Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Matthew, Tobie (1577-1655)
MATTHEW, Sir TOBIE (1577–1655), courtier, diplomatist, and writer, was born at Salisbury on 3 Oct. 1577, ‘a little after three of the clock in the afternoon’ (Thoresby, Vicaria Leodiensis, 1724, p. 174), his father, Tobie or Tobias Matthew [q. v.] , afterwards archbishop of York, being at that time dean of Christ Church, Oxford, where Wood states, erroneously, that Tobie was born. He matriculated from Christ Church 13 March 1589–90, and graduated B.A. 5 June 1594, M.A. 5 July 1597. While still at Oxford the advantages of ‘pregnant parts’ and ‘a good tutor’ combined to render him a ‘noted orator and disputant,’ and his father conceived the greatest hopes of him from his vivacity (Wood). The same quality made him a welcome guest at the houses of the great, and as early as 1595 he acted the esquire's part in Essex's ‘Device’ on the queen's day (Rowland Whyte to Sir Robert Sidney, Sidney Papers, i. 362). In 1596 he had a severe illness, aggravated by a misunderstanding with his father, who was inclined to be severe and exacting (Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1595–1597, p. 168). In 1598 he was staying with young Throgmorton in France (Chamberlain, Letters, Camd. Soc., p. 10); later in the year the domestic atmosphere was again troubled owing to Tobie's debts. On 15 May 1599 he was admitted of Gray's Inn. On 3 Oct. 1601 he entered parliament as member for Newport, Cornwall, and about the same time laid the foundation of an intimacy with Francis Bacon, which only terminated with the latter's death in 1626. In March 1603 he undertook to deliver a letter from Bacon to James I, and Bacon describes him as a very worthy and rare young gentleman. On 25 March 1604 he re-entered parliament as member for St. Albans, vice Sir Francis Bacon, who elected to serve for Ipswich (Returns of Memb. of Parl. i. 444). In 1604, in accordance with a wish that he had long entertained, he resolved to visit Italy, having ‘often heard of the antiquities and other curiosities of’ that country. But his parents refused their consent. His mother, who was puritanically inclined, and seems to have early suspected his bias towards Roman catholicism, was most reluctant to lose sight of him, and offered to settle her fortune on him if he would stay in England and marry. But deceitfully announcing that he intended to go to France only, he obtained his parents' permission, on the express condition that he did not stay long abroad, and on no account visited either Italy or Spain. With a license to travel for three years, dated 3 July 1604 (Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1603–1610, p. 128), he sailed for France early in the following year, and once out of England he did not stop until he reached Florence. While there he was surprised and touched by a kind letter from his father, begging him to return after satisfying his curiosity, and urging him to be true to the protestant religion. His protestant principles were, he says, at that time in no need of confirmation, but soon after this he met in Florence some English catholics, especially Sir George Petre and Robert Cansfield; and from one Partridge, nephew of Sir Henry Western, he received a sensational account of the liquefaction of the blood of St. Januarius—protestant testimony to the miracle, which was confirmed by that of another protestant, the Earl of Suffolk's eldest son. Subsequently Matthew moved to Siena, that he might ‘be with Italians only, in order to learn their language,’ and thence he went to Naples, and finally to Rome. At Rome he visited the famous jesuit Robert Parsons [q. v.] , partly, as he says, out of curiosity, and partly ‘out of respect to one who might possibly do him an injury.’ Parsons at once set about converting him, and recommended him to read William Reynolds's ‘masterly “Reprehension of Dr. Whitaker.”’ At the same time he was most courteously received by Cardinal Pinelli, his conversion being evidently regarded as a foregone conclusion. He returned to Florence in an unsettled state, kept aloof from the little English colony, and lived ‘freely and dissolutely’ in a small house in a retired part of the town. During the spring of 1606 he was much impressed by the Florentine observance of Lent. He resolved impulsively to reform his life and change his religion, and was received into the Roman catholic communion at the close of March by Father Lelio Ptolomei, an Italian jesuit, whom he had frequently heard preach during Lent. He remained abroad for about six months after his conversion, and then set out for England, where he arrived, by way of France and Flanders, in September. He took up his abode in a French ordinary near the Tower of London, and at first kept his conversion secret, but subsequently communicated it to Sir Robert Cecil through Bacon, and simultaneously changed his lodging to Fleet