Historic Landmarks of the Deccan/Chapter 2

by Thomas Wolseley Haig

CHAPTER II.

A FORMER CAPITAL OF INDIA.

TOWARDS the end of the twelfth century of the Christian era the Chalukyan dynasty of southern India, once overthrown and again restored, only to totter gradually to its fall, was blotted out, and its dominions, after being the prey of various petty chieftains, were united under the Yadavas, a dynasty of which the elder branch, the Hoysala Yadavas, ruled for many years at Dvaravatipura or Dhorasamudra, the ruins of which are to be found at Halebid, in the Hassan district of the Mysore State. The Yadava race was represented in the northern Deccan by Bhillama, a famous warrior who, after a severe struggle with his kinsmen in the south, established his rule throughout Maharashtra and extended his dominions southwards to the Krishna. In 1187 Bhillama founded Devagiri or Deogir and made it his capital. Here he and his descendants reigned, not ingloriously, for a century, in the course of which period they succeeded in adding Malwa to their dominions. In 1271 Ramachandra, styled Ramdeo by Muhammadan historians, the fifth in descent from Bhillama, ascended the throne in Deogir, and early in 1290, while Ramdeo was ruling at Deogir Jalal-udKiin Firuz founded the Khalji dynasty at Delhi. The Deccan was at this time no more than a name to the Musalmans of Northern India. The Arabs had long been engaged in maritime trade with the inhabitants of the Malabar coast, and Muhammadan emperors had for a century held sway over the Punjab and Hindustan, and had overrun Bengal, but no Muhammadan from the north had yet crossed the Vindhyan range or penetrated the forests of Gondwana.

Jalal-ud-din Firuz, who was an aged man when he was raised to the throne of Delhi, had a nephew, Ala-ud-din Muhammad, who was also his son-in-law, and whom the old emperor treated rather as a son than as nephew, slighting the advice of his counsellors who descried in the younger man's restless and ambitious disposition danger to the pros- pect of the peaceful descent of the crown to the natural heir. Ala-ud-din's ambition was stimulated by an unhappy marriage. The cousin whom he had married was a termagant, and his domestic troubles were accentuated by the interference of his mother-in-law, the Malika-i-Jahan, who espoused her daughter's cause and supported her in her opposition to her husband. Relations became so strained that the prince feared that his mother-in-law, who had great influence over her husband, the emperor, would contrive to compass his death. Ala-ud-din was at this time governor of the province of which Karra, on the Ganges, 42 miles north-west of Allahabad, was the capital. There he consulted with friends as to how he could best raise an army sufficiently strong to enable him to found a kingdom for himself in some strange land beyond the emperor's dominions, where he could forget his domestic troubles and be secure from the designs of the Malika-i-Jahan. To assemble a large army without the emperor's knowledge was impossible, and as a large army was necessary to the execution of his design, Ala-ud-din had recourse to artifice. He represented to the emperor that the safety of the empire required that Chanderi should be subdued, and asked for and obtained permission to undertake the task. He marched from Karra in 1294, keeping the real object of his expedition a secret even from his own troops. He had already heard, during an expedition to Bhilsa, vague rumours of the great wealth of the Rajas of Deogir, and resolved to attack that place. Passing through Chanderi he advanced southwards and arrived, after a march of two months' duration, at Ellichpur. Here he halted for a short time to rest his troops, and explained his presence by saying that he was one of the nobles of Delhi who was leaving the imperial service and wished to enter that of the Raja of Rajamahendri in Telingana. He then left Ellichpur by night and pressed on by forced marches towards Deogir. Fortune favoured his enterprise, and it so happened that Deogir was at this time almost denuded of troops, the army having accompanied the Raja's eldest son, Shankar Deo, who had gone on a pilgrimage. Ala-ud-din advanced as far as Lasura, about twelve miles from Deogir, without meeting with any opposition. Meanwhile Ramdeo, who had heard of the approach of the invader, had contrived to collect two or three thousand men and to despatch them to Lasura to stay his progress. This small force was easily defeated by the Muhammadan army and was pursued to the gates of Deogir. The Raja took refuge in the citadel, then a place of no strength and undefended even by a ditch. The small garrison was hastily provisioned with some merchandise in sacks, which had been brought by merchants from the Konkan, and abandoned where it lay when they fled on hearing of the approach of the stranger; but the sacks contained salt, not grain. Ala-ud-din meanwhile captured the Brahmans and principal merchants of Deogir and plundered the city, giving out that his troops were no more than the advance-guard of an army of 20,000 Musalmans, which was following him. Ramdeo was now seriously alarmed and opened negotiations with Ala-ud-din. He pointed out to him that the army of Deogir would soon return to the capital and would annihilate the invaders, and that if any escaped they would certainly be cut off by the Rajas of Malwa, Khandesh and Gondwana. Ala-ud-din, who was well aware of the perilous nature of his enterprise, agreed to depart within a fortnight, holding his captives meanwhile as a guarantee for a ransom of 50 maunds of gold, several maunds of pearls, and some valuable stuffs, in addition to 40 elephants, some thousands of horses, and the plunder which he had already collected from the city. In the meantime, Shankar Deo had heard of his father's plight and was returning to the city by forced marches. The treaty had just been concluded when news arrived that he was within six miles of Deogir. Ramdeo sent a message to his son, ordering him not to attack the "Turks," who were terrible men, as he had just concluded a treaty with them. Shankar Deo, whose army outnumbered that of the invaders by two to one, disregarded his father's orders and sent a message to Ala-ud-din ordering him to restore all the plunder that he had taken and leave the kingdom. Ala-ud-din disgraced the messengers by parading them through his camp with their faces blackened, and then, leaving Malik Nusrat with a thousand men to watch Deogir, marched against Shankar Deo. The fight was fiercely contested, and the Musalmans were on the point of retiring, when Malik Nusrat left Deogir without orders and came to his leader's assistance. The Hindus, seeing a fresh force of Musalmans, believed it to be the army of 20,000 horse of which Ala-ud-din had spoken, and broke and fled. Ala-ud-din then returned to the siege of the citadel, put his captives to death, and paraded a number of Ram Deo's relatives, who had been captured in the battle, in chains before the fortress. Ram Deo was on the point of applying for assistance to the neighbouring Hindu chieftains when the sacks of salt were opened and it was discovered that the garrison was absolutely without provisions. The Raja was thus forced to re-open negotiations on terms much less favourable than those which he had first obtained. Ala-ud-din inferred from his anxiety for peace that the garrison was hard pressed, and resolved to make the Hindus suffer for their breach of faith. He now insisted on a ransom of 6oo maunds of gold, 7 maunds of pearls, 2 maunds of other jewels, 1,000 maunds of silver, 4.000 pieces of silk, and a yearly tribute of the revenues of the Ellichpur province, to be despatched annually to Karra. On his part, he agreed to release all his remaining captives and to turn back the mythical army of 20,000 horse. On these terms the Raja of Deogir rid himself of Ala-ud-din for a time, and thus ended one of the most impudent and daring raids known to history. The refugee had paved the way for Muhammadan rule in the Deccan, and with the wealth which he had collected he returned to Hindustan. On his return he murdered his uncle and benefactor, and after a brief conflict which was decided in his favour by means of a lavish but judicious expenditure of Deccan gold, ascended the throne of Delhi. He was not the last Musalman ruler to profit by the truth contained in the Hindu proverb that the legs of Lakshmi were broken after she had crossed the Narbada.

