upon several occasions, some of them opposed one of those governors, some another, according as interest, friendship, or faction had inclined them.
That the inhabitants of East New-Jersey, in a petition to his majesty, the last year, complained of several grievances they lay under, by the neglect or mismanagement of the proprietors of that province or their agents, as particularly, that from the latter end of June 1689, till about the latter end of August 1692 (which was a time of actual war) they had not taken any manner of care about the government thereof. . . .
That it has been represented to us, by several letters, memorials, and other papers, as well from the inhabitants as proprietors of both those provinces, that they are at present in confusion and anarchy ; and that it is much to be apprehended, lest by the heats of the parties that are amongst them, they should fall into such violences as may endanger the lives of many persons, and destroy the colony. That the greatest number of the proprietors of both those provinces residing in this city, being hereby sensible of the necessity of his majesty's authority, for the preserving of peace and good order in those countries, have lately presented a petition to your excellencies ; in the preamble whereof, though they still seem to assert their title to the government of the said provinces ; yet nevertheless in the end, declare they have agreed, and are ready to surrender the same to his majesty, upon such terms and conditions as are requisite for preservation of their properties and civil interests. . . .
That the proprietors of East New-Jersey, residing there, have signed and sent over hither, to a gentleman whom they have constituted their agent and attorney in that behalf, an absolute and unconditioned surrender of their right to the government of that province, so far as the same is in them, and so far as they are capable of doing it for others concerned with them in that propriety. . . .
Upon all which, we humbly represent unto your excellencies, that not being satisfied, that the aforementioned grants from the duke of York, (the only title upon which the said proprietors claim a right to government) without any direct and immediate authority from the crown, were or could be of any validity to convey that right, (which we have been informed is a power unalienable from the person to whom it is granted, and not to be assigned by him unto any other ; much less divided, subdivided, and conveyed from one to another, as has been done in the present case) We did thereupon humbly represent to his majesty, the 18th of April, 1699, that a tryal might be had in Westminster-Hall, upon a feigned issue, whereby their claim to the right of government, might receive a determination.
That no such determination having yet been made, nor any proceedings (that we know of) had, upon the forementioned surrender ; but it being generally acknowledged, both by the inhabitants and proprietors of the aforesaid provinces, that the disorder and confusion they are now fallen into, are so great, that the publick peace and administration of justice is interrupted and violated ; and that whilst those disorders continue, there neither is, nor possibly can be, any due provision made, for the guard and defence of that country, against an enemy, we are humbly of opinion, that it is very expedient for the preservation of those territories to the crown of England, and for securing the private interest of all persons concerned, that his majesty would be pleased to constitute a governor over those provinces, by his immediate commission ; which together with the instructions, to be also given to the said governor, may contain such powers, authorities and directions, as may be necessary for the establishing there a regular constitution of government, by a governor, council, and general assembly, with other civil and military officers ; and for securing to the proprietors and inhabitants, all their properties and civil rights, in as full and ample manner, as the like are enjoyed by any plantation, under governors appointed by his majesty's immediate commission ; together with such clauses and further provisions, as may be thought reasonable, in order to prevent the interfering of that colony with the interest of his majesty's other plantations ; as the proprietary governments in America have generally done.
Samuel Smith, The History of the Colony of Nova-Cæsaria, or New-Jersey (Burlington, New Jersey, 1765), Appendix, 566-570 passim.
27. The Separation of Delaware (1703)BY SECRETARY JAMES LOGAN (l709)
James Logan acted as secretary and agent for William Penn during the many years in which the proprietor was absent from his colony. — Bibliography: Tyler, American Literature, II, 233-235; Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, V, 208-209; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 108. — For previous accounts of Delaware, see Contemporaries, I, ch. xxiv.
Philadelphia, 3d Month the 12th, 1709.
- Esteemed Friend,
I WAS favored last fall with thine and other Friends' answer to mine of 3d month last ; the contents of which were extremely satisfactory, and, on my part, I shall not be wanting to discharge my duty to the utmost of my power. . . .
I now design, through the greatest confidence in thy friendship both to him and me, to be very free with thee in an affair that nearly concerns him and this country in general, in which I shall request thee to exercise thy best thoughts, and, according to the result of these, heartily to employ the necessary endeavours. The case is briefly as follows ;
This government has consisted of two parts ; the Province of Pennsylvania, and the Three Lower Counties on Delaware. To the first the proprietor has a most clear and undoubted right, both for soil and government, by the King's letters patent or royal charter ; for the latter he has much less to show ; for the soil he has deeds of feofment from the Duke of York, but for the government not so much as is necessary. After his first arrival, however, in these parts, he prevailed with the people both of the province and those counties to join in one govern ment under him, according to the powers of the King's charter, which nevertheless extended to the province only, and so they continued, not without many fractions, till after the time of his last departure, when some disaffected persons took advantage of a clause, which he had unhappily inserted in a charter he gave the people, and broke off entirely from those lower counties ; since which time we have had two assemblies, that of the province, acting by a safe and undisputed power, but that of the other counties without sufficient (I doubt) to justify them. Last fall the assembly of those counties took occasion to inquire into their own powers, upon a design to set new measures on foot, and have sent home an address by one of their members, Thomas Coutts's brother, who is to negotiate the matter with the Lords of Trade and the ministry, to obtain powers to some person or other, who the Queen may think fit (though Coutts designs it for himself), to discharge all the necessary duties of government over them. This, I doubt, will give the proprie tary great trouble ; for when the Council of Trade is fully apprized, as by this means they will be, that those counties are entirely disjoined from the province, it is probable they may more strictly inquire into the proprietor s right of government and legislation with the people there , and it is much to be feared, that they may advise the Queen to dispose of the government of those parts some other way, which would be exceedingly destructive to the interest of the province in general. . . .
