Civilization and Barbarism/Chapter 8
CHAPTER VIII.
EXPERIMENTS.
"How long are the days now? for to-morrow I wish to gallop ten leagues over a field sown with corpses."—Shakespeare.
The political condition of the Republic was such as we have described in 1825, when the governor of Buenos Ayres[1] invited the provinces to unite in a congress and assume the form of a general government. This idea was everywhere favorably received, either because every military commander expected to be made governor of his own province, or because the glory of Buenos Ayres dazzled all eyes. The governor of Buenos Ayres has been blamed for proposing this question, the solution of which was to be so unfortunate for himself and for the civilization of the country.
Facundo, in behalf of La Rioja, eagerly accepted the invitation, perhaps on account of the sympathy which all highly gifted minds have for good plans!
In 1825 the Republic prepared for the Brazilian war by calling upon each province to raise a regiment for the army. Colonel Madrid went to Tucuman for this purpose, and impatient to obtain the reluctant recruits and other necessaries for his company, did not hesitate to set aside the slow authorities and to take things into his own hands in order to expedite the necessary decrees. This act of subversion placed the governor of Buenos Ayres in a very delicate position; for there was already some distrust among the governments, arising from provincial jealousies, and the coming of Colonel Madrid from Buenos Ayres, and his interference with provincial authorities, were regarded as acts instigated by the governor himself.
To remove this suspicion, Facundo was sent to Tucuman for the purpose of reestablishing the local authorities. Madrid explained to the governor the real motive—certainly a very insufficient one—which had actuated him, and professed sincere devotion to the cause. But it was too late, Facundo was already on his way, and he could only prepare to resist him. Madrid had at his disposal a company which was passing through Salta; but not wishing to aggravate the charges already made against him, contented himself with fifty guns and as many swords; enough, as he thought, to meet the invading force.
This Colonel Madrid belonged to a class of men essentially Argentine by birth and spirit. At the age of fourteen he began to fight the Spaniards, and the stories of his romantic valor are numerous and often incredible. He was said to have been in a hundred and fifty encounters, his sword always bearing marks of much service; the very smell of powder and neighing of the horses so excited him, that cavalry, artillery, infantry, everything that came in his way, fell before his mad energy. Besides his love of fighting, he had the gift of the Argentine cantor, and animated his soldiers with war-songs, such as have already been described. Unfortunately, he was not a well-balanced general, such as Napoleon liked; his bravery predominated over the other qualities desirable in a general in the proportion of a hundred to one,—a fact well proved by the event at Tucuman. Though able to call in a sufficient force, he persisted in giving battle with only a handful of men, accompanied by Colonel Diasvelez, who was not less brave than himself. Facundo had with him two hundred of infantry and his own Red Cavalry; Madrid had fifty-foot soldiers and a few squadrons of militia. At the beginning of the contest, Facundo and his cavalry were routed, and he himself did not return to the field of battle until all was over. Meanwhile the body of infantry stood firm; Madrid ordered his men to charge upon them, but not being obeyed, he actually rushed upon them alone. He was thrown from his horse, but, recovering himself, charged about him, slaying on the right, on the left, and before him, until horse and horseman fell pierced with balls and bayonets, and victory was decided in favor of the infantry.
Facundo now came back to recover his black flag which had been lost, and found his victory gained, and Madrid dead, actually dead. His equipments were there, sword, horse, and all, but his body could not be recognized among the stripped and mutilated corpses that lay upon the field. Colonel Diasvelez, ho was a prisoner, said that his ally had a bayonet wound in his leg, and no body was found with such a wound.
Madrid had dragged himself under some bushes where his aid found him raving deliriously about the battle; and at the sound of approaching footsteps, he cried, "I do not surrender!" Never until then had Colonel Madrid surrendered.