For some time the Ellichpur tribute was regularly remitted, but Ala-ud-din was too much occupied to attend to the affairs of the Deccan, and after an interval of a few years Ram Deo thought that he might safely discontinue the payment of the heavy toll imposed upon him by the adventurer; but he reckoned without his host. Not only did Ala-ud-din the emperor miss the tribute which had been demanded by Ala-ud-din the fugitive, but he soon had other grounds for invading Deogir territory. In an expedition to Gujarat he had captured Kamala Devi, the wife of Raja Rai Karan of that country, and had taken her into his harem. Kamala Devi seems to have been contented with her change of partners, but missed the companionship of her daughters. One had died, but the younger, Deval Devi, a beautiful girl, was sought in marriage by Shankar Deo, the eldest son of Ram Deo. Rai Karan had long refused his consent to the alliance on the score that a Rajputni princess could not degrade herself by marrying a Maratha. When, however, Ala-ud-din, at the instance of Kamala Devi, sent an army to Gujarat in order to compel Rai Karan to despatch his daughter to Delhi. Shankar Deo, without his father's permission, sent to Rai Karan a mission, at the head of which was his younger brother Bhim Deo, and represented that it was better that Deval Devi, should be married to a Hindu prince than that she should fall into the hand of the Turks. Rai Karan saw the force of the argument and made haste to despatch his daughter to Deogir. Ulugh Khan, commander of the imperial troops, hearing of this, attacked Rai Karan with all his force and defeated him, but was too late to prevent the despatch of Deval Devi to Deogir, Rai Karan fled towards Deogir closely pursued by Ulugh Khan. One day, when Ulugh Khan was halted by the bank of a river, probably the Girja, three or four hundred of his men asked for leave to visit the caves of Ellora, near which the camp lay. While they were wandering among the caves a force of Hindus came into sight. The sight-seers, who had their arms with them, believed that this force was one sent against them from Deogir, and formed up to receive it. A fight ensued, in which the Hindus were worsted and fled. The horse of a lady who was with them was wounded by an arrow, and the Musalmans surrounded it and were about to seize her as a prize, when her attendant came forward and entreated them not to dishonour Deval Devi. The Musalmans then learnt that they had had the good fortune to encounter Bhim Deo's mission on its way back from Gujarat. The princess was sent with all honour to Ulugh Khan, who escorted her with his army to Gujarat and thence despatched her to Delhi, where she was married to Khizr Khan, the emperor's son, and became the heroine of one of the most famous love stories of the East.

Meanwhile, the emperor's favourite, Malik Naib Kafur, known as Hazar Dinari, from the price which he had fetched as a slave, had been sent to reduce the Raja of Deogir once more to obedience. Ram Deo was captured and sent to Delhi, where he was well received and highly honoured by Sultan Ala-ud-din. Deogir was restored to him and he received the title of Rai Rayan, with permission to use a white umbrella. For the rest of his life he remained a faithful vassal of Delhi.

There is a conflict of authorities regarding tHe date of these two expeditions to the south under the command of Ulugh Khan and Malik Naib Kafur, and it cannot be determined whether they were despatched in 1302-03 or in 1306-07.