Upon the whole, what I have to propose is this, whether it would not be most advisable for the proprietor to consider in time what measures are most fit for him to take for his own and the country's interest, before the blow falls so heavy that it may prove difficult, if at all practicable, for him to ward it off; whether, therefore, it may not be most prudent to part with the government of both province and lower counties together, upon the best terms that can be obtained, before it proves too late for him to procure any. If he should hold the government of the province, nay even of the whole, during his life, he will never gain any thing by it ; and, after his decease, it will be lost, or at least be put out of the hands of Friends, and perhaps without any previous terms at all, when now he may be capable himself to negotiate a surrender, both to his own particular interest, and greatly to the advantage of the profession ; but, whenever this is done, he should remember our present lieutenant-governor, who will be a sufferer (I fear, at best) by undertaking the charge ; and, if any thing fall of course in the way, I wish he would not quite forget an old trusty servant of his, who has been drudging for him these ten years ; (but that is not the business.) This I thought necessary to advise thee of, considering thee as one of his best and heartiest friends, and desire thee to communicate the matter to such others as may be most serviceable, but by no means expose this letter, for I would have that kept very private.
I have wrote to the same purpose to the proprietary himself very fully; but finding, by long experience, how little it avails to write to himself alone of matters relating to his own interest, I now choose this method, and give this early notice before the addresses from hence shall come to hand, which, with the address already gone from the lower counties, will certainly do our business, whether the proprietor will agree to it or not, and therefore best take time while it offers. I shall commit this to thy prudence and discretion, and conclude,
Benjamin Franklin, Works (edited by Jared Sparks, Boston, 1836), III, 573- 57 passim.
28. Philadelphia, "a Noble, Large, and Populous City" (1710)
BY "RICHARD CASTELMAN, GENT."
This account is appended to the early editions of The Voyages and Adventures of Captain Robert Boyle, the authorship of which is variously attributed to W. R. Chetwood, Benjamin Victor, and Daniel Defoe. Castelman's account, however, bears marks of authenticity. — Bibliography : Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, V, 249. — For previous accounts of Philadelphia, see Contemporaries, I, Nos. 161, 163.
THERE are many large, beautiful, well-built Towns in the Province of Pensylvania, of which, as I said before, Philadelphia is the chief. It is a noble, large, and populous City, standing on as much Ground as our English City of Bristol, seated upon a Neck of Land form d by the Rivers Delaware and the Schuylkill, both navigable many Leagues above the City. It is built square in Form of a Chess-Board, with each Front facing one of the Rivers.
There are several Streets near two Mile long, as wide as Holborn, and better built, after the English Manner. The chief are Broad-street, King-street, and High-street, tho' there are several other handsome Streets that take their Names from the Productions of the Country ; as Mulberry, Walnut, Beech, Sassafras, Cedar, Vine, Ash, and Chesnut Streets. From these Streets run great Numbers of Courts, Yards, and Allies, with well-built Houses in 'em. There are several Coves and Docks where large Ships are built ; and by a moderate Computation, there has been launch'd from the Stocks of this City in forty Year, near 300 Sail of Ships, besides Small-Craft, which may in some sort give us an Idea of the Opulency of the Place. Many of their Merchants keep their Coaches, and the Tradesmens Shops and Streets are well frequented. All Religions are tolerated here, which is one Means to increase the Riches of the Place. The People of the Church of England as by Law establish d, have a neat, well-built Church, founded in the Year 1695, and I am inform'd the Foundation is laid for another. The Quakers (who are the major Part of the Inhabitants) have several Meetings. There is a Swedish reform'd Church, Mr. Rudman the Incumbent, a Man of singular Learning and Piety ; who is as much follow'd by the Quakers, when he preaches, as the Protestants. I shall beg leave to give one Instance of his Humility and Piety. When Subscriptions were taking in to build the Church, he subscrib'd a considerable Sum ; but when call'd upon for the Money, he had it not in his Power to pay it ; yet to keep his Word, he contracted with the Master- Builder for so much a-day, to carry the Hod, till he had work d his Subscription-Money out. This was an Instance of his Piety and Zeal for Religion ; and I fancy if Churches were to be built after the same Manner in a certain Island, the Work would go but slowly on. There are single Houses upon the Key that have cost 6000 l. the Building. Mr. Badcock's Brewhouse is a noble, large Building, and has in it one single Vessel that will hold eight Ton of Liquor.
