Engines and Men/Chapter 23

by John R. Raynes

Chapter XXIII

 

Standardisation—A National Strike—Nine Days Wonder—Solidarity and Victory—Many Congratulations—Rapid Growth—Railway Control—The Ministry if Transport—Zonal System—Joint Control—The Society Promotes a Bill.

 

To fully understand the cause of the strike it is necessary first to quote the following passage from the statement of the Government at the close of the March negotiations. This statement, it was noticed at the time, did not appear m the Board of Trade announcement of the terms:—

"Wages and Standard Rates of Pay.—The present wages to be stabilised till December 31st, 1919, and any reduction of the War Wage under the agreement of November, 1918, to be waived.

"As regards standardisation of rates of pay and removal of present anomalies, this can only be dealt with in connection with a general revision of permanent wages, and, therefore, it is proposed that the present negotiations shall be continued for fixing new standard rates, so as to ensure that all men throughout the country shall receive the same payment for the same work under the same conditions.

"This will involve reduction of the War Wage, but the Government are prepared to agree that up to December 3lst no man shall receive less in weekly rate of wages plus War Wage, than he is receiving at present, while anyone to whom the new War Wage and new rate yield more than they are receiving at present, shall receive the advantage as soon as an arrangement is arrived at.

"At the end of the year the whole situation will be reviewed. The War Wage will have to be looked at in the light of the then cost of living, and the circumstances of the time generally, and it will be open to the men to ask for a revision of the new standard rates (i.e., a further transfer from War Wage to permanent rate) if they think a case can be made for it. But the anomalies of varying pay for similar work, under similar conditions, will have been removed, and future negotiations will be rendered much easier through there being only one set of figures to work upon."

Certain agreed interpretations of this agreement had been arrived at in August, but throughout the month of September Mr. Thomas had found it impossible to induce the Government to recognise the principle of standardisation upwards for all the grades in the N.U.R., as had been conceded in the case of the A.S.L.E. & F. There was talk about getting the wage level down, and of elaborate preparations by the Government during many past months for a strike. In a statement issued to the public on Tuesday, September 21st. Mr. Thomas said:

"The position, in my opinion, is so serious and the danger so imminent that I would be wanting in my duty to the public, the Government, and our members in the country, if I did not frankly say that we are rapidly approaching a crisis.

"It will be remembered that following the settlement of February, when the existing War Wage was being considered, an agreement was arrived at which stabilised the existing wage until December, with a proviso that would enable both sides to negotiate a basis of standardisation for all grades. It will be obvious from our side—and, indeed, it was fully recognised by the Government in the interviews we had—that the basis would be in an upward direction.

"Long and protracted negotiations have taken place. A settlement was arrived at in our locomotive section, which did recognise this principle, but to our amazement the proposals for the whole of the other grades, which are now before us, reverse this policy.

 

Joint Strike Committee, A.S.L.E. & F. and N.U.R., National Railway Strike, 1919.

"This means that the basis of standardisation makes no allowance for the position of those who have higher pay than the others, and if the existing agreement for the war wage to terminate in December came into operation, this would mean an actual reduction of varying amounts up to as much as 14s. per week in some grades."

The Executive Committee of the A.S.L.E. & F. was in London at the time, dealing with the Eyesight Test and other matters. Full consideration was given to the serious position arising between the N.U.R. and the Government. It was frankly impossible to allow the Government to rely upon our men to run the services against the struggle of the N.U.R. for fair conditions. The honourable course seemed to be that of full support, and if the N.U.R. had to withdraw, then we felt we must withdraw too. Accordingly a fraternal message was sent to Unity House, saying that:

"If you want help, we are standing by."

When the call was made on the Friday afternoon, September 26th. we telegraphed all centres, and the response was immediate and most effective.

The warning of the N.U.R. quoted above was followed almost immediately by an ultimatum to the Government from the National Executive of the N.U.R., asking for a favourable reply within twenty-four hours if a crisis was to be avoided The reply was a "definitive" offer, interpreted rightly as a final offer, signed by Sir Auckland Geddes.

Its terms were not acceptable, and conferences with the Board of Trade and with the Prime Minister at Downing Street followed. All the efforts failed to yield an improvement, and at 3 p.m. on Friday, September 26th, the negotiations came to an end.