As the Musalmans carried their arms southwards, they made use of Deogir as a base and source of supplies. Thus when Malik Naib Kafur marched in 1309 against the Telinga kingdom of Warangal, Ram Deo assisted him with treasure, elephants and horses. In 1310, when the same general marched through Deogir on his way to Dhorasamudra, the capital of the Hoysala Yadavas of the south. Ram Deo had, according to the historian Barani, who disposes of the Hindu's fate in a Calvinistic spirit, "gone to hell" and Shankar Deo ruled in Deogir. Early in 13 17 Ala-ud-din himself died, or, as was believed, was murdered by Malik Naib Kafur. Khizr Khan, the heir-apparent, had been thrown into prison, and Shahab-ud-din Umar, Ala-ud-din's youngest son, was raised to the throne, but was deposed and blinded in the following year by his brother Qutb-ud-din Mubarak, who ascended the throne. In 1318 Harpal Deo, son-in-law of Ram Deo, was ruling at Deogir, and in the course of the disturbances which followed on Ala-ud-din's death, had thrown off his allegiance to Delhi. In this year Qutb-ud-din Mubarak Shah set forth to chastise him and to recover Deogir. Harpal Deo fled on the emperor's approach but was pursued and captured and was then flayed alive. Thus ended the line of the Yadava Rajas of Deogir.

Qutb-ud-din Mubarak Shah remained during the rainy season at Deogir, engaged in bringing the Maratha country for the first time under Muhammadan rule and in building the great mosque which still stands at Deogir. This structure is a monument of the establishment of Islam in the south. The numerous pillars which support its roof are purely Hindu in design and were evidently taken from some temple which stood on or near the spot where the mosque now stands. The effect of the Hindu carvings in the temple of monotheism is most incongruous, perhaps designedly so, for Qutb-ud-din Mubarak, who was three parts debauchee and one part theologian, evidently intended them to bear witness to future ages of the downfall of Hinduism and the establishment of Islam. The emperor, during his stay in Deogir, established military posts throughout the Gulbarga, Sagar, and Dhorasamudra country, and parcelled out Maliarashtra among Muhammadan jagirdars. Then, after having appointed Malik Yaklaki commander-in-chief ol the army of the Deccan, he returned to Delhi and plunged into the grossest debauchery. His neglect of public business was naturally followed by a loosening of the bonds of authority, and in the Deccan Malik Yaklaki broke out into open rebellion. An army was sent against him and he was taken captive and sent with his principal followers to Delhi, where all were put to death, Malik Yaklaki himself, as the leader of the rebellion, being mutilated before he was executed. Ain-ul-Mulk of Multan was then appointed governor of Deogir, with Malik Taj-ud-din as his assistant. In 1320 Qutb-ud-din Mubarak Shah was murdered by his unworthy favourite Hasan, by birth a low caste Hindu, who had received the title of Khusrav Khan and had been appointed Vazir of the empire by his infatuated master. This infamous wretch now ascended the throne of Dellii under the title of Nasir-ud-din Shah, but the great nobles of the empire could not long endure the domination of the upstart, and later in the same year he was overthrown and executed, Malik Fakhr-ud-din Jauna, a Turki noble, being raised to the throne under the title of Ghiyas-ud-din Tughlaq Shah.

While these events were happening in Delhi, the affairs of the Deccan fell once more into confusion, and in 1321 the new emperor's eldest son, Ulugh Khan, who afterwards ascended the throne as Muhammad bin Tughlaq, was sent to restore order in Deogir and to annex Warangal. The first expedition to Warangal was a failure, and Ulugh Khan was forced to fall back on Deogir, where he halted to restore order in his mutinous army. The Hindus captured the leader of the mutiny, flayed him, and sent his skin to Ulugh Khan. Other officers captured by them were sent alive to tlie prince, who despatched them to Delhi, where they were either impaled or crushed to death by elephants Ulugh Khan remained in Deogir until 1323, when he received reinforcements and set out once more for Warangal, capturing Bidar on his way. Warangal fell on this occasion and received the new name of Sultanpur on its annexation to the empire. Early in 1325 Ghiyas-ud-din Tughlaq Shah died, and was succeeded by his son Muhammad. It was in this emperor's reign that Deogir, now renamed Daulatabad, reached the zenith of its fame. In 1337 the new emperor came to the conclusion that since the Deccan had been added to his dominions, Delhi was no longer sufficiently central to be a suitable capital for the whole empire, and orders were issued declaring that Daulatabad would henceforth be the capital This order did not signify only a transfer of the imperial residence, which would naturally have been followed by a transfer of trade and population A moderate measure of this nature would have accorded ill with Muhammad bin Tughlaq's fiery and impetuous disposition. It was his intention that all that made Delhi what it was, save only its stones, bricks, and mortar, should be bodily transferred to Daulatabad. The emperor made all possible arrangements for the comfort of travellers on the road between the two cities, but no arrangements that could be made were sufficient to prevent unspeakable suffering The inhabitants of Delhi evinced a natural disinclination to leave their homes, and Muhammad bin Tughlaq expelled them by armed force, and drove the wretched and homeless citizens across India to make new homes for themselves in the capital of his choice. One historian says that Delhi was so completely deserted that no sound was heard in it save the cries of wild beasts ; and others tell us that most of the old, the widowed, the weak, and the poor died on the toilsome journey, and that of those who reached their journey's end all were sick at heart and many sick even to death. The most graphic description is that of Ibn Batutah, who thus describes the rigoui with which the tyrant's orders were executed : *' The Sultan ordered all the inhabitants to quit the place ; and upon some delay being evinced, he made a proclamation stating that what person so ever, being an inhabitant of that city, should be found in any of its houses or streets, should receive condign punishment. Upon this they all went out; but his servants finding a blind man in one of the houses and a bed-ridden one in another, the emperor commanded the bed-ridden man to be projected from a balisla and the blind one to be dragged by his feet to Daulatabad, which is at the distance of ten days,* and he was so dragged ; but, his limbs dropping off by the way, only one of his legs was brought lo tl.e place intended, and was then thrown into it, for the orders had been that they should go to this place. When I entered Delhi it was almost a desert. ... Its buildings were very few ; in other respects it was quite empty."