This was the famous fight at Tala, the first exploit of Quiroga beyond the limits of his province. He had conquered "the bravest of the brave," and kept his sword as a trophy of the victory. Will he stop there? But let us see the force which sustained itself against the colonel of the 13th regiment, who overthrew a government to equip his company. Facundo raised at Tala a flag which was not Argentine, but of his own invention; namely, a black ground with a skull and cross-bones in the centre. This was the flag which he had lost early in the engagement, and which he intended to recover, as he said to his routed soldiers, even at the mouth of hell. Terror, death, hell, were represented on the banner and in the proclamations of this general of the Llanos.
And there was still another revelation of the Arab-Tartar spirit of that power which was to destroy the cities. The Argentine colors are blue and white; the clear sky of a fair day, and the bright light of the disk of the sun: "peace and justice for all." In our hatred of tyranny and violence, we reject on our national flag war-like devices. Two hands, as a sign of union, support the Phrygian cap of Liberty. "The United Cities" says this symbol, "will sustain their acquired liberty." The sun begins to illumine the background of this device, while the darkness of night is disappearing. The armies of the Republic, which were to spread over the whole country to enforce the coming of that promised light, wear a uniform of dark blue. But now, in the very heart of the Republic, the color red appears on the national banners, in the dress of the soldiers, and in the cockade which every native Argentine must wear under pain of death. Let us look up the significance of the color red. I have before me a picture of all the national flags of the world. In civilized Europe there is but one in which this color prevails, notwithstanding the barbaric origin of its banners. The red ones are: Algiers, a red flag with skull and cross-bones; Tunis, a red flag; Mongolia, the same; Turkey, a red flag with a crescent; Morocco; Japan, red with the exterminating knife; Siam has the same.
I remember that travellers in the interior of Africa provide themselves with red cloth for the negro princes. "The king of Elve," say the brothers Lander, "wore a Spanish coat of red cloth and pantaloons of the same color."
I remember that the presents sent by the government of Chili to the caciques of Aranco, were red cloaks and coats, because savages liked this color especially.
The royal robes of the barbarian kings of Europe were always red. The royal edict of Genoa declared that the senators must wear a red toga, and especially in pronouncing judgment on criminals, that they might inspire the prisoners with terror.
Until within the last century it was the custom in all the countries of Europe for the executioner to be dressed in red. The armies of Rosas wore a red uniform; his likeness is stamped on a red ribbon.
What remarkable connection is there between these facts? Is it chance that Algiers, Tunis, Japan, Turkey, Siam, the Africans, the savages, the Roman Neros, the barbarian kings, the hangmen, and Rosas, should be clothed in a color now proscribed by Christian and civilized communities? No, it is because red is the symbol of violence, blood, and barbarism. If not, why this antagonism?
The Argentine revolution of independence was symbolized by two blue stripes and one white one; signifying, justice, peace, justice.
The amendment made by Facundo and approved by Rosas, was a red band, signifying terror, blood, barbarism.
In all ages this significance has been given to the color purple or red; study the history of those nations who have hoisted this color, and you will always find a Rosas and a Facundo terror, barbarism, and blood always prevailing. In Morocco, the emperor has the singular prerogative of killing criminals with his own hand. Each phase of civilization is expressed in its garments, and every style of apparel is indicative of an entire system of ideas. Why do we wear beards at the present day? Because of the researches recently made in medieval history; the direction given to romantic literature is reflected in the fashions of the day. And why are these constantly changing? Because of the freedom of thought in Europe; let thought be stationary, enslaved, and the costume will remain unchanged. Thus in Asia, where men live under such governments as that of Rosas, the same style of dress has been worn since the time of Abraham.
And still further; every form of civilization has had its style of apparel, and every revolution of institutions has produced a change of costume. The Roman civilization had one style of dress; the Middle Ages another; the frock-coat was not worn in Europe until after the revival of letters. It is ever the most civilized nation that imposes its fashions on the rest of the world. All Christian nations now wear the coat, and when the Sultan of Turkey, Abdul-Medjid, desired to introduce European civilization into his dominions, he laid aside the turban and caftan for the frock-coat, pantaloons, and cravat.