In this City is held the Courts of the Province, and the Assembly meet here, which is in the nature of a dependant Parliament, as in those Cities of France that are distant from the Capital. There are three Fairs in the Year, and every Week two Markets. In time of the Fairs the City is so throng'd, as well as the adjacent Plantations, that it is hard to find a Lodging. . . .
. . . The Number of the Inhabitants is generally suppos'd to be upwards of 15000, besides Slaves. There is hardly any Trade in England but the same may be met with in Philadelphia ; and every Mechanick has better Wages ; a Journeyman Taylor has twelve Shillings a Week, besides his Board ; and every other Trade in Proportion has the same Advantage.
There is a Post-Office lately erected, which goes to Boston in New-England, Charlestown in Carolina, and the other neighbouring Places. The uncultivated Ground, which is not grubb'd, sells for ten times the Value it did at first ; though there is none of that sort within ten Miles round the City : And that within the Neighbourhood that was sold for ten Pound at first, will fetch above three hundred now. All Women's Work is very dear there, and that proceeds from the smallness of the Number, and the Scarcity of Workers ; for even the meanest single Women marry well there, and being above Want are above Work. The Proprietor of this fine Country (as I said before) is William Pen, Esq ; who has a fine Seat call d Pensbury, built on three Islets, if I may so call 'em ; for a Branch of the River Delaware runs thrice round it. . . .
In the Heat of the Day I sometimes took a Walk with some of the Town to Fair Mount, a pleasant Place shaded with Trees on the River Schuylkill. . . .
I continu'd at Philadelphia near four Months, and was very well entertain'd by the Gentlemen of the Place : I am pleas'd I have it in my Power to pay em my publick Acknowledgment of Thanks for all their Favours ; particularly the Reverend Mr. Brooks, whom I met with by Chance at Philadelphia : His Business there was to raise Subscriptions for a new Church near New-York : When he heard of my Misfortunes, he was so generous and charitable as to offer to lend me a Sum of Money he had in his Hands, upon my bare Word only, which I was to return to him from England by the Society for Propagating the Gospel in Foreign Parts. As I was not in want of it, I did not accept his intended Favour, but I shall ever gratefully remember his kind Intentions.
I must not forget the many Obligations I had the Honour to receive from his Excellency Governor Evans, nor Mr. Evans the Commissary, who was particularly civil to me. These Gentlemen, tho of the same Name, are no otherwise related than by marrying the Daughters of Mr. Moor, the Collector of the King s Customs. The Commissary is just gone for Philadelphia again, having been in England near a Twelve month, about an Affair between the present Governor Sir William Keith and him, relating to the King s Customs. Among the rest of my Friends, I must not forget the facetious Mr. Staples, Dancing-Master, who was the first Stranger of Philadelphia that did me the Honour of a Visit, and to his merry Company I owe the passing of many a dull Hour, that probably might have lain heavy upon the Hands of a Man under my Circumstances, depriv'd of Fortune, in a strange Country, having no Friends, in whose Power it was to assist me, nearer than England ; for Mr. Jones was too much involv'd in his own troublesome Affairs at Bermuda, to expect any thing from him. But the Generosity of the Philadelphians is rooted in their Natures ; for it is the greatest Crime among them not to show the utmost Civility to Strangers : And if I were oblig'd to live out of my native Country, I should not be long puzzled in finding a Place of Retirement, which should be Philadelphia. There the oppress'd in Fortune or Principles may find a happy Asylum, and drop quietly to their Graves without Fear or Want.
The Voyage, Shipwrack, and Miraculous Escape of Richard Castelman, Gent. (appended to The Voyages and Adventures of Captain Robert Boyle, London, 1726), 363-369 passim.
29. The Settlement of the Palatine Germans in New York (1709-1720)
BY JOHN CONRAD WYSER AND OTHER PALATINES
Wyser (or Weiser) was a German, a leader of his countrymen. The Palatines came from the "Pfalz," in the middle Rhine valley, and were forced to emigrate by the miseries of the wars of Louis XIV of France. — Bibliography : Channing and Hart, Guide, § 105. — For a previous account of German immigration, see Contemporaries, I, No. 163.
THE Case of the Palatines, and others Germans, in the Province of New York in America sheweth.