♦Daulatabad is 6io miles distant from Delhi as the crow Hies.. It was certainly during the period of Daulatabad's importance as the new capital of the Indian empire that the works which are its most marvellous feature were undertaken and executed. What these works were, and what labour was expended on them, may best be indicated by a quotation from a later historian, the official chronicler of the reign of Shahjahan, the fifth of the great Mughals. He writes as follows: "This lofty fortress, the ancient names of which were Deogir, and Dharagir, and which is now known as Daulatabad, is a mass of rock which raises its head towards heaven. The rock has been scarped throughout its circumference, which measures 5,000 legal yards, to a depth which ensures the retention of water in the ditch at the foot of the escarpment. The escarpment is so smooth and even that neither an ant nor a snake could scale it. Its height is 140 cubits, and around its base a ditch 40 cubits in width and 30 in depth has been dug in the solid rock. Through the centre of the hill a dark spiral passage, like the ascent of a minar, which it is impossible to traverse, even in daylight, without a lamp, has been cut, and the steps in this passage are cut out of the rock. This passage is closed at the foot of the hill by an iron gate, and after passing through this gate and ascending the passage one enters the citadel. At the head of the passage is a large grating of iron which is shut down in case of necessity, and when a fire is lighted upon it the ascent of the spiral passage becomes impossible owing to the intense heat. The ordinary means of reducing fortresses, such as mines, covered ways, batteries, etc., are useless against this strong fortress."

This accurate description of the works at Daulatabad conveys some idea of the enormous amount of labour expended on them, and from what we know of the methods of Muhammad bin Tughlaq we may assume that exile was not the only, nor perhaps the greatest, hardship which its alien population had to bear. It can have mattered little to them that they dwelt in a city of which the courtly poet laureate sang that the heavens were the anvil of the knocker of its door, that its gates were the eight gates of Paradise, and much more in the same strain of bombastic hyperbole. We know at least that a very large majority of the forced settlers never regarded their new home otherwise than with loathing.

The eccentric tyranny of Muhammad bin Tughlaq produced its inevitable result in the form of rebelHons in almost every quarter of the empire save that in which the presence of the ferocious despot cowed all opposition. In 1341, when a rebellion broke out in the southern peninsula, the emperor set out in person to punish the rebels, but his army had marched no further than Warangal when it was attacked by a pestilence, possibly cholera or small-pox, and was unable to proceed. Muhammad himself was smitten, but made his way back to Daulatabad. At Bid, on his way thither, he suffered from toothache and lost a tooth, which he buried in that town, erecting a domed tomb over it. In Daulatabad he rested until he had recovered from the effects of his illness, and in 1343-44 returned to Delhi, leaving his brother Qutlugh Khan as governor of Daulatabad. Before his departure he issued a proclamation to the effect that those who had been driven from Delhi to Daulatabad might now, if they wished, return. The result of this order was that Daulatabad, after being the capital of the empire for seventeen years, ceased to be so, for even this period had been insufficient to reconcile the wretched exiles to their new abode, and most of them elected to return, despite the prevalence of famine in the country between the two cities, the probability that a large number of those who set out would never reach their destination, and the certainty that those who succeeded would arrive at Delhi empty-handed and destitute.

The history of the troubles of the empire during the period which followed the return to Delhi, and of Muhammad's tyranny in other parts of the empire, forms no part of the history of Daulatabad, which, though largely depopulated and probably far from prosperous, was relieved of the immediate presence of the tyrant.

Shortly afterwards the emperor divided the Maratha country into four provinces under provincial governors, all worthless men. Imad-ul-Mulk, of whom more will be heard, was appointed Vazir at Daulatabad and Commander-in-Chief of the Deccan, Qutlugh Khan being removed from his post in 1 346. Later in the same year a lowbred adventurer, Aziz Himar (^' the ass ") was appointed viceroy of Daulatabad, Malwa, and Dhar with instructions to watch closely the centurions of Daulatabad and other cities, who were the originators of all the insurrections which, from time to time, broke out in the Deccan. A rebellion broke out in Gujarat^ Baroda, and Bahroch, and Aziz marched against the rebels, but was defeated and slain. The emperor then marched against the rebels in person and defeated and dispersed them. After tranquillity had been restored he remained in Gujarat and supervised the collection of the revenues of that province and of Bahroch and Cambay. Thence in 1346 he despatched two nobles to Daulatabad to summon to his presence the centurions of that province. Some of these centurions had Deen concerned in the disorders of the Deccan, and although it does not appear that the emperor had any motive in summoning them other than that of employing them in Gujarat, the officers were apprehensive of evil, and, after moving one marcli out of Daalatabad, toolv counsel together, slew the two nobles who had been sent to summon them, and marched back to the fort. O.i their arrival they imprisoned Maulana Niza n-ud-din, slaw other imperial officers, and broke out into open rebellion. They opened the imperial treasury in the citadel and divided its contents, and then, after being joined by some of the rebel centurions from Gujarat, proclaimed one of their number, Ismail Fath the Afghan, king, under the title of Nasir-ud-din. The emperor, who was in Bahroch. at once marched on Daulatabad, met the rebels in the field, and defeated them after a holly contested battle Ismail Fath and his immediate followers took refuge in the citadel of Daulatabad, while the other rebel officers among whom was Hasan Gangu, dispersed to their y^^/r5. Muhammad bin Tughlaq laid siege to the citadel and gave the town of Daulatabad up to plunder, while he despatched Imad-ul-Mulk, now governor of EUichpur, in pursuit of Hasan Gangu and the other fugitive centurions. After besieging Ismail Fath in the citadel for three months, the emperor received news that rebellion had broken out afresh in Gujarat and at once marched northwards to quell the rebellion taking with him all the unfortunate inhabitants of Daulatabad. Malik Jauhar, Shaikh Burhan-ud-din Bilgrami, and other nobles were left behind to carry on the siege of the citadel, but they were unable to prevent the Deccani amirs from pursuing the imperial army and attacking it with considerable success, and immediately after the emperor's departure the centurions who had dispersed reassembled their troops under the leadership of Hasan Gangu, attacked and slew Imad-ul-Mulk and then marched on Daulatabad. Here they defeated and put to flight the imperial forces which had been left to besiege the citadel and were joined by the titi.lar king of the Deccan, Ismail Fath. The brief nominal reign of Ismail Fath had been far from auspicious, and he had the sense to see that Hasan Gangu was the man of the hour He wisely determined to take time by the forelock and resigned the royal dignity on the plea that he was too old and too fond of his ease to undertake the onerous task of ruhng The amirs agreed to abide by his nomination in the selection of a king, and he proposed Hasan Gangu, entitled Zafar Khan, of the race of Bahman." The proposal was accepted without a dissentient voice, and Hasan ascended the throne in Daulatabad in 1347 under the title of Ala-ud-din Bahman Shah.*