Street. It devolved upon Bacon to make known his backsliding to Bancroft, archbishop of Canterbury, who promptly undertook his reconversion. He had many conferences with the archbishop, but they only ended in his being committed a close prisoner to the Fleet, where he was detained six months. He was, however, allowed free converse with his friends, ‘who sought to recover him,’ and was, moreover, put in good hope of further liberty. Among those who visited him were Thomas Morton [q. v.] , afterwards bishop of Durham, of whom he had a bad opinion, Sir Edwin Sandys, on whose vanity he enlarges, Sir Henry Goodyear, John Donne the poet, Richard Martin, and Captain Whitelock, who called St. Paul a widgeon, and was generally so blasphemous that his hearer momentarily expected his annihilation, but was ‘yet so witty as would almost tempt a man to forgive him, in spight of his heart and judgment.’ Bacon wrote him a letter during his imprisonment on his seduction, laying stress upon ‘the extreme effects of superstition in this last gunpowder treason.’ The high opinion entertained by Bacon of Matthew's literary judgment is shown by his submitting to him at this time the rough sketch of his ‘In felicem memoriam Elizabethæ,’ thus commencing a practice which he appears to have continued to the last (Matthew, Letters, p. 22). Another of Tobie's interviewers was Bishop Andrewes, and before the close of 1607 Alberico Gentili [q. v.] was sent by the renegade's father, as a last resource, to try and bring him back. Early in 1608, owing to a severe outbreak of the plague, Matthew was allowed to leave the prison on parole, and on 7 Feb. 1607–8 the combined influence of his father, Bacon, and Cecil (who had previously had a dispute with, but was now reconciled to him), procured his release from the Fleet. He was transferred to the charge of a messenger of state, who was made responsible for his appearance. Two months later he obtained the king's leave to go abroad.
He left England not to return for ten years. He seems to have first gone to Brussels, and thence to Madrid. There he appears in 1609 to have been in the train of Sir Robert Shirley (Winwood, Memorials, iii. 104, 128), and thither in the same year Bacon sent him his ‘Advancement of Learning,’ and the key to his famous cipher, about which he requests secrecy. In February 1610 Bacon sent him his ‘De Sapientia Veterum,’ and in the following year he was at Venice with his friend Mr. Gage (ib. iii. 384), through whom he became acquainted with Edward Norgate [q. v.] the illuminer. Sir Dudley Carleton met him there in 1612, ‘so broken with travel’ that the name ‘Il vecchio’ was applied to him (Court and Times of James I, i. 195). From 1611 onwards he missed no opportunity of urging Salisbury and others to obtain him permission to return home, if only as a recognition of his exemplary conduct while abroad; but the king turned a deaf ear to his importunities. In 1614 he was ordained priest at Rome by Cardinal Bellarmine (Foley). After this he probably returned to Madrid, where he possessed some influence and a wide circle of acquaintance. In 1616 his father, the archbishop, wrote to the newly converted Thomas Howard, second earl of Arundel [q. v.] , deploring his son's recusancy, and entreating the earl by his judicious advice to persuade him, ‘yea, to press him,’ to take a proper view of his duty ‘towards his king and his father, as well as his God.’ This would seem at first sight to imply that Tobie was in England, but his return was, it is almost certain, deferred until the following year, when influence which he had brought to bear upon Buckingham procured the king's consent (cf. State Papers, Dom. 1610–18, p. 465). He landed at Dover in May 1617, and was seen by Chamberlain on the 18th of that month at Winwood's house. Soon afterwards he went to Bacon at Gorhambury, and in August was entertained by Thomas Wilbraham at Townsend, near Nantwich, during the king's stay at that mansion. By October he was settled in London, and was observed to pay nightly visits to Gondomar (ib. p. 489). At this time, says Wood, he was generally allowed to be a person of wit and polite behaviour, and ‘a very compleat gentleman,’ remarkably conversant with foreign affairs. From London in 1618 he issued an Italian translation of Bacon's essays, entitled ‘Saggi morali del Signore Francesco Bacono, cavagliero inglese, gran cancelliero d'Inghilterra. Con vn altro suo trattato della sapienza degli antichi,’ London, 8vo. A dedicatory letter to Cosmo, grand duke of Tuscany, contains a fine eulogy of Bacon. On Bacon's impeachment, Matthew wrote him a letter which Bacon compared to ‘old gold’ (Matthew, Letters, p. 69; cf. Spedding, xiv. 286–7). A second edition of Matthew's translation appeared in 1619 and a third in 1621. The second edition (‘curante Andrea Cioli’) contains the essay ‘On Seditions and Troubles,’ which was not printed in English till 1625.