The Argentine people know the violent opposition to civilized costume made by both Rosas and Facundo. One night, in the year 1840, a couple of mazorqueros[2] were dodging around the streets of Buenos Ayres in pursuit of a man who wore a coat, and at last he was seized by the throat, when he exclaimed, "I am Simon Pereira!" "Pardon, sir," said the men, "but you expose yourself by wearing this coat." "That is just, why I wear it; who else wears a coat? I do it to be known at a distance."
This Simon was the purveyor and agent of Rosas. But to finish the illustration of the spirit of the civil war by its symbols, I must refer to the history of the "red ribbon" of quite extensive notoriety.
In 1820, Rosas appeared in Buenos Ayres with his Colorados de las Conchas.[3] Twenty years afterwards, he colored the whole city with red; houses, doors, paper-hangings, tapestry, etc.; but finally he consecrated the color to official purposes, and made it a test of loyalty to the state.The history of the red ribbon is rather singular. At first it was adopted only by party enthusiasts; then it was ordered that every one should wear it as a proof of unanimity of opinion. If there was no intentional disobedience, but in changing the dress the badge was forgotten, the police came to the assistance of memory. Mazorqueros were stationed in all the streets, and particularly at the doors of the churches, and when the ladies came out, slashes with a cowhide were distributed without mercy. There were yet stricter regulations. If the ribbon was carelessly tied: "Stripes! the fellow must be a Unitario." If the ribbon was too short: "Stripes for the Unitario!" And if a man did not wear it at all, he was put to death for contempt of the laws. The care of the governor for the public education did not stop here. It was not enough to be a Federal and to wear the red ribbon; the likeness of the illustrious Restaurador must be stamped upon it, with the motto, "Death to the dirty savages, Unitarios," and it must be worn near the heart in token of deep love. It might be thought that the work of debasing a cultivated people and destroying all personal dignity, was now ended. But they were not yet sufficiently disciplined. One morning a ridiculous figure painted on paper, with a streamer of red ribbon half a yard long, appeared at the corner of a street in Buenos Ayres. The first person who saw it rushed back, terrified, and gave the alarm. Immediately every one hurried to the shops and soon appeared wearing half a yard of ribbon. A few days after, a slight alteration in the ribbon or the painted figure was followed by the same result. If any ladies happened to forget the red knots prescribed for them instead of the ribbon, the police would most likely furnish them, one gratis—of melted tar! Thus was uniformity of opinion secured, and not a person was to be found who was not a Federal, or did not imagine himself one. It frequently happened that some one coming out of his house found the end of the street swept, and in less than a half hour the whole street was swept, the impression having become general that there was a police order to that effect.
One day a grocer put out a small flag to attract customers; the example was followed from house to house, from street to street, until banners floated over the whole city; and the officials thought that some great news had come, unknown to them. And this was the people who once forced eleven thousand English to surrender in the streets, and who afterward sent five armies against the Spaniards!
The fact is, that terror is a mental disease which attacks a people like cholera, small-pox, or scarlet fever. Every one is liable to the contagion, and when the inoculation has been going on for ten years, it is doubtful if even the vaccinated escape. Do not laugh then at the sight of so much degradation. Remember that you are Spaniards, and that the Inquisition educated Spain! We bear this disease in our blood.
Let us now resume the thread of our history. Facundo entered Tucuman in triumph, where he passed several days without committing any remarkable acts of violence, and without imposing taxes; for the constitutional course of Rivadavia had given the people an amount of knowledge which could not at once be ignored. Facundo then returned to Rioja, inimical to the Presidency, though not knowing what motive to give for this opposition, for he could not have explained it to himself.
"I am not a Federal," he always said, "I am not such a fool." "Do you know," he said once, to Don Dalmacio Velez, "why I went to war? For this," showing, as he spoke, an ounce of gold. This was not true.