The death of Muhammad bin Tughlaq in 1351 freed the new king of the Deccan from all apprehensions, for Firuz Sliah, Muhammad's successor on the throne of Delhi, was so busily employed in restoring order in the provinces near to his capital that he had no leisure to turn his attention to the south.

It is strange that Ala-ud-din Bahman did not choose as his capital Daulatabad, which had for forty years been the centre of Muhammadan influence and power in Southern India, but whether from attachment to his own Jagir or from a notion that Daulatabad. the importance of which had declined owing to its recent depopulation, was too near the northern border of the Deccan and had been too closely connected with Delhi to be desirable as the capital of his kingdom, he pnssed over its claims and made Gulbarga the capital of the Deccan.

As soon as Ala-ud-din Bahman had consolidated his power he divided his kingdom into four tarafs or provinces, Gulbarga, Daulatabad, Berar, and Bidar. He died on February nth, 1358, and was succeeded by his eldest son, Muhammad I, who completed the organisation of the army. Daulatabad still remained an important city, for each of the four great provincial governors maintained his own army at his capital, besides appointing all the commandants of forts within his province. Each, too, had his distinctive title, the governor of Daulatabad being known as Masnad-i-Ali. Whenever the Sultan declared war against his Hindu neighbours on the south or east, or against his Muhammadan neighbours on the north, the provincial governors were

• Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXXIII, Part I, Extra No I904. summoned to join him with their armies. In 1365-66 Muhammad I

was engaged in a war with Krishna Raya of Vijayanagar. The Hindu was defeated, but the Sultan fell ill during the campaign and reports Of his death obtained credence in various parts of the kingdom. In the absence of the provincial governors with their armies, the government of the provinces had been left in the hands of inferiors, and one Bahram Khan Mazandarani, who had been a favourite of Bahman Shah, seems to have been left in authority at Daulatabad. At the insigation of a Maratha officer named Kondba Deo, he raised the standard of rebellion, and was joined by some of the nobles of Berar. He retained in Daulatabad several years' revenue from Berar and the Maratha country, which was due to the royal treasury, obtained promises of assistance from a petty Hindu chief, and collected a force of 12,000 horse and foot. Muhammad Shah, hearing of these proceedings, sent a letter to Bahram Khan promising him forgiveness if he would repent of his fault, but Bahram Khan, acting on the advice of his evil genius Kondba Deo, paid no attention to the warning and redoubled his efforts to strengthen himself against attack. The messengers returned to the king and informed him of the failure of their mission, and he, on his return to Gulbarga, sent Masnad-i-Ali Khan Muhammad to restore order in his province, and followed him leisurely. The rebels advanced to Paithan on the Godavari to meet Masnad-i-Ali, who advanced without opposition as far as Shivagaon, about 15 miles from Paithan, where the rebels made an inffectual night attack upon his camp. He then prepared to attack them, but first sent a message to Muhammad Shah, who was then hunting in the neighbourhood of Bid, with no more than three hundred troops, apprizing him of his intention. The king, without waiting for his army to join him, pressed on with the small force which he had with him and joined Masnad-i-Ali just as he was about to attack the rebels. The latter, hearing of the Sultan's approach, dispersed, and the leaders fled to Daulatabad, where they prepared to stand a siege; but, being closely followed by the Sultan and Masnad-i-Ali, they could not persuade their troops to resist the royal army. Finding themselves deserted by their followers, they fled towards Gujarat, closely pursued by Masnad-i-Ali. They succeeded, however, in eluding him and crossed the frontier, and ultimately ended their days in exile. Firuz Shah, the eighth king of the Bahmani dynasty, assembled the armies of Daulatabad and Berar in 1398-99, to assist in the expulsion of Deva Raya of Vijayanagar from the Raichur Duab, but no sooner had they joined the Sultan than news arrived that Berar had been overrun from north to south by the Gonds of Kherla, and they were despatched northwards to repel the invaders, but were unequal to the task. Ihe Gonds remained in possession of Berar until Firuz Shah had driven the Hindus from the Duab, and was left at liberty to march to the support of his northern army. In the following year Firuz Shah not only succeeded in driving the Gonds beyond his northern frontier, but sent in pursuit of them an army which defeated Narsingh, the Gond Raja, at the gates of his capital of Kherla.