Though Matthew had now been nearly two years in England, he had not taken the oath of allegiance. The king was displeased at his constant refusal, and in January 1618– 1619 he was ordered to leave the kingdom. He went to Brussels, whence in February he wrote to Bacon on Spanish affairs (Spedding, xiv. 20). Two translations occupied the next year of his exile. The first was ‘The Confession of the Incomparable Doctour, S. Augustine, translated into English: Together with a Large Preface, which it will much import to be read over first; that so the book itself may both profit and please the reader more.’ It was very sharply answered by Matthew Sutcliffe [q. v.], dean of Exeter, in his vituperative ‘Unmasking of a Masse Monger,’ London, 1626, in which frank allusion is made to the alleged libertinism of Tobie's youth. Another translation, issued anonymously in 1620, but undoubtedly by Matthew (Peacham's ascription, in Truth of our Time, p. 102, being corroborated by internal evidence), was entitled ‘A Relation of the Death of the most illustrious Lord, Sigr Troilo Sauelli, a baron of Rome, who was there beheaded in the castle of Sant Angelo, on the 18 of Aprill 1592.’ Another edition, ‘more correct,’ appeared in 12mo in 1663, entitled ‘The Penitent Bandito,’ and signed by Sir T. M., knight, to which in the British Museum copy is added the author's name in full in Anthony à Wood's handwriting.
In the meantime Lord Bristol's influence was being exerted to procure Matthew's permanent return. On 29 Dec. 1621 he landed at Dover, and after a short delay was permitted to proceed to London. In May 1622 he dined with Gondomar; in June, at the instance of Buckingham's mother, he sustained the catholic cause against Dr. Wright in a disputation before the king (Diary of Walter Yonge, Camd. Soc. p. 60). He had the goodwill of Buckingham (see his Letters to the Duke, ap. Goodman, ii. 267–70), and seems to have exerted himself to obtain that of the king, as in 1622 he acquainted the government with a scheme for erecting titular Roman catholic bishoprics in England, and the project was accordingly nipped in the bud. In 1623 he was rewarded with the confidence of the king, who despatched him to Madrid to advise Charles and Buckingham, and he amused the prince by penning a flattering and witty, but somewhat licentious, description of the beauties of the infanta's mind and person (copied in Harl. MS. 1576). The Prince of Wales, in a postscript to a letter from Buckingham to the king (dated 20 June 1623), related how ‘little prittie Tobie Matthew’ came to entreat them to send to the king what he called ‘a pictur of the Infanta's drawen in black and white:’ ‘We pray you let none lafe at it but yourselfe and honnest Kate [the Duchess of Buckingham]. He thinkes he hath hitt the naille of the head, but you will fynd it foolishest thing that ever you saw’ (ib. 6987). In a letter to her lord, dated 16 July, ‘honnest Kate’ deplores that ‘she hath not seen the picktur Toby Mathus ded. … I do immagen what a rare pesce it is being of his doing.’ On 8 Aug. he wrote from Madrid a letter of comfort to the duchess, assuring her that the duke continued supreme ‘in the prince's heart’ (Goodman, Court of James I, ii. 303). While in Spain Matthew had some sharp rallies with a rival wit, Archie [see Armstrong, Archibald] (Chamberlain to Sir Dudley Carleton, ap. Court and Times of James I, ii. 423). It does not appear that he greatly assisted the negotiations, but shortly before the prince's departure he sent a memorandum to the catholic king, protesting as strongly as was feasible against the ‘voto’ of the ‘theologi’ (Cabala, 1691, p. 303). On his return he attended the court with assiduity, and on 20 Oct. 1623 he was knighted by the king at Royston, ‘for what service,’ says Chamberlain, ‘God knows’ (Nichols, Progresses of James I, iv. 931; Metcalfe, Book of Knights, p. 181). These marks of royal favour led his parents to relent and invite him to York. At his father's house there he relates how ‘it happened that there came by accident, if not by designe, a kind of lustie knott, if it might not rather goe for a little colledge, of certaine eminent Clergiemen,’ by whom he found himself inveigled into controversial discussion. Provoked at last to a warm utterance of his views, he states ‘it was strange to see how they wrung their hands, and their whites of eyes were turned up, and their devout sighes were sent abroad to testifie their grief that I would utter myself after that manner.’ During these two years (1622–3) he had much serious talk with the archbishop, who derived what consolation he could from the fact that his son was content to read such protestant manuals as he put before him. Sir Tobie even cherished the hope of making a proselyte of his father. On his mother's fervent puritanism he could make little impression, and his filial piety suffered in consequence. ‘My mother,’ he wrote, upon her death in May 1629, ‘went out of the world calling for her silkes and toyes and trinketts, more like an ignorant childe of foure yeares than like a talking scripturist of almost foure score’ (Neligan). His father on his death in 1628 is stated to have left him in his will only a piece of plate of twenty marks, having in his lifetime given him over 14,000l. (Willis, Cathedrals (York), p. 53). In 1624 Sir Tobie was selected one of the eighty-four ‘Essentials,’ or original working members, of the abortive Academe Royal, of which the scheme had just been completed by Edmund Bolton [q. v.] In June 1625 he was at Boulogne, whence he wrote an interesting letter to the Duchess of Buckingham, describing Henrietta Maria in enthusiastic terms which rival those of his previous ‘picture’ of the infanta (Cabala, p. 302). A considerable portion of the next few years Sir Tobie spent abroad, probably either in Paris or in Brussels. It is said that in 1625, at Sir Tobie's special request, Bacon added his ‘Essay on Friendship’ to the series in commemoration of their long intimacy. On his death in the following year he bequeathed Matthew 30l. to buy a ring.