At other times he said, "Carril, governor of San Juan, treated me very badly in paying no attention to my recommendation of Carita, and for this I put myself in opposition to the Congress." This also was false. His enemies said, that he owned many shares in the bank, and proposed to sell them to the national government for three hundred thousand dollars. Rivadavia rejected this proposition as a scandalous theft, and from that time Facundo enlisted among his enemies. This was true as a fact, but it was not his motive. It was believed that he yielded to the suggestions of Bustos and Ibarra in joining the opposition party; but there is a document which proves the contrary. In a letter which he wrote in 1832 to General Madrid, he said, "When I was invited by those two low fellows, Bustos and Ibarra, I did not consider them capable of making a successful opposition to that despot, President Don Bemadino Rivadavia, and refused to join them; but having been informed by Colonel Manuel del Castillo, aide-de-camp of Bustos, that you were engaged in this affair, and much interested in it, I did not hesitate a moment in deciding to join unconditionally; counting upon your sword alone for success . . . . What was my misfortune," etc.So he considered it a fool's part to be a Federal! Was it necessary then to be as ignorant as a country commandant to know what form of government was most suitable for the Republic? Was the least educated man most capable of judging of difficult political questions? Were such thinkers as Lopez, Ibarra, and Facundo, with their great historical, social, geographical, philosophical, and legal information to solve the problem of the proper organization for a state? Ah! let us lay aside the vain words that have deceived so many. Facundo turned against the government by which he was sent to Tucuman, for the same reason that he turned against Aldao who sent him to Rioja. He found himself with the power and the will for action; and, impelled by a blind, vague instinct, he obeyed it. He was commander of a company, a gaucho-outlaw, an enemy of civil justice, of civil order, of educated men, of savans, of the frock-coat, in a word, of the city. He was ordained for the destruction of these by Providence, and must needs fulfill his mission.
At this time a singular question arose to complicate affairs. In Buenos Ayres, the seaport and residence of sixteen thousand foreigners, the governor granted these foreigners liberty of conscience; and the higher clergy approved of and sustained this law. Convents of different orders had been already suppressed, and the priests provided for. In Buenos Ayres this matter gave no trouble, for all were agreed upon necessity of toleration. The question of liberty of conscience is in South America a question of political economy, for it implies European emigration and population. This was so fully recognized in Buenos Ayres that even Rosas did not dare to revoke the law of freedom; and that thing must be impossible, indeed, which Rosas, would not attempt.
In the provinces, however, this was a question of religion, of salvation, and of eternal damnation. Imagine how it would be considered in Cordova! In Cordova, an inquisition was established. In San Juan, there was a Catholic insurrection, so called to distinguish its party from the Liberalistas, their enemies. This revolution having been suppressed in San Juan, they found one day that Facundo was at the gates of the city with a black flag, bearing a red cross, and the device "RELIGION OR DEATH!"
As the reader will remember, I have quoted from a manuscript that Facundo never went to confession, nor heard mass, nor prayed, and that he himself said he believed in nothing. And yet party spirit led a celebrated preacher to call him one sent by God, to induce many to follow his banner. When the eyes of this same priest were opened, and he withdrew from the wicked crusade which he had preached, Facundo said he was only sorry that he did not have him at hand to give him six hundred lashes.
On his arrival at San Juan, the chief men of the city, the magistrates who had not fled, and the priests grateful for this divine aid, went out to meet him, forming two long files in the streets. Facundo passed through without looking at them. They followed at a distance, mortified, and exchanging glances in their common humiliation, until they reached a clover pasture, which this shepherd-general, this modern hicso, chose for his quarters, and preferred to the fine edifices of the city. A negress, who had nursed him in his infancy, came to see her boy Facundo. He seated her by his side and conversed affectionately with her, while the priests and dignitaries of the city stood unaccosted, the chief not even deigning to dismiss them.