The deadlock occurred because it was found impossible to bridge the gap between the standard rates asked for by the N.U.R. and the rates offered by the Government. The Executive could not accept as an alternative basis of negotiation the possibility of continuing a portion of the War Wage after December 31st. Their demand was for new permanent rates which would be virtually on the level of the existing earnings without overtime that is the old standard rates, plus 33s. War Wage.

On September 19th the first proposals arrived, which did not give effect in any shape or form to the principle conceded in the case of the drivers and the firemen, and in the letter accompanying it Sir Auckland Geddes said:—

"I trust your Executive will realise that this will be a very heavy burden for the railways of this country to stand, and I therefore wish you to understand that the proposals contained in the attached memoranda are not put forward as a basis of negotiations, but as the definitive offer of the Government."

In his immediate reply to this letter, Mr. Thomas said the terms proposed could not form the basis of a satisfactory settlement. On September 23rd, other proposals were submitted, but again they did not concede the principle applied to locomotivemen.

The Cabinet had for weeks been quietly preparing its plans for such an event. A full Cabinet meeting was immediately held, attended by Earl Haig, Major-General Fielding, the Minister of Food, the Minister of Labour, the Minister of Transport, the Minister of War, and others. All military leave and demobilisation was suspended, and armed protection was guaranteed for the running of trains. The Food Ministry imposed the strict rationing of meat, bacon, and margarine, the sugar ration was reduced by half, hoarding beyond one week's supplies was made illegal, and the public meals allowance revised. It was arranged to commandeer motor and horse-drawn vehicles as required, and Hyde Park, London, was at once transformed into a huge garage.

There was an enormous gathering of railwaymen of both societies at the Mass Meeting held in the Royal Albert Hall on the first night of the strike. Mr. Cramp presided, and detailed statements were presented by Messrs. Thomas and Bromley. In the course of his address, Mr. Bromley said:—

We have just made, in conjunction with the N.U.R., a settlement for the members we represented, not a satisfactory one, but with our general spirit of sweet compromise-one which we had accepted as a temporary agreement. Therefore, as you will all know, that is the last likely moment for any body of men to step into a new movement when they had just completed an agreement; and I will say to this meeting, and again through the Press to the public, that had the demands of the N.U.R. been exorbitant or unfair, we should not have backed them in their demand. Again, my Executive, recognising we are custodians of the welfare of our members, the instruments through which their desires are given effect to, whatever may have been our individual opinion, would not have backed the N.U.R. in this movement had we thought it a political or an incipient revolution. That statement is due to the members we represent who, not all, hold the same opinion that some of my colleagues on my Executive do.

"When we arrived in London on Tuesday evening, we had not the slightest knowledge of the trouble of the N.U.R., other than to know that there was bound to be a desire to follow on the same lines a settlement for all grades of railwaymen as had been made for locomotivemen. So when we were informed of the position, what did we do? We did not rush blindly into it because it was a fight, we sent for Mr. Thomas, and after having a preliminary conversation, giving us the facts, we said, let us see if your claims are justifiable claims. Let us see if the answer of the Government is reasonable, and shows a desire to meet these claims or otherwise. On Thursday morning we had the whole position before us, and I will promise you. Mr. Chairman, our support to the N.U.R. of our fellow trade unionists, and, after all, blood is thicker than water. But even with that position, had the case been an unfair one I will say we should not be in it, and we should not be here to-night in supporting you. But we find, after analysing the whole of the figures, that the request which was made for other grades of railwaymen was not only a reasonable request, but in our opinion was a moderate request, and the reply given by the Government was not sufficient, not fair recognition of the services given to this great nation by railwaymen, or anything like sufficient to meet the increased cost of living which railwaymen had to bear. Our members are solid.