That, In the year 1709. The Palatines, & other Germans, being invited to come into England about Four Thousand of them were sent into New York in America, of whom about 1700. Died on Board, or at their landing in that Province, by unavoidable sickness
Not true vide contract.That before they went on Board, they were promised, those remaining alive should have forty acres of Land, & Five pounds sterling pr Head, besides Cloths, Tools, Utensils & other contract necessaries, to Husbandry to be given at their arrival in America No promise but allowance madeThat on their landing their they were quartered in Tents, & divided into six companies, having each a Captain of their own Nation, with a promise of an allowance of fifteen Pounds per annum to each commander
That afterwards they were removed on Lands belonging to Mr Livingstone, where they erected small Houses for shelter during the winter season
That in the Spring following they were ordered into the woods, to make Pitch & Tar, where they lived about two years ; But the country not being fit to raise any considerable quantity of Naval Stores, They were commanded to Build, to clear, & improve the ground, belonging to a private person
That the Indians havgyielded to Her late Maty of pious memory a small Tract of Land called Schorie for the use of the Palatines, they in fifteen days cleared a way of fifteen miles through the woods & settled fifty Families therein
utterlie falseThat in the following Spring the remainder of the said Palatines joined the said fifty families so settled therein Shorie
Agt Acts not knowen it But that country being too small for their encreasing families, they were constrained to purchase some Neighbouring Land of the Indians for which they were to give Three hunddpieces of Eight
And having built small Houses, & Hutts there about one year after the said purchase some gentelmen of Albani, declared to the Palatines, that themselves having purchasd the said country of Schorie of the Govr of New York they would not permit them to live there, unless an agreement were also made with those of Albany ; But that the Palatines having refused to enter into such an agreement, A Sheriff & some officers were sent from Albany to seize one of their Captains, who being upon his Guard ; The Indians were animated against the Palatines ; but these found means to appease the Savages by giving them what they would of their own substance.
That in the year 1717 the Governour of New York having summoned the Palatines to appear at Albani, some of them being deputed went thither accordingly, where they were told, that unless they did agree with the Gentlemen of Albany, the Governor expected an order from England to transport them to another place, And that he would send twelve men to view their works & improvements to appraise the same & then to give them the value thereof in money Fictions of Proprietors. But this not being done the Palatines to the number of about three Thousand, have continued to manure & to sew the Land that they might not be starved for want of Corn & food
knows not. For which manuring the Gentlemen of Albani have put in prison one man and one woman, & will not release them, unless they have suffict security of One Hundred Crowns for the former
Now in order that the Palatines may be preserved in the said Land of Schorie, which they have purchased of the Indians, or that they may be so settled in an adjoining Tract of Land, as to raise a necessary subsistance for themselves & their families, they have sent into England Three Persons one of whom is since dead humbly to lay their Case before His Majty , not doubting but that in consideration of the Hardships they have suffered for want of a secure settlement, His Majestys Ministers and Council will compassionate those His faithful Subjects ;
true. Who, in the first year after their arrival willingly and cheerfully sent Three Hundred men to the expedition against Canada, & afterwards to the Asistance of Albani which was threatened by the French and Indians, for which service they have never received One Penny tho' they were upon the Establishment of New York or New Jersey not true nor had they received one Penny of the five pounds per head promised at their going on board from England Neither have their commanders received anything of the allowance of fifteen pounds per Annum, and tho the arms they had given them at the Canada expedition which were by special order from Her late Majesty, to be left in their possession, have been taken from them, yet they are still ready to fight against all the enemies of His Maty & those countrys whenever there shall be occasion to shew their hearty endeavrs for the prosperity of their generous Benefactors in England as well as in America
Therefore they hope from the Justice of the Right Hônble the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations, to whom their Petition to their Excellencies the Lords Justices has been referred That they shall be so supported by their Lordships Report, as to be represented fit objects to be secured in the Land they now do inhabit or in some near adjoining lands remaining in the right of the Crown in the said Province of New York
2 Aug: 1720.
E. B. O'Callaghan, editor. Documents relative to the Colonial History of the State of New-York (Albany, 1855), V, 553-555.
30. "Concerning the Riots & Insurrections in New Jersey" (1744-1748)
The Council was at the same time an executive and a judicial body, and also was one of the two legislative bodies. For the proceedings of a Council, see No. 64 below. — Bibliography : Channing and Hart, Guide, § 106.
A BRIEF STATE OF FACTS, concerning the Riots & Insurrections, in New Jersey & the Remedys, attempted, by the Government & the several Branches of the Legislature, to put an End to them, & to restore the Peace of the Province. . . .
By the Affidavits & Papers herein referred to, it will appear, That a Number of Evil minded Men (taking Advantage, of that divided & weak State of the Governmt of this Province, & of that Time of War & Rebellion in Gr. Br,) entred into a Combination, & Agreement, to obstruct the Course of legal Proceedings, & to protect themselves from His Majtys known Officers, & from the Process of the Law, in every Case, let their Crimes be ever so high ; And, in Execution of this Scheme, it appears
That, on the 19th Sept.r 1745 100. Men, armed with Clubs, Axes & Crow Bars, came, in a riotous & tumultuous Manner, to the Goal of the County of Essex, &, having broke it open took, from thence, One Samuel Baldwin, committed on an Action of Trespass wherein he had refused to give Bail, or enter an Appearance.
That, these riotous People, then, boasted of the great Numbers they could bring together, on any Occasion, & gave out many threatning Expressions agt the Persons that shod endeavour to punish them for this their Crime ; Saying, if any of them were taken, they would come to his Relief with twice the Number they then had, & bring with them 100 Indians.