The Catholics must have been somewhat doubtful of the importance and divinity of the aid which came to them in such an unexpected form. A few days after, learning that the Curé of the Conception was in favor of free worship, Facundo caused him to be arrested, thrown into prison, and sentenced to death. My Chilian readers must know that there were in San Juan at this time, priests, curés, and monks, who believed in freedom of conscience, and belonged to the party of the President. Among others the presbyter Centeno, well-known in Santiago, together with six others, was very zealous in the ecclesiastical reform. But something must be done in the cause of religion, to justify the device of the flag. With this laudable aim, Facundo wrote to a priest of his party, asking his advice about the resolution he had formed to shoot all the city authorities for not having decreed the restitution of the secular revenues of the clergy.
The good priest, who had not foreseen the consequences of arming crime in the name of God, felt some scruple about such a mode of reparation, and advised that the officials should be commanded to make the necessary decrees.
Was there any real question of religion in the Argentine Republic? I should deny it utterly if I did not know that the more barbarous and irreligious a people is, the more liable it is to prejudice and fanaticism. But the masses did not move of their own accord, and it is plain that those who adopted this device, Facundo, Lopez, Bustos, etc., were completely indifferent. The religious wars of the fifteenth century in Europe were maintained on both sides by sincere believers, fanatical and devoted even to martyrdom, without political aims, and without ambition. The Puritans read the Bible at the moment of going into battle, prayed, and observed fasts and penances. The spirit of a party is evidently sincere, when after triumph it accomplishes all and even more than it promised before the contest. When this result is wanting, there is a deception in terms. When the so-called Catholic party had triumphed in the Argentine Republic, what did it do for religion or the interests of the priesthood?
As far as I know, it only drove out the Jesuits, beheaded four respectable priests in Santos Lugares, after having flayed their heads and hands, and carried in procession the host and the portrait of Rosas side by side, under a canopy. Did the Liberal party ever commit such horrible profanations?
But enough of this. While at San Juan, Facundo occupied his time in gambling; leaving to the authorities the care of providing him with the sums necessary to defray the expenses incurred in the defense of religion. All the time that he remained there he lived in a tent on the clover field, ostentatiously dressed in the chiripà, an intentional insult to a city where most of the inhabitants used English saddles, and wnere the barbarous dress and habits of the gauchos were especially disliked, San Juan being an exclusively agricultural province.One more campaign against General Madrid at Tucuman, completed the début of this new emir of shepherds. General Madrid had resumed the government of Tucuman, sustained by the whole province, and Facundo thought it his duty to dislodge him. There was a new expedition, a new battle, and a new victory. I omit the details with the exception of one characteristic' anecdote. Madrid had in the battle of Rincon one hundred and ten infantry; and when the combat ended, there were sixty dead, while of the remaining fifty all except one were wounded. On the following day Madrid declared himself again ready for battle, but Quiroga sent one of his aides to say that the action would begin by shooting the fifty prisoners already kneeling to receive their fate. Madrid abandoned all further attempt at resistance.
In these three expeditions, in which Facundo tested his power, there was no unusual effusion of blood and but few outrages. It is true that in Tucuman he seized upon some flocks and hides, and imposed heavy taxes upon them, but as yet there was no cowhiding of the citizens, no outrages upon the women; there were the evils of conquest, but none of its horrors. The pastoral system had not yet developed that brutality and entire absence of restraint which afterwards characterized it.
What part had the legitimate governor of Rioja in these expeditions? The government only existed nominally; all the real power was in the hands of the "Provincial Commander." Blanco resigned the office, overwhelmed with humiliations; and Aguero assumed the government. One day, however, Quiroga rode up to his door and said to him, "Sir, I came to inform you that I have encamped with my escort two miles from here." It is hardly necessary to say that Aguero resigned. A new governor was now to be chosen, and at the petition of the people, Quiroga condescended to nominate Galvan, who accepted the office, but was assaulted the same night by a troop of soldiers, and fled. Quiroga enjoyed the adventure excessively. It is well to mention that the assembly of representatives was composed of men who did not know how to read.