During the reign of Ahmad Shah Wali, the brother and successor of Firuz Shah, Daulatabad became the base of military operations against the turbulent Rajas of the Konkan, whose depredations called for punishment, and in 1429 the Sultan appointed Khalaf Hasan Basri, the ablest of his servants, to the command of the province. Khalaf Hasan, in the course of an arduous campaign, reduced the refractory chiefs to obedience and enriched his master's treasury with the spoils which he captured from them. Unfortunately^ the lust of conquest led him to attack the island of Bombay, within the territories of Ahmad Shah of Gujarat. His conquest of the island involved the Bahmani kingdom in an unprofitable war with Gujarat, peace being ultimately concluded on the condition that each of the belligerents should retain the possessions which it had held before the capture of Bombay. Meanwhile, Hushang Shah of Malwa had taken advantage of the quarrel between his powerful neighbours, and had seized Kherla, then a recognised fief of the Bahmani kingdom, and put to death the Raja Narsingh. Ahmed Shah Wali was too exhausted by the campaign in the Konkan and the war against Gujarat to punish this act of aggression, and was compelled to leave Kherla in the hands of Hushang on the condition that he refrained from molesting Berar.

In the reigns of the tenth and twelfth kings of the Bahmani dynasty, Daulatabad was again disturbed by war's alarms. Ala-ud-din Ahmad II, the son of Ahmad I, had married Agha Zainab, entitled Malika-i-Jahan, the daughter of Nasir Khan Faruqi, Sultan of Khandesh, but afterwards took into his harem the daughter of the petty Raja of Sangameshvar in the Konkan, giving her the name of Ziba Chiltra, or

• • Beautiful face." Agha Zainab, who was neglected for the Hindu

girl, wrote to her father and complained of her husband's behaviour. Nasir Khan espoused his daughter's cause and resolved to punish his son-in-law, but, well aware that he was not strong enough to attack the Bahmani kingdom single-handed with any hope of success, he prepared his way by corrupting the officers serving in Berar, and as soon as his machinations had met with some measure of success, he followed them up by invading Berar in 1437. The officers who had been won over by Nasir Khan were besieging their governor, the Khan- i-Jahan, in the hill fort of Narnala, and the invaders were left free to advance unmolested in the direction of Daulatabad. Here Khalaf Hasan Basri, who had once more been selected for the command of an expedition, was assembling his forces. He was joined by the Khan-i- Jahan, who managed to effect his escape from Narnala, and marched northwards through Berar, inflicting a crushing defeat on the invaders at Rohankhed. Nasir Khan was pursued to his capital, which was sacked, and the troops of Daulatabad returned with much booty.

In 1461, during the reign of the young king Nizam Shah Bahmani, Mahmud Shah Khalji of Malwa invaded the Deccan and took the capital, Bidar, but was unable to reduce its citadel. The province of Daulatabad was overrun by the invaders, but the old fort held out and once again was a base of military operations against the invaders. Mahmud Shah of Gujarat came to the assistance of the Bahmani king, and in the neighbourhood of Daulatabad joined forces with the soldier-statesman of the Bahmani kingdom, Mahmud Gawan, thus threatening the communications of the invaders, who retreated hastily througli the jungles of the Satpuras closely pursued by Mahmud Gawan. In the following year Mahmud Shah Khalji again invaded the Daulatabad province, but before he could attack its capital he received news that Nizam Shah was advancing against him from the south-east and would probably be joined by Mahmud Shah of Gujarat from the north-west. He had no hope of resisting successfully such a combination, and hastily retreated to Malwa. In 1471 Yusuf Adil Khan, who afterwards founded the Adil Shahi dynasty of Bijapur, was appointed governor of Daulatabad, "than which post there was none higher in the service of the Bahmanis." This appointment was made in the reign of Muhammad III, the thirteenth king of the Bahmani dynasty, and later in the reign a reform which had already been too long delayed was effected. The four original provinces of the kingdom were sub-divided into eight, Daulatabad being divided into the new provinces of Daulatabad and Junnar. The almost regal powers of the tarafdars were also curtailed in other directions. Formerly, all the forts in the provinces had been in the hands of the tarafdars, who appointed and removed the commandants. It was now ordered that only the fort at the capital of each of the provinces should be in the hands of the tarafdar, and that the commandants of all other forts should hold their appointments directly from the Sultan. The nature and effect of this policy have been misapprehended by a modern historian,^[1] who, referring to the dissolution of the Bahmani kingdom, says, "A recent division into large provincial governments hastened the dissolution." This statement is misleading. The kingdom had originally been divided into large provincial governments and the "recent division" referred to was the sub-division of those large governments into smaller ones. This step, though not taken in sufficient time to prevent, did not itself accelerate the dissolution of the kingdom, though an act of injustice committed by Muhammad III, who had the innocent author of the reform put to death, disgusted the more powerful provincial governors. The disruption of the kingdom, however, was due solely to the degeneracy of the later Bahmanis and to their subserviency to ministers whom the provincial governors would not accept as masters.

After the subdivision Malik Hasan Nizam-ul-Mulk was transferred from the government of Telingana to that of Daulatabad, and Yusuf Adil Khan from that of Daulatabad to the new province of Bijapur which had formed part of the old taraf of Gulbarga.

Early in the reign of Mahmud Shah, the son and successor of Muhammad, Hasan Nizam-ul-Mulk, profiting by the absence of Yusuf Adil Khan in Bijapur, acquired a predominance of influence in the capital, and sent his son, Malik Ahmad, to carry on the government of Daulatabad as his deputy. Shortly afterwards, Malik Hasan, who was also known as Malik Naib, died, and his son Ahmad inherited his dignities.