At the court of the new king Sir Tobie became more openly identified with the catholics, among whom he was sometimes known as Father Price. A secular priest of this name, described as ‘long a prisoner in Newgate,’ is included in Gee's list of 190 Romish priests and jesuits resident about London in March 1624 (‘Foot out of the Snare,’ printed in Somers, Tracts, 1810, iii. 87, 91).
In September 1633 a lying report was spread by Lodowick Bowyer to the effect that he had died at Gravesend, and that compromising correspondence from Laud to the pope had been found upon him (Hist. MSS. Comm. 11th Rep. App. vii. 185). Later in the year he accompanied Strafford to Ireland in the capacity of secretary, but was soon back again in London, and his influence there at the moment was vividly depicted by the French ambassador. ‘The cleverest of the Catholic seminarists,’ he writes, ‘is Tobie Matthew, a man of parts, active, influential, an excellent linguist; he penetrates cabinets, he insinuates himself into all kinds of affairs, and knows the temper and purpose of those who govern the kingdom, especially of the Lord Treasurer, whom he manages so skilfully that he is able to realise all his schemes in favour of Spain. … He is a man, “sans intéret particulier, qui ne travaille que pour l'honneur et pour sa passion, qui est le soulagement et l'avancement des catholiques.”’ He was described as well affected to France, if only that country would aid him in his design, the means indicated being: 1. By interposing to obtain the same oath of allegiance for England as for Ireland, a project approved by the pope. 2. By establishing seminaries in France. 3. By subsidising a certain number of missionary priests, both from the ranks of jesuits, Benedictines, and seculars (‘Relation par M. de Fontenay au retour de son ambassade d'Angleterre,’ June 1634, ap. Ranke, Hist. of England, v. 448). In July 1636 Matthew was on a visit to Lord Salisbury at Hatfield; in October 1637 he got the credit (wrongly as subsequently appeared) of being chief instrument in the conversion of Lady Newport, whereupon ‘the king did use such words … that the fright reduced Don Tobiah to such perplexity that I find he will make a very ill man to be a martyr; but now the dog doth again wag his tail’ (Lord Conway to Earl of Strafford, Strafford Corresp. ii. 125). The queen's influence was in fact a guarantee to Matthew of a position at court, which if ill defined was so considerable as to prove a serious grievance to puritans of all shades. In 1639 a political squib, entitled ‘Reasons that Ship and Conduct Money ought to be paid,’ suggests that Sir Tobie was an abettor of the ‘Popish plot’ and, with Sir John Wintour and the queen-mother, was making a laughing-stock of the country (cf. Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1639–40, p. 246). Habernfeld and Boswell followed this up next year in their ‘Particular Discovery of the Plot against King Kingdom and Protestant Religion,’ in which he is described as a ‘jesuited priest’ and ‘a most dangerous man, to whom a bed was never so dear that he would rest his head thereon, refreshing his body with sleep in a chair, neither day nor night spared his machinations; a man principally noxious … who flies to all banquets and feasts, called or not called, never quiet, a perpetual motion; thrusting himself into all conversations of superiors, he urgeth conferences familiarly that he may fish out the minds of men. These discoveries he communicates to the Pope's Legate, but the most secret things to Cardinal Barberini [in whose pay it was assevered he had been for many years] or the Pope himself’ (Rushworth, Hist. Collections, p. 1322). Prynne wrote of him in a similar vein as a papal spy and missionary sent to reclaim England. It was therefore only to be expected that in October 1640 he should be apprehended, or that (16 Nov. 1640) the House of Commons should join the lords in petitioning for his banishment. It is said that he voluntarily renounced the court and retired to reside at the English College (the House of Tertians) in Ghent. There he occupied himself in writing an account of