"Therefore, friends, what was our duty, not to remember past differences, not to find loopholes through which to escape from the battle, our duty was to realise the human ethics of trade unions, and to say whether these people are fellow-railwaymen or whether they are not. If a fair, just, and honourable claim was to be met in no better method than this, then our duty was to be alongside of themz in the battle. So, friends, we are here, and I want to say this, with the short notice at our disposal, with the hurried nature of the call we had to give to our members, although many of the wires which I sent yesterday afternoon had not reached our branches by mid-day to-day, the fact that our members had seen in the Press their Executive was backing the N.U.R., and the loyalty of our members to the Executive Committee, I am proud of the fact that from the North of Scotland to the South of England our members are solid in this battle. We are in the fight, not for a farthing for our members, not for any advantage to our members, not to benefit any of our members, we are in it to help the N.U.R. on a trade union principle. I, again, on behalf of my organisation, give this pledge to the meeting, and, through this meeting to the railwaymen of the country, that we shall in no way block any settlement; in no way make difficult the work of those who have to conduct this meeting by rejecting anything on our behalf."

When the Government withheld the wages previously earned by the men as an attempt to reduce them to surrender, strong feeling was aroused throughout the country.

Sir Eric Geddes and Sir Robert Horne were subjected to an extremely hostile demonstration by a large crowd in Whitehall on Friday. October 3rd. When they reached Parliament Street the crowd became extremely hostile. People booed and hissed them as they proceeded across the street, escorted by four police officers The crowd pressed round them, and for a time the incident looked ugly, but there was no molestation, and they proceeded across the road to Whitehall Gardens. After that, mounted escorts were used for the unpopular Ministers.

Great efforts were made by the anti-Labour authorities to run a skeleton service, but it was a complete and ghastly failure. Trains ran without passengers, trains ran which reached no destination but the jack-points, and expresses ran at ten miles an hour. The daily boasting in the Press of the "improved " service was a mighty attempt at deceit, but it seemed to deceive very few. On one occasion when a Pressman asked Mr. Bromley's opinion of the service which was running. Mr. Bromley said, "I will give them of our best drivers on the top of their present service, and then beat them." The solidarity of all grades paralysed the nation, and taught the travelling public to respect the railway worker. The postal service was wiped out, and parcels post was entirely obliterated. The road transport service was totally inadequate, and all the dependence on this system proved a delusion. Thousands of gallons of milk went sour, and the food service came dangerously near a collapse.

The Government only just capitulated in time to save worse events. For weeks before it began the Government had been preparing elaborate alternative services by motor, instead of preparing a path of peace.

Day by day paralysis was creeping over the country, and the Government refusal to meet the men until they had returned to work was soon abandoned. A week-end fog exterminated the skeleton service, and the conferences of Sunday. October 5th, brought a happy settlement.

40s. turned to 51s.; wages stabilised to September 30th, 1920; new scale to be negotiated by December 31st. The final conference between the Trade Union deputation and the Government took place at Downing Street on Sunday. October 5th. It began at 11.30 a.m., and at 4.15 p.m, terms of settlement had been reached. There was quite a large gathering in the historic house, representing the Executives of the N.U.R. and the A.S.L.E. & F., and the intermediary conference of Trade Union leaders, including Mr. Henderson. Mr. Clynes, Mr.nbBrownlie, Mr. O'Grady, and many others. Then, too, there was the Cabinet, and many Government officials. Lunch was provided on the premises, and while Mr. Lloyd George was engaged with Mr. Thomas and Mr. Bromley, the rest repaired to the drawing-room. At 4.20 they began to emerge, and the news of a satisfactory settlement caused universal pleasure.

The terms were as follow:—

• 1.—Work to be resumed forthwith
• 2.—On the full resumption of work negotiations shall be continued, with the understanding that they will be concluded before December 31st, 1919.
• 3.—Wages will be stabilised in the United Kingdom at the present level up to September 30th, 1920. Any time after August 1st, 1920, they may be reviewed in the light of circumstances then existing.
• 4.—No adult railwayman in Great Britain shall receive less than 51s. so long as the cost of living is not less than 110 per cent. above pre-war level.
• 5.—The N.U.R. and the A.S.L.E. & F. agree that the men shall work harmoniously with the railway servants who have remained at or returned to work, and the Government and the N.U.R. and A.S.L.E. & F. agree that no man shall be prejudiced in any way as the result of the strike.
• 6.—The arrears of wages, which have been withheld in consequence of breach of contract, will be paid after the resumption of work.