The dynasty founded by Malik Ahmad was connected, as long as it lasted, with Daulatabad. Malik Hasan, or Naib, the father of Ahmad, Is said to have been by birth a Brahman, of a family which had its home in Pathri, in southern Berar, a village which afterwards became, on this account, a bone of contention between the Sultans of Berar and the Sultans of Ahmadnagar ; but the family migrated to Vijayanagar, and Malik Hasan, whose original name was Tima Bhat, was captured as a child in Ahmad Shah Wall's expedition against the Carnatic empire, and was brought up as a Musalman. After his death, when the complete ascendency of Malik Barid at Bidar compelled the provincial governors to assert their independence, Malik Ahmad proclaimed himself king in 1490. At this time Daulatabad was held by two brothers, Malik Vajih-ud-din and Malik Sharaf-ud-din, of whom one was faujdar and the other qaVahdar. They had been brought up by Ahmad's father, but remained, for a time, faithful to the Bahmani king, and ignored Ahmad's pretensions to royalty. But the elder brother, Vajih-ud-din, had married Bibi Zainab, the sister of Ahmad Nizam Shah, and had a son by her. The favour shown by Ahmad Nizam Shah to his brother-in-law and nephew excited the jealousy of Sharaf-ud-din, who, fearing that the boy would ultimately oust him from his appointment, began to plot against the life of Vajih-ud-din and his son. At length, with the help of his followers, he put Vajih-ud-din to death and poisoned his son, and, having thus offended Ahmad Nizam Shah beyond hope of forgiveness, was forced to look for support He entered into correspondence with Fathullah Imad-ul-Mulk of Berar, and Adil Khan Faruqi and Daud Khan Faruqi of Khandesh, and also tendered his homage to Muhammad Shah of Gujarat. Bibi Zainab fled to her brother, then in Junnar, and demanded vengeance on her husband's murderer. Ahmad Nizam Shah set out in 1494 to punish Sharaf-ud-din, but was met on his way by messengers from Qasim Barid, now the maire du palais of the Bahmani king, who reported that their master was besieged in Bidar by Yusuf Adil Shah of Bijapur and implored Ahmad to march to his assistance, promising that Qasim Barid would capture Daulatabad for Ahmad as soon as he was relieved. Ahmad Nizam Shah reheved Qasim Barid and returned by way of Daulatabad. He laid siege to the fort for two months, and then, finding that he had no prospect of success, returned towards Junnar. On his way thither he was attracted by the situation now occupied by Ahmadnagar, and conceived that with his headquarters in this place he would be able to carry off the crops of the Daulatabad country twice every year, as harvest seasons approached, and starve out the garrison of the fortress. He therefore founded, in 1495, the city of Ahmadnagar, and, when it was completed, began his depredations in the neighbourhood of Daulatabad, carrying off as much of the harvest as he could, and burning the rest. He then formed an alliance with FathuUah Imad-ul-Mulk of Berar and Adil Khan Faruqi of Khandesh, and obtained a promise of 2,000 horse from the latter to assist in the reduction of Daulatabad. Adil Khan Faruqi, trusting to the power of his new ally, now withheld the tribute which he had been accustomed to send to his powerful neighbour, Mahmud Shah of Gujarat. Mahmud Shah, annoyed by the defection of his vassal, marched towards the Deccan under pretence of making a tour in the southern district of his kingdom, and Sharaf-ud-din contrived to communicate with him from Daulatabad, and complained bitterly of the persecution to which he was subjected by Ahmad Nizam Shah. Mahmud continued his march southwards with the avowed object of bringing the Sultan of Khandesh to his senses, but with the secret intention of obtaining possession of Daulatabad. The Sultans of Berar, Khandesh, and Ahmadnagar combined to resist the invader, and Ahmad Nizam Shah, by bribing Mahmud Shah's mahout to let his master's elephant loose at night and by simultaneously attacking the camp of the Gujaratis, routed Mahmud's army and forced Mahmud himself to flee. Peace was then concluded and Ahmad returned to Daulatabad. He encamped in the hills above the town and in the neighbourhood of Ellora, leaving his troops in the plains below to invest the fort. Sharaf-ud-din, now seriously alarmed by Ahmad's persistence, contrived to send another message to Mahmud Shah, promising, if the fortress were relieved, to send tribute yearly to Gujarat and to have the khutba read in Mahmud's name in Daulatabad. Mahmud, anxious to retrieve the disgrace of his flight as well as to gain possession of Daulatabad, marched southwards through Khandesh, where he collected arrears of tribute, into Ahmadnagar territory. Ahmad Nizam Shah, hearing of Mahniud's approach, left Daulatabad and returned to Ahmad- nagar, and Sharaf-ud-din, reheved from his apprehensions, had the khutba read in Mahmud Shah's name in the mosque of Qutb-ud-din Mubarak Shah at Daulatabad, and then hastened to join the invader, taking with him valuable presents. Mahmud Shah accepted the presents and re- turned to his own country, leaving only 3,000 Gujarati horse with Sharaf-ud-din, who returned with his reinforcement to Daulatabad, whither he was immediately followed by Ahmad Nizam Shah. The reading of the khutba in the name of Mahmud Shah of Gujarat tiad greatly offended the Daulatabad garrison, which now secretly proffered its allegiance to Ahmad Nizam Shah. Ahmad received the message while he was halting on the Godavari and at once pressed on with two or three thousand light horse to Daulatabad. Sharaf-ud-din at length realised that resistance was hopeless, aud turned his face to the wall. According to one account he died of chagrin and vexation, and according to others he took poison.* Thus in 1500 Ahmad Nizam Shah took possession of the fortress, which formed part of the Ahmadnagar kingdom as long as the Nizam Shahi dynasty lasted. Ahmad then had the fort put into a state of thorough repair and returned in triumph to Ahmadnagar.