his conversion, considered as the central feature of his life. This work, entitled ‘A True Historicall Relation of the Conversion of Sir Tobie Matthews to the Holie Catholic Fayth, with the Antecedents and Consequents thereof,’ 1640, and consisting of 234 pages of manuscript, was unfortunately never printed. It is stated to have been for many years an heirloom in a Roman catholic family in Cork; it was for some time in the possession of the Rev. Alban Butler [q. v.], who published an abridgment (in which for the original phrasing is substituted the decorous prose of the last century) in the form of an octavo pamphlet (thirty-seven pages) in 1795. It passed into the hands of Dr. W. C. Neligan, who printed thirty-five copies of a ‘Brief Description of a Curious MS.,’ consisting of a number of brief and tantalising extracts. To the ‘Relation’ he states was appended ‘Posthumus, or the Survivour’ (twenty-one pages), signed and dated 1640, in which Sir Tobie strenuously denied that he was in receipt of a pension either from Barberini or the pope.
For the rest of his life he would seem to have stayed, with few interruptions, at Ghent. In 1650, however, he went to Brussels, and tried, without success, to obtain a canonry there (Cal. Clar. State Papers, ii. 60). He died at the English College, Ghent, on 13 Oct. 1655, and was buried in a vault beneath the college, with the plain inscription on his coffin, ‘Hic jacet D. Tobias Matthæi.’ There is no evidence that he was an actual member of the Society of Jesus, but he very probably received as a benefactor a diploma of aggregation to the merits and prayers of the society. His will, making a valuable bequest to the jesuits, is preserved in the English College at Rome (Collect. Topog. et Geneal. v. 87).
When Lord Thomas Fairfax once found Sir Tobie's father very melancholy and inquired the reason of his grace's pensiveness, the archbishop replied, ‘My lord, I have great reason of sorrow with respect of my sons; one of whom has wit and no grace, another grace but no wit, and the third neither grace nor wit.’ Sir Tobie's father merely expressed the universal opinion with regard to his eldest son's possession of wit, while the denial of grace was probably merely official, and was so echoed by Fuller, who says of the son that ‘having all his father's name and many of his natural parts, he had few of his moral virtues and fewer of his spiritual graces.’ Less qualified is Harrington's portrait of him as ‘likely for learning, memory, sharpness of wit, and sweetness of behaviour.’ His character, like that of Sir Kenelm Digby, Endymion Porter, and other highly cultivated contemporaries, presents some interesting contrasts. A zealous catholic, he was no pietist. Despite his being the most ‘Italianate’ Englishman of his time, he seems to have been a thoroughly loyal subject, though his ubiquity, his subtle and secret manner, together with his exotic graces, his knowledge of foreign courts and of the Spanish and Italian tongues, caused him to be regarded by many as a dangerous schemer (cf. Suckling's introduction of him into his Session of the Poets, ‘whispering nothing in somebody's ear’). He was a sedulous courtier, who had the gift of gossip and a finger in all court intrigues, about which he was a sure informant; he was moreover an esteemed virtuoso, who bought pictures and articles of vertu for Buckingham and other English nobles. By Horace Walpole, Sir Tobie is described contemptuously as ‘one of those heteroclite animals who finds his place anywhere.’ He certainly had no title to a place and a woodcut in the ‘Anecdotes of Painting,’ in which Walpole gave him a niche on the mistaken assumption that the ‘Picture of the Infanta’ was drawn not on letter-paper but on canvas. In this error (which he demonstrated himself in a subsequent edition) he was followed by Granger and others. Besides the rough woodcut of Matthew in Walpole's ‘Anecdotes,’ an engraved portrait in which he appears in company with Jean Petitot, the Genevese, and Johann Hans Torrentius, the Dutch artist, was executed while he was in Rome (Evans, Cat. of Engraved Portraits, p. 227).