A statement, signed by the Conciliation Committee of the Trade Union Conference, had been issued on Saturday, October 4th. which said:

"A situation of the utmost gravity has arisen in connection with the present railway crisis. Though we are still doing our utmost to keep open the door for negotiation, we feel that as responsible leaders we should be lacking in our duty if we omitted to state our view of the causes leading to the failure, for the present, of our efforts at conciliation.

"The Conference, from which we derived authority to act as mediators, was unanimously of opinion that the Government's terms were not merely harsh, but such as no Union could accept. It considered that the spirit in which the Government had conducted the negotiations had indicated a desire to inflict punishment upon the Railway Unions for the policy that they had adopted in striking after prolonged negotiations."

The bills to be paid by the Government would probably reach, the "Daily Mail" said, about £1,000,000 a day. Included in this was the cost of an organisation which had been built up in reserve for many months, of petrol and other supplies for lorry services, of accumulating food stores, of troops' movements, of pay and rations of volunteer workers, and the extra money that would have to be provided for the guarantee of receipts to the railways under the war agreement.

Business men were inclined to place the total loss to the nation at about £50,000,000. The National Union of Railwaymen lost £300,000 of its funds issued as strike pay, as well as a large amount for propaganda and expenses.

Messages from various provincial centres showed that more than 335,000 workers other than railwaymen had been thrown out of employment by the strike.

Mr. Lloyd George, who had begun by calling the men conspirators and anarchists, ended by calling them into his drawing-room. The strike turned all England into a nine days' wonder. While the unions remained solid to a man, and the railway stations were closed and guarded, the roads witnessed a return to something like stage coach conditions, but with motors instead of horses. Leeds to London was a long, chilly. £3 3s, journey. Theatrical companies moved by chars-a-banc, or didn't move at all; newspapers organised motor delivery, and music hall artistes packed their trappings into all sorts of vehicles. There were motor expresses for fish and other food traffic, and for nine days there was much traffic and chaos on the roads. It was the most wonderful and certainly the most spectacular strike in history, and certainly it was most successful. The whole world of organised labour was paying tributes of admiration to the Society, which had begun the year by securing the standard eight hours day, and ended it by a thrilling exhibition of unselfish solidarity. Resolutions and letters of congratulation poured in from all quarters, possibly the most important being those I will quote from {[aqid}}, the General Secretary of the N.U.R., and Mr. C. T. Cramp, who was then the President. Mr. Thomas wrote:—

Unity House,

Euston Road. London. N.W. 1.

13th October, 1919.

This being the first occasion on which I have ever addressed a message through the "Locomotive Journal," it is fitting that it should be to express my heartfelt and sincere thanks to every member of the A.S.L.E. & F. for the magnificent spirit of comradeship and loyalty displayed in the struggle through which we have just emerged so successfully.

The battle was not only for railwaymen. It was for Labour throughout the whole country, but it was the railwaymen who had to bear the brunt of the blow, and right well they did it. But to me, however, the outstanding feature was that, in spite of the differences between our Unions in the past, when the struggle came all these differences were swept aside, and only the principle was considered. I, as a locomotiveman, am proud of every driver, fireman, and cleaner in the country. They had nothing to gain in the fight, but everything to lose. Nothing can ever wipe the memory of this out, and it has certainly linked us closer than ever before.

Allow me also to congratulate your Executive Committee on the bold stand they took all through; although not involved, they never feared the result. Also, of your General Secretary. Mr. Bromley, I would say that he proved to myself a loyal partner, never once attempting to interfere, never once doubting the course taken, but always at my side, merely asking what he could do and how best it could be done. Just as you ought to be proud of your own part, it should also be some consolation to know that I am equally proud of you. That the other grades of the railway service will always appreciate your action, and if needs be show it in an equally practical manner, is the sincere belief and wish of

Yours fraternally,

J. H. Thomas.

 

Illuminated Address presented to Mr. John Bromley by the Joint Executives at the close of the National Railway Strike, 1919.

Mr. Cramp wrote on October  10th:—

"Now we have emerged from the great struggle, and one can sit down to quietly review the events of the past few weeks, I desire to tender to yourself, your Executive Committee, and all the members of the A.S.L.E. & F., my very sincere gratitude for the splendid and unselfish assistance which you have rendered to the members of the N.U.R. throughout the crisis.