Two Justices of Essex, with the Undersheriff, according to their Duty, made a Record on their View, ag.t 27. of the Rioters, known to them, & many other Evil doers & Disturbers of the Kings Peace, to them unknown ; Which was returned into the Supream Court, & Process issued from thence ag.t the Delinquents.
This Matter being layd before the late Gov.r he was so justly apprehensive of the dangerous Consequences, of so open & notorious a contempt of His Majtys Authority, & the Laws of the Land, that he thought, the Aid of the Legislature necessary to prevent them & therefore recommended, in the strongest Terms, to the then Assembly the granting such Aid, by his Speech to them on the 28. Sepr. 1745 ; But, so it hapned, that the then Gov.r the Assembly differed in Opinion as to that Matter. . . .
On the 15th of Janry 1745, the Sheriff of Essex, by Vertue of the Gov.rs s.d Warrant, & in Obedience to the Process of the Supreme Court, issued upon the s.d Record, arrested & took Rob.t Young, Tho.s Sarjant, & Nehemiah Baldwin, three of the Persons that stood convicted, by the Record of View before mentd On the 16th of Janry as he was carrying the s.d Baldwin before One of the Justices of the Supreme Court, agreeable to the Commands of the Gov.rs Warrant, he, & the People whom he had called to his Assistance were assaulted, by a great Number of Men, armed with Clubs & other Weapons, who, in a most violent Manner, rescued & carryed away, the Prisoner, notwithstanding all the Sheriff & his Officers could do to prevent it. The Sheriff then returned to the Goal, in Order to Secure the other two Prisoners, & being Colonel of the Militia, he had posted a Guard, of 30. Men, at the Goal armed with Firelocks for that Purpose.
It appears that, at 2 o'clock in the Afternoon, great Numbers of People came together in a riotous & tumultuous manner in the Town of Newark, that they pay d no Regard to the Commands of the Magistrates to disperse, or to the Procl.n made to them in the Kings Name, according to the Statute of the 1.st of George, but continued together.
It appears that Coll Chetwood sent two Captains, who had the Command of the Newark Companys, with their Drums, to the People, so assembled who, accordingly went, & required those Men that belonged to their Companys, to follow the Drums, but none regarded those Commands.
It appears that one Amos Roberts, a principal leading Man among these Common Disturbers, at that Time, mounted his Horse, & called out, Those who are upon my List follow me, Which all, or the greatest Part, accordingly did, being then about 300. in Number.
It appears that, the s.d Roberts & his Accomplices, met & armed, as before, came to the Goal in a violent Manner, & having beat & broke thro the Guard, & struck the Sheriff several Blows, they broke open the Goal Doors, & took from thence the two Prisoners above mentioned, & one other, confined for Debt, & then, they gave it out, that if they had stayed till the next Day, they should have had three Times the Numbers. Upon this second Riot, the Sheriff & those Justices, then present,made a Record thereof, on their own View, ag.t the s.d Roberts & 57. Others by Name, Inhabitants of the Countys of Essex & Morris, & Others, to them unknown, to the Number of 300, at the least. . . .
The Gentn of the Co.11 considering that most of the People concerned in the s.d Riots, are an ignorant People, & greatly imposed on, by a few wicked & designing Men, conceiving that a Gen.l Pardon, for the Crimes past, together with the s.d Riot Act, wo.d be the easiest & most effectual Method, to restore & secure the Peace of the Province, & knowing that Mercy to Criminals, ought to flow from the Crown, Some of them, therefore, interceded with the then Govr.r to grant a Gen.l Pardon, w'ch he seemed inclinable to do. . . .
By Affid.ts taken May 3.d & 8.th 1746, It appears that the Infection of the Riots was spreading into West Jersey ; For that the People settled on that Hundred thousand Acre Tract, in the County of Hunterdon, belonging to those Proprietors in & abot London, called the West New Jersey Society, within a fortnight then last past, had two great Meetings, in Order to stand by One Another in Defence of their Poss'ions ag.t the s.d Prop.rs (tho' by the Paper C. No 8, it appears that those People do own the Societys Title to that Tract, & that they themselves had no Pretence of Right to the same ; That they had agreed to a Paper, for that Purpose, & about 70. had signed it, at their Meeting on the 26.th Day of April ; That an Article was, That if any Person, seated on the s.d Tract, sho.d, refuse to sign that Paper, he sho.d be dispossesed, by the Rest, & his Improvem.t sold, by them to the highest Bidder, That sundry People, from Newark, & Eliz.a Town, were reported to have been present at the last of those Meetings, That, about Ten or a Dozen of them observed to be riding, continually, backwards & forwards, to & from Newark, Elizabeth Town & Cohanzey, where the Society have other Lands, & it was believed in Order to unite all, in One Combination. . . .