The work most frequently associated with Matthew's name appeared five years after his death, under the title ‘A Collection of Letters made by Sr Tobie Mathews, Kt., with a Character of the most excellent Lady, Lucy Countess of Carleile: to which are added many Letters of his own to several Persons of Honour who were contemporary with him. For Henry Herringman, at the sign of the Anchor, 1660.’ Prefixed are a portrait engraved by J. Gammon and an epistle dedicatory, signed by John Donne, son of the poet. The scheme of the collection is the inverse of James Howell's, its object being, not to illustrate history or biography, but to exhibit specimens of epistolary composition. The author in most instances has taken pains to remove names and dates, and such particulars as might serve to identify persons. Letters from Bacon, Digby, Carleton, and Dr. Donne are given under the names of the writers, but the majority are headed after this fashion: ‘One friend gives another many thanks for the service which he did him with his Lord.’ Some were doubtless from originals in his possession. Others were by himself, and are characterised by the sprightliness and ingenuity of the writer. The collection includes Matthew's eulogy on Lucy Hay, countess of Carlisle [q. v.], to whose interest at court Sir Tobie was very greatly indebted. Other works attributed to Matthew by Wood and Dod, but not extant, and probably never published, are: 1. ‘A Rich Cabinet of Precious Jewels.’ 2. ‘The Benefit of Washing the Head every Morning with Cold Water’ (he is said to have practised the habit of dipping his head every morning as a corrective to his frequent vigils). 3. ‘The History of the Times (Opus Imperfectum).’ 4. ‘The Life of St. Theresa’ .
An answer to Suckling's witty
Out upon it I have loved
Three whole days together,
Say, but did you love so long
In troth I needs must blame you,
is headed ‘Sir Toby Matthews,’ but the poet very possibly only borrows the name for an interlocutor, as he borrows that of Carew and others.
[The chief authority for Matthew's life is the abridgment of his own Historical Relation, by Alban Butler, which has been mentioned above; a brief summary of its contents is given by Dr. Joseph Hunter in the Chorus Vatum Anglicanorum (Add. MS. 24490, ff. 319–24). With this should be compared Neligan's Brief Description of a Curious MS., in which a number of extracts from the original are pieced together without any attempt at editing; it is reprinted, without alteration, as an appendix to W. H. Smith's Bacon and Shakespeare, 1856. Wood's account of Sir Tobie (Athenæ, ed. Bliss, iii. 401), justly described by Hunter as not in his best style, has been followed by Dod (Church History, 1742, iii. 59, 60) and by Granger (Biog. Hist. of England, 1779, ii. 203–4, 357), with some embellishments, apparently his own, such as that ‘Sir T. was often a spy upon such companies as he was admitted into upon the foot of an agreeable companion; and with the most vacant countenance would watch for intelligence to send to Rome.’ See also Foster's Alumni Oxon. 1500–1714, and Gray's Inn Register, p. 97; Birch's Queen Elizabeth, i. 314, ii. 150, 182, 226, 270, 304; Spedding's Bacon, passim; Nichols's Progresses of James I, iv. 930; Court and Times of James I, ii. 225, 267, 270, 281, 302, &c.; Chamberlain's Letters, Camden Soc. pp. 1, 2, 10, 120, 133; Lodge's Illustrations, 1838, iii. 199, 291; Peacham's Truth of Our Time, p. 102; Hacket's Life of Williams, 1715, p. 135; Sidney Papers, i. 362; Strafford Correspondence, ii. 125, 149; Lister's Life of Clarendon, iii. 54; Sir John Harrington's Brief View of the State of the Church of England; Suckling's Works, ed. Hazlitt, i. 9, 59; Prynne's Rome's Masterpiece, 1643, p. 19; Fuller's Church Hist. 1845, vi. 62 n.; Commons' Journals, 16 Nov. 1640; Gardiner's Hist. of England, v. 60, viii. 239; Foley's English Prov. of Soc. of Jesus, vii. 493; Notes and Queries, 3rd ser. iii. 329, iv. 159, ix. 350, 5th ser. xii. 43; Gent. Mag. 1830 i. 205, 1839 ii. 272; Bromley's Engraved Portraits; Evans's Cat. of Engraved Portraits, No. 7043; Halkett and Laing's Dict. of Anon. and Pseudon. Lit. cols. 1882 and 2126; Harl. MS. 6987; Lansd. MS. 984, ff. 106–8; Addit. MS. 5503, passim; Calendars of State Papers, Dom. Ser. 1595, and following years passim, especially 1595–7 pp. 361, 437, 1598–1601 pp. 54, 95, 97, 1601–3 p. 134, 1610–18 pp. 24, 530; Owen's Epigrams, 3rd Coll. 391.]