"Your members had no monetary advantage to gain—indeed, that was the position of every locomotiveman—but having satisfied yourselves that our claim was reasonable, and realising that a Trade Union principle was at stake, you came into the fight wholeheartedly, and helped us to win a great battle for the whole working-class of this country.

"It is true we differ as to forms and methods of Trade Union organisation, but bearing in mind that all such comparatively minor differences were swept aside when a real crisis arose, I venture to hope that our future relations may not only be free from the old bitterness, but that ultimately we may devise a means whereby perfect unity may be achieved without any violation of the deep-rooted convictions held by our respective memberships. Personally, I am prepared to do all I am able to accomplish this, and I am certain that I voice the overwhelming opinion of the members of the N.U.R. in this matter.

"Again let me thank you, and assure you that if ever the time arrives when your members are attacked in the same way as were many of ours by the recent proposals, you will find that the N.U.R. will not forget its duty to its allies of 1919."

In expressing his thanks to the Executive and to all members for the magnificent response to the call made on September 26th. Mr. Bromley wrote:

"It was inspiring to see our members from John o' Groats to Land's End come out at a call—of which they knew nothing but for the fact that they had a call—as one man. You have done something, comrades, almost, if not quite, unparalleled in the history of British trade unionism, i.e., the absolute stoppage of a union which had just obtained a settlement for its members, in support of the members of another union who were likely to suffer a reduction. I would like to point out that the minimum wage of 40s. per week offered to other grades meant, with the present cost of living in comparison with pre-war prices, a wage of the value of about 17s. 6d. This could not be tolerated, and in the interests of all Labour our members were called upon to resent it."

The Thirty-ninth Annual Report of the Society showed the year to have been phenomenal from the membership and finance points of view also. The increase of income for the year was £19,700, and the year closed with funds of £199,650, although the Protection Fund showed a loss of £65,420 on account of the strike just described. There was an increase of 32 branches in the year, the total being 370, and the membership rose by 17,244, an amazing year's growth, to 57,184. This wave of new membership continued well during 1920, for in the first two months of that fortieth year of history 24 more branches were opened, and 2,469 new members enrolled, a rate of 300 per week!

There were significant increases, too, in the Provident Funds—£4,173 on Superannuation; £2,605 on the Orphan Fund (notably due to the special effort): £3,154 on the Death Fund; £9,530 on the Sick Fund; and £397 on the Death and Retiring Fund. The strike expenditure totalled £68,268. The twopence weekly increase in contribution proved a timely help in breasting additional costs. The sales of the "Journal" increased by 10,000 copies monthly during the year, a sure and certain sign of good health, and yet, so abnormal were the costs involved, that the increased sale only increased the loss. That is the summary in figures of a wonderful year, a fitting climax to this record. It saw not only the eight hours day, but the abolition of classification, the National Standardisation of Wages, and the raising of conditions of service to a higher level than had ever hitherto been known. It was a very great year, and the annual report, instead of being a single leaf as in 1880, extended to 103 pages of closely printed matter.

About the year 1920 I must be very brief, for the story has lured me away over time and space until I must shut off steam and pull the brakes hard over, ready for the arrival home. The year opened amid considerable discussion of the new scheme of railway control, propounded by Sir Eric Geddes in the House of Commons early in December of 1919. The Ministry of Transport had been established in August, after four months of discussion, and the new scheme set up a Central Board, a National Wages Board, and a Railway Advisory Committee. It had been agreed that failing agreement on matters of wages and conditions by the Central Board, the subject in dispute should be referred to the National Wages Board, consisting of four railway managers, four railway workers' representatives, and four users of railways, including representatives of the Trade Union Congress and the Co-operative movement. The following formed the first Railway Advisory Committee:—Mr. A. Adlington, G.W.R.; Mr. J. Bromley, A.S.L.E. & F.; Sir Alex. Kaye-Butterworth, N.E.R.; Mr. C. T. Cramp, N.U.R.; Mr. C. H. Dent, G.N.R.; Sir Francis Dent, S.E. & C. Rly.; Sir Sam Fay, G.C.R.; Sir Wm. Forbes, L.B. & S.C.; Mr. D. A. Matheson, Caledonian Rly.; Mr. F. Tatlow, Midland Rly.; Rt. Hon. J. H. Thomas, M.P., N.U.R.; Sir Henry Thornton, G.E.R.; Mr. A. G. Walkden, Railway Clerks: Sir Herbert Walker, L. & S.W. Rly.; Mr. Arthur Watson, L. & Y.; Sir Thomas Williams, L. & N.W.