By these appear, Designs formed by the same Rioters for turning many other People out of Poss'ion by Force. It appears that they had erected Courts of Judicature, & determined Causes, by hearing One Side, but intended for the future, to hear both Sides ; That they had taken upon them to Choose their Militia Officers. By these appears how they buoy themselves up, with their Numbers, Friends & Strength, not only in New Jersey, but in New York, Long Island, Penilv.a & New England ; and that they are not afraid of any Thing the Governm.t can do to them ; And give out that, from their Numbers, Violences & unlawful Actions, its to be inferred that, surely they are wronged & oppressed, or else they would never rebell agt the Laws. By these appears Information, That the People on the Societys Tract, had made a firm Agreement, to defend all their Farms there by Mobb, and that Maidenhead, & great Numbers of others, had joyned in firm Engagements to stand by one another to Death, tho' they have no Pretence to any Right but Poss'ion & Improvem.t And that they were resolved sho.d they be opposed by Fire Arms, to take up Fire Arms to defend theirselves That they would not mind either the Gov.r or the King himself, if of a different Way of thinking from them ; And that the King himself was unable to quell Mobs in England, any other Way than by granting their Desires. . . .
By these it appears, that the Rioters had formed a Design of coming to Burlington (where the sev.l Branches of the Legislature are sitting) in a Body on the 16.th Day of December, & that Advertisements, to give Notice of that Design to the Rioters, had been set up, in sundry Places, requiring their Attendance, for that Purpose.
The Co.11 & Assembly, on Notice of that Design, in a free Conference, agreed to make Resolves of their sev.l Houses ag.t it, & to send them to the Sheriffs of the sev.l Countys, from & thro' which, the Rioters were likely to come, to publish, Which was accordingly done, And we have been credibly informed, that many of the Rioters were on their Way, coming, but, on Notice of sd Resolves, returned. . . .
On the 18th of Feb'ry 1747, His Exc.y gave his Assent to two Acts that had before been past by the Co.11 & Assembly viz.t An Act for the suppressing & preventing of Riots, Tumults & other Disorders, within this Colony, by w'ch Penaltys or Imprisonm.ts are enacted to be inflicted upon Persons that shall be guilty of any of the like Disturbance for the future, & ano.r Act intitled, An Act for avoiding Actions of Slander & for Stay of Proceedings until the 1.st Day of Octo.r 1748, in other Civil Actions ag.t the late Rioters. . . .
The Day before, to witt, the 17.th Day of Febry 1747, His Ex.cy the Gov.r passed His Maj.tys most gracious Pardon, Entitled, An Act to pardon the Persons guilty of the Insurrections, Riots & Disorders raised & committed in this Province. . . .
By the Att.y Gen.ls Certificate it appears that no more than Nine Persons have made any Application to him, for the Benefit of the s.d Pardon, & as the Fees of Prosecution were payable to him, no more than those 9. Persons who have been prosecuted, have intituled themselves to that Pardon, Yet those who have accepted & complyed with the other provisoes in the Pardon ment.d its conceiv'd intitled to more Favour than those who have persisted without any Complyance. . . .
. . . By this Depos.n also appears, some of the Means that the Rioters use, to bring & keep People into their Combinations, to witt, Threats to pull down their Houses, if they did not joyn them, & the Fears of Death if they fell from their Engagem.ts with them.
By these Depositions appears, more of the Rioters Endeavours, & Ways of drawing innocent People, into their Combin.ns & that the Rioters pay Taxes to their Com.tees That One Rioter had sayd, he had payd so much from Time to Time, as with a Tax of 13.₤ then layd on him, would have been suffid to have bought his Plantation — By this Depos,n also appears a continual Destruction & Waste of Timber, carryed on by the Rioters for three Years past, upon some Thousands of acres of Land belongg to P'sons therein named, which before that, were the best timbered Lands in New Jersey, but now, none good left on them, that a Team can easily approach — By this & the other Dispositions it appears that the Rioters of particular Places, have got Captains over them who they call by that Name, & that the said Amos Roberts seems to be the Chief Captain of the whole Rioters in this Province.
It appears not to the Council, that any One Poss'ion forcibly entred upon, & detained by, the Rioters, durg these Disturbances, has been restored to the Owners, pursuant to the Tenor of the Pardon afs.d & they have good Reason to believe that no One has been restored, but all are Forcibly detained to this Day.
On the 1.st Day of this instant December, the Co.11 of Prop.rs of East New Jersey, presented a Mem.l & Representation to the Gov.r Co.11 & Assembly, Setting Forth the miserable State of this Province, for that the Laws have, long ceased to be a Protect.n to His Maj.tys good Subjects therein, & the Right of the People to that Protection, & to expect that the Legislature of this Province will, at this Time, effectually interpose to enable the Officers of the Govrm.t to carry the Laws of the Land into Execution.
William A. Whitehead, editor, Documents relating to the Colonial History of the State of New Jersey (Newark, 1883), VII, 207-225 passim.
31. Politics in Pennsylvania (1740-1754)
BY ROBERT PROUD (1780)
Robert Proud, one of the few careful and laborious historians who wrote of their own times, was a loyalist. — Bibliography : Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, V, 242-246; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 108.