Facundo needed money for his first expedition to Tucuman, and demanded of the treasurer of the bank eight thousand dollars on account of his shares for which he had never paid. In Tucuman, he demanded twenty-five thousand dollars to pay his soldiers, who received none of it; and some time after sent a bill of eighteen thousand dollars to Dorr ego to pay the cost of the expedition made by order of the governor of Buenos Ayres. Dorrego did not hesitate to satisfy so just a demand. This sum was shared with Moral, the governor of Rioja, who had suggested the idea. Six years after, in Mendoza, he gave this same Moral seven hundred lashes for his ingratitude. While Blanco was governor, there was a dispute about a game of cards, and Facundo, seizing his opposer by the hair, shook him until his neck was broken. The body was buried, and the man declared to have died a natural death.
When about to leave Tucuman, he sent a party of soldiers to the house of one Sarate, who was shot at his own door and left for his widow to bury; the victim was a man of property and a peaceable citizen, but well known for his bravery and contempt of Quiroga. On his return from the expedition, Facundo happened to meet with Gutierrez, ex-governor of Catamarca, whom he persuaded to go and live at Rioja. There they were quite intimate for some time, but seeing Gutierrez surrounded one day by some gaucho friends, Facundo had him arrested and sentenced to death, to the terror of all Rioja, for Gutierrez was much respected, and had gained the affections of every one. The presbyter, Dr. Colina, and several other clergymen of high standing, petitioned that the miserable man might at least have time to arrange his affairs and confess his sins. "I see," answered Facundo, "that he has many partisans here. Ho! there! Take these men to prison and let them be shot instead of Gutierrez." They attempted to flee, and two escaped; one lost his life, and the others were imprisoned; but Facundo laughed loudly when he heard the adventure, and ordered them to be set at liberty. Such scenes as this were frequent between the priests and their aid "sent by God."
In San Juan he had a negro dressed up as a priest, and made him walk through the streets. In Cordova, he refused to receive any one except Dr. Castro Barros, with whom he had an account to arrange. In Mendoza, he walked to the place of execution by the side of a priest whom he had condemned to death; he did the same with the curé of Alguia and the prior of Tucurnan. It is true that in these cases he did not go, so far as to have the sentence actually executed, but it was a great terror and humiliation to the clergymen; yet in spite of all this, the old people and bigots still offered prayers to heaven for the success of his arms.
But the story of Gutierrez is not quite ended yet. Fifteen days later he received a sentence of exile, and an escort was to conduct him beyond the boundaries. The party having encamped for the night, a fire was made to cook supper, and while Gutierrez was stooping to blow the scarcely lighted sticks, the chief official struck him on the head with a staff, and blows from others followed, until his brains were literally knocked out.
These were some of the events which took place in Facundo's first attempt at union in the Republic, for these were but attempts; the time had not yet come for the alliance of the pastoral powers by which the Republic was to be reorganized. Rosas was already famous in the province of Buenos Ayres, though he bore no titles as yet; nevertheless he was busy in his own cause. The constitution proposed by Congress was rejected wherever the provincial commanders had any influence. When the government deputy presented himself in Santiago del Estero, in his official dress, Ibarra received him in shirt-sleeves and chiripa. Rivadavia resigned the presidency because the provinces were opposed to him, "but barbarism will soon be down upon us," he added, after his farewell. He did well to resign. Rivadavia's mission was to present before us the constitutionalism of Benjamin Constant with all its empty words, its deceptions, and absurdities. Rivadavia did not know that when the civilization and liberty of a people are in question, a ruler has great responsibilities both to God and future generations; and that there is neither charity nor compassion in abandoning a nation for thirty years to the devastation of the first ruthless sword that offers. Communities in their infancy are like children who foresee nothing and understand nothing, and need men of knowledge and foresight to guide them.