Sir Eric Geddes further explained that local committees, to which matters purely local, and other than of national importance, could be referred, would be set up. The third point forming the subject of conversation with the railwaymen or their representatives was in connection with the control exercised under the Ministry of Transport Act. The Railway Executive Committee, as such, would cease to exist probably on January 1st, and an Advisory Committee would be set up, which would consist of 12 General Managers and four representatives of the workers. The agreement precluded lightning strikes on the railways, and the Executive Committee agreed to accept the machinery, subject to satisfactory local or district Boards being set up.

Then, on June 24th, 1920. Sir Eric Geddes again outlined the future policy of the Ministry, and announced the proposed Zonal system, or division into groups, as follows:

• 1.—Southern, combining the South Eastern & Chatham, the Brighton, and the South Western.
• 2.—Western, the present Great Western system, with the Welsh lines.
• 3.—North Western, combining the North Western, the Midland, and the Lancashire & Yorkshire, the North Staffordshire, and Furness.
• 4.—Eastern, combining the Great Northern. Great Central, and Great Eastern.
• 5.—North Eastern, the present North Eastern system, and the Hull & Barnsley.
• 6.—London Group (local lines).
• 7.—Scottish Group, the whole of Scotland.

Each group should have a Board of Management, consisting of representatives of the shareholders, who should form a majority of the Board, and of employees, of whom one-third might be leading officials of the group, to be co-opted by the rest of the Board, and two-thirds members elected from and by the workers on the railways. Permanent machinery was proposed to be set up dealing with questions of wages and conditions, and the State was to have power to (a) protect the public, (b) the economic working of the railways, and (c) the safeguarding of national interests. The Ministry held that very large savings could be effected by standardisation of methods and machinery, and by introducing co-operative working methods. The railways were regarded as neither adequate nor entirely suitable to meet the growing needs of the community, neither for agriculture, industry, nor housing. It was further proposed to modernise canals and waterways, to bring them into line with modern needs. Railway property was stated to amount to £1,200,000,000, and the outgoings and incomings of the railway companies to exceed £500,000,000 a year.

This report evoked a triangular battle which is not yet settled, and the noise of it will reverberate for long after this history is in the hands of its readers. The Companies began to investigate every detail of the White Paper, and late in 1920 issued a trenchant document which freely criticised the State proposals. They found fault with the proposed grouping, as lacking financial stability and balance, and suggested five different groups, but most severely they differed from the proposal to have members of the Board of Management "elected by and from the workers." That phrase they picked upon, and offered as an alternative a series of subcommittees, whose chairmen should be directors, and which should have advisory powers to the Board of each Group. They declined to accept the principle of matters of management and discipline being dealt with by a composite Board, and suggested as alternative a series of improved Conciliation Boards. They also strongly complained against the financial clauses of the White Paper, while the Government left them to find a way out.

On the other hand the Societies of railway workers, like our own, the R.C.A., and the N.U.R., were adamant against the railways going back to private control, and firmly insisted that the half million men who invest their whole life in the railway interest should have a fuller share in the control of the undertaking and their destiny than was proposed. The A.S.L.E. & F., in collaboration with the Railway Clerks' Association, promoted a very able Memorandum and Draft of a Ministry of Transport (Transfer of Railways) Bill, which clearly demonstrated the desires of the Society in this important matter when the existing form of control expires on August 14th, 1921. The Bill indicated with considerable detail the method in which the change could be effected with little or no inconvenience, and with advantage to the railway stockholders, the public, and the railway staffs.

Clause 2 of the Bill provided that six months after the passing of the Act all the property of the railway companies and the railway clearing houses shall vest in the Minister without any formal conveyance being necessary, including those canals which are owned by railway companies as part of their undertakings. It was proposed under Clause 3 that the purchase shall be carried through by the issue to the railway companies stock and shareholders direct, on the surrender for cancellation of the railway stock and share certificates which they hold, of a specially created Government railway stock, charged on the State railway undertaking and the Consolidated Fund, which shall bear such a rate of interest as would enable it at the time of issue to be realised at par. It was further suggested that the purchase price shall be calculated on the basis of the pre-war market price of the existing railway securities, but be subject to a reduction proportionate to the amount by which securities generally have depreciated in value in consequence of the war, following the policy which the Liquor Trade Finance Committee indicated as being proper if the State purchased the liquor interest.