DURING the administration of Governor Thomas, it is observed that the enlisting of indented or bought servants, for soldiers, was first permitted to be carried into execution, in the province, before the act of parliament, in that case, was made ; which being disagreeable and injurious to many of the inhabitants, and contrary to ancient usage, John Wright, one of the people called Quakers, a worthy Magistrate of Lancaster county, and a Member of Assembly for the same, having spoke his mind freely against it, in the Assembly, was, therefore, with divers others, dismissed from his office, as a Judge, by a new commis sion which came out for Lancaster without his name ; before which, having got intelligence of the intention, he came to the court, in May, 1741, and took his leave thereof, in a valedictory speech. . . .
Thomas Penn, after this, on the death of his brother John, in 1746, became the principal Proprietor, and possessed of three fourths of the province. He lived the longest of the three brothers ; but he appears never to have been very popular, in the province : he is said, in general, to have conducted himself rather too much reserved towards the people, and too nearly attached to certain views, for his private interest, in reference to the province ; which are things opposite to popularity. Besides, the imprudence of some persons in the province, in order to shew their dislike at some part of his conduct, which did not please them, tended to create and increase a similar disposition, where the contrary ought the more to have been cultivated and cherished ; but, in general, he was a person of a worthy character, and of moderate principles.
In the fifth year of Governor Thomas's administration, in October, 1742, at the annual election, for the Members of Assembly, in Philadelphia, happened such an instance of the unwarrantable effect of party spirit, as, at that time, made a lasting impression on the minds of many of the inhabitants. . . .
. . . a large number of sailors, from the shipping in the river Delaware, during the time of election (not being any way interested, or, of right, concerned therein) armed with clubs, suddenly and unexpectedly appeared, in a tumultuous manner, and formed a riot, at the place of election, knocking down a great number of the people, both Magistrates, Constables and others, worthy and reputable inhabitants, who opposed them ; and, by violence having cleared the ground, several of the people were carried off, as dead !
This was repeatedly done, upon the return of the electors ; till, at last, many of the inhabitants, being enraged, took measures to force them into their ships, and near fifty of them into prison ; but they were soon discharged : for it afterwards appeared, that they had been privately employed, in this work, by some party leaders ; it being then in time of war, when consequently party spirit, which is so nearly allied to it, and, in the extreme, ends in the same, was encouraged to make greater efforts, to distract the public proceedings, and under this Governor's administration, by more ways than one, to divert the established form of the constitution, from its peaceable order and course, into that of its opposite nature ; in which an increasing party here, since that time, though generally under the most specious and plausible pretences, have ever appeared to take delight : for change is grateful to the human race ; and, probably, no government of mankind is, at all times, entirely free from factious spirits ; and a large number will always be found, especially where much liberty abounds, which is only proper for the wise and good, whose interest, as well as pleasure, it will ever be to favour revolutional consequences.
During Governor Thomas's administration, the Indian affairs, seem mostly to have been well managed, and harmony continued with that people ; which has always been a matter of great importance, as well as expence to this province. But, as before observed, his ardour, in pressing some things of a military nature, appears to have introduced unprofitable altercation between him and the Assembly, during part of his administration ; which naturally tends to disappointment and dislike, between parties of such opposite and fixed principles, and so very different views of advancing the public utility, as those of Governor Thomas, and the Assemblies of Pennsylvania were, at that time ; but afterwards, for divers years before his resignation, which was in the summer of the year 1747, a much better understanding existed between them.
In consequence of Governor Thomas's resignation, the administration, as usual, devolved on the Council, Anthony Palmer being President, till November, 1748 ; when James Hamilton, of Pennsylvania, arrived Governor from England ; a gentleman of considerable fortune in the province, and well esteemed by the people : he was the son of Andrew Hamilton, before mentioned as a lawyer of note, in Philadelphia ; and who likewise had held several eminent public offices, in the government, with reputation.
Governor Hamilton continued till his resignation in October, 1754; when he was succeeded, in the government, by Robert Hunter Morris of New Jersey, son of Lewis Morris who had been Governor of that province.
Robert Proud, The History of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1798), II, 220-231 passim.
32. "New-York City" (1760)
Burnaby travelled throughout the colonies, and his well-written book is one of the best sources of our knowledge of colonial society. —Bibliography : Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, V, 252-258. — For previous accounts of New York, see Contemporaries, I, ch. xxiii.
THIS city is situated upon the point of a small island, lying open to the bay on one side, and on the others included between the North and East rivers, and commands a fine prospect of water, the Jerseys, Long Island, Staten Island, and several others, which lie scattered in the bay. It contains between 2 and 3000 houses, and 16 or 17,000 inhabitants, is tolerably well built, and has several good houses. The streets are paved, and very clean, but in general they are narrow ; there are two or three, indeed, which are spacious and airy, particularly the Broad Way. The houses in this street have most of them a row of trees before them ; which form an agreeable shade, and produce a pretty effect. The whole length of the town is something more than a mile ; the breadth of it about half an one. The situation is, I believe, esteemed healthy ; but it is subject to one great inconvenience, which is the want of fresh water ; so that the inhabitants are obliged to have it brought from springs at some distance out of town. There are several public buildings, though but few that deserve attention. The college, when finished, will be exceedingly handsome : it is to be built on three sides of a quadrangle, fronting Hudson s or North river, and will be the most beautifully situated of any college, I believe, in the world. At present only one wing is finished, which is of stone, and consists of twenty-four sets of apartments ; each having a large sitting room, with a study, and bed chamber. They are obliged to make use of some of these apartments for a master's lodge, library, chapel, hall, &c. but as soon as the whole shall be completed, there will be proper apartments for each of these offices. The name of it is King's College.
There are two churches in New York, the old, or Trinity Church, and the new one, or St. George's Chapel ; both of them large buildings, the former in the Gothic taste, with a spire, the other upon the model of some of the new churches in London. Besides these, there are several other places of religious worship ; namely, two Low Dutch Calvinist churches, one High Dutch ditto, one French ditto, one German Lutheran church, one presbyterian meeting-house, one quakers ditto, one anabaptists do, one Moravian ditto, and a Jews synagogue. There is also a very handsome charity-school for sixty poor boys and girls, a good work-house, barracks for a regiment of soldiers, and one of the finest prisons I have ever seen. The court or stadt-house makes no great figure, but it is to be repaired and beautified. There is a quadrangular fort, capable of mounting sixty cannon, though at present there are, I believe, only thirty-two. Within this is the governor s palace, and underneath it a battery capable of mounting ninety-four guns, and barracks for a company or two of soldiers. Upon one of the islands in the bay is an hospital for sick and wounded seamen ; and, upon another, a pest-house. These are the most noted public buildings in and about the city. . . .
Arts and sciences have made no greater progress here than in the other colonies ; but as a subscription library has been lately opened, and every one seems zealous to promote learning, it may be hoped that they will hereafter advance faster than they have done hitherto. The college is established upon the same plan as that in the Jerseys, except that this at New York professes the principles of the church of England. At present the state of it is far from being flourishing, or so good as might be wished. Its fund does not exceed 10,000l. currency, and there is a great scarcity of professors. A commencement was held, nevertheless, this summer, and seven gentlemen took degrees. There are in it at this time about twenty-five students. The president, Dr. Johnson, is a very worthy and learned man, but rather too far advanced in life to have the direction of so young an institution. The late Dr. Bristow left to this college a fine library, of which they are in daily expectation.
The inhabitants of New York, in their character, very much resemble the Pensylvanians : more than half of them are Dutch, and almost all traders : they are, therefore, habitually frugal, industrious ; and parsimonious. Being however of different nations, different languages, and different religions, it is almost impossible to give them any precise or determinate character. The women are handsome and agreeable ; though rather more reserved than the Philadelphian ladies. Their amusements are much the same as in Pensylvania ; viz. balls, and sleighing expeditions in the winter ; and, in the summer, going in parties upon the water, and fishing ; or making excursions into the country. There are several houses pleasantly situated upon East river, near New York, where it is common to have turtle-feasts : these happen once or twice in a week. Thirty or forty gentlemen and ladies meet and dine together, drink tea in the afternoon, fish and amuse themselves till evening, and then return home in Italian chaises, (the fashionable carriage in this and most parts of America, Virginia excepted, where they make use only of coaches, and these commonly drawn by six horses), a gentleman and lady in each chaise. In the way there is a bridge, about three miles distant from New York, which you always pass over as you return, called the Kissing-Bridge, where it is a part of the etiquette to salute the lady who has put herself under your protection.
The present state of this province is flourishing : it has an extensive trade to many parts of the world, particularly to the West Indies ; and has acquired great riches by the commerce which it has carried on, under flags of truce, to Cape-Francois, and Monte-Christo. The troops, by having made it the place of their general rendezvous, have also enriched it very much. However, it is burthened with taxes, and the present public debt amounts to more than 300,000!. currency. The taxes are laid upon estates real and personal ; and there are duties upon Negroes, and other importations. The provincial troops are about 2600 men. The difference of exchange between currency and bills, is from 70 to 80 per cent.
Before I left New York, I took a ride upon Long Island, the richest spot, in the opinion of the New-Yorkers, of all America ; and where they generally have their villas, or country houses. It is undeniably beautiful, and some parts of it are remarkably fertile, but not equal, I think, to the Jerseys. The length of it is something more than 100 miles, and the breadth 25. About 15 or 16 miles from the west end of it, there opens a large plain between 20 and 30 miles long, and 4 or 5 broad. There is not a tree growing upon it, and it is asserted that there never were any. Strangers are always carried to see this place, as a great curiosity, and the only one of the kind in North America.
Andrew Burnaby, Travels through the Middle Settlements in North-America, in the Years 1759 and 1760 (London, 1775), 61-67 passim.