Figures are developed which show that the pre-war value of stocks issued prior to January 1st, 1914 and a value at mean prices ruling in 1917 of stocks issued since December 31st, 1913, came to approximately £1,111,126,000, which sum, subject to a depreciation reduction, calculated at 25 per cent., would be £836,750,500. A suggested new stock equal to that amount would have to be provided, in addition to a liability of £12,102,900 in respect to various loans contracted by the companies, making the total capital provision £848,853,400. These were calculations subject to error, but Sir William Plender has adduced exact figures which show the net capital (including loans) issued by the companies at December 31st, 1913, to be £1,120,867,965. Clause 4 provides for the railway companies stocks and shares ceasing to bear interest and dividend from the date of the transfer, from which date the new stock would carry interest Clause 5 provides for the redemption of the stock at par within a period of sixty years. Clauses 6 to 12 deal with stocks, keeping of accounts, and development of railways. Clauses 13 and 14, dealing with management, are as follow:—

13.—The actual management of the transferred undertakings, for the time being vested in the Minister, shall be conducted, subject to the overriding authority of the Minister, by seven Railway Commissioners.

14.—The Railway Commissioners shall consist of a chairman and six other members, who and whose respective successors shall be appointed as follows:—

1.—The chairman and two members shall be appointed by the Minister, one member shall be appointed by the Treasury, and three members shall be appointed by the Minister from persons nominated by the recognised railway trade unions.

2.—The Commissioners shall hold office at His Majesty's pleasure.

3.—The Commissioners shall be required to give the whole of their time to their duties, and shall each receive the same salary.

4.—There shall be paid to the Commissioners out of the Railway Fund such sum as the Treasury may from time to time determine.

Clause 20 contains provisions for the pension or superannuation of all transferred officers and servants, and Clause 21 gives such officers and servants complete civil rights to participate in any civil or political action as if they were not employed by the State, and:—

(2) Any person employed under the Minister who is about to contest a Parliamentary election, or has been elected a member of the Commons House of Parliament, shall, on making application to the Minister, be granted leave of absence from duty during such contest, and one month thereafter, or so long as he continues to be a member of the Commons House of Parliament, and three months thereafter. On the expiration of such leave of absence, such person may resume his employment under the Minister in such capacity as the Minister shall direct.

For our purpose Clause 31 is also of importance:—

"For the purpose of securing the greatest possible efficiency in the operation of the undertakings to be vested in the Minister in pursuance of this Act, and of maintaining the goodwill and co-operation of the officers and servants engaged therein, the Minister shall, as speedily as practicable, prepare a scheme for affording to the Associated Society of Locomotive Engineers and Firemen, the National Union of Railwaymen, and the Railway Clerks' Association, adequate representation on behalf of their members on Boards to be established for the purpose of advising the Minister on, and adjusting disputes which may arise in connection with, their remuneration and conditions of service, and for giving effect thereto."

 

Executive Committee and Irish Representatives, Irish Locomotive Settlement, February, 1920.

Top Row:—Coun. D. S. Humphreys, J.P., E.C.; Messrs. J. Ferguson; H. J. Oxlade. E.C.; J. McCurtain; S. Garrison, E.C.; W. W. Cooke, E.C.; W. Gamble, E.C.; W. Cole; J. Dunne ; W. Batten; S. Haynes; J. Ryan.

Bottom Row:—Mrs. Ryan: Coun. R. T. Macxereth, E.C.; C. Jarman, E.C.; W. J. R. Squance, E.C.; J. Bromley, Gen. Sec.; J. Walker, E.C.; A. A. Holder, E.C.; J. C. Branson, E.C.; ^[1]Miss R. Swift

 

1. Miss R. Swift. of the General Office Staff, had acted as Secretary to the General Secretary and Executive Committee in all agitations and strikes from 1916, and had braved the danger of the unsettled slate of Ireland in 192`0 to continue her duties.