In 1540 Burhan Nizam Shah, the son and successor of Ahmad, taking advantage of the confusion prevailing in Bijapur, entered into an alliance with Amir Ali Barid of Bidar, with whom he invaded the territories of Bijapur. The invaders were at first successful, but Ibrahim Adil Shah sought help from Ala-ud-din Imad Shah of Berar who, following the almost invariable policy of the lesser Sultans of the Deccan, the object of which was the preservation of the balance of power, responded to the call. Ibrahim was at the same time joined by his nobles and veniured to take the offensive. Burhan and Amir Ali Barid were defeated and driven northwards through the Bidar domin- ions, and as far as Ahmadnagar. Not venturing to halt even here, they fled to Daulatabad. Here Amir Ali Barid died in 1542, and Burhan, being reduced to extremities, was forced to make peace and to restore

• Khafi Khan in the Mtutlo hnh-nl-L-dmh (Vol. III.) transp(v«'s th.e nam?softhe

l^rpthers making- Sharaf-ud-din Ww ckin and Vajih-ud-din tin- yo.inm-r, and the fratricide all the Bijapur territory which he had conquered in the early days of the war.

For some time after this the history of Daulatabad is uneventful. Murtaza Nizam Shah used the fortress as a prison for his son. Miran Husain, of whom he was jealous. The young prince had been for some time in prison when he was sent for by his father, who pretended that he could no longer endure separation from his son. Murtaza, having, as he thought, got his son into his power, made an attempt to murder him by setting fire to his bedclothes, but the prince escaped with a few bad burns and shortly afterwards retaliated by suffocating his father in the baths.

Towards the end of the sixteenth century the Nizam Shahi kingdom was hard pressed by the Emperor Akbar. Berar was ceded to Delhi in 1595 and peace was concluded, but the imperial troops found a pretext for renewing the conflict in the following year. At length, in July 1599, Bahadur Nizam Shah being then the nominal king and Chand Bibi the actual ruler of Ahmadnagar, prince Daniyal, Akbar's youngest sen, and the Khan-i-Khanan laid siege to Ahmadnagar, which fell about the middle of 1603 after an intermittent siege of four years. The " noble queen " Chand Bibi was put to death by the amirs of Ah- madnagar, and after the fall of the capital Bahadur Nizam Shah was carried off to Gwalior, where, after a long captivity, he ended his days-

The dynasty, however, still remained. After the fall of Ahmad- nagar those nobles who remained faithful to the Nizam Shahi house raised to the throne Murtaza, the son of Shah Ali, one of the sons of Burhan Nizam Shah I, the second king of the dynasty. Shah Ali, whose mother was Mariyam Bibi, a Bijapur princess, had retired to Bijapur, and his son was brought thence and enthroned at Purenda, which became for a short time the capital of the Nizam Shahi kingdom. The new king was accompanied from Bijapur by one of the most remarkable characters in Indian history, Malik Ambar the Abyssinian. Murtaza was a king in name only and Malik Ambar soon possessed himself of the southern and eastern districts of the Nizam Shahi king- dom, while Raju, the Deccani, held the northern districts, including Daulatabad. It is not necessary to recount the circumstances of the inevitable quarrel between Ambar and Raju, or their intrigues with the Khan-i-Khanan and the imperial troops. In 1607 Murtaza Ni^am Shah marched against Raju, who held Daulatabad. Raju was defeated and captured and Daulatabad became the capital of the Nizam Shahi kingdom. Malik Ambar soon acquired the supreme power in the state. It is difficult to say how far he was a faithful servant to his master and how far he fought for his own hand. His position was, in fact, very similar to that of the Barids during the reigns of the later Bahmanis. Despite his intrigues with the Mughals, there is no doubt that the maintenance of the independence of the Muhammadan kingdoms of the Deccan was the object of his life.

Leaving Murtaza II in barren state at Daulatabad, Malik Ambar established himself in his city of Khirki, afterwards named Aurangabad, about eight miles from the old fort. Ambar the black-faced " is frequently mentioned in Jahangir's memoirs as a dangerous enemy. In 161 2 confusion reigned in the imperial army of the Deccan. The Khan-i-A'zam, who held the chief command, was slothful and the principal officers were quarrelling among themselves. In this year an expedition was despatched against Daulatabad. Abdullah Khan was ordered to advance by way of Nasik with an army of 14,000 men from Gujarat, while Raja Man Singh, with another large army, was to march southwards through Berar. The two armies were directed to maintain constant intercommunication and to attack the enemy at Dau- latabad from opposite sides on the same day. The plan was sound, but it failed owing to the jealousy and selfish ambition of Abdullah Khan, who, unwilling to divide with Man Singh the glory of a victory, deliberately neglected to maintain communications with the Berar army, and with his own 14,000 men fell upon Malik Ambar at Daulatabad. He was defeated with great slaughter and driven back to Gujarat, and Man Singh, who had halted to wait for news of his movements, did not know where Abdullah Khan was until he received news of his defeat, upon which he promptly retreated to the neighbourhood of Burhanpur, leaving the whole of Berar in the hands of Malik Ambar. The Deccanis were now in a position to offer terms of peace. Ibrahim Adil Shah II guaranteed the restoration of some of the districts from which the imperial troops had been driven, and early in 161 3 peace was concluded on these terms, Malik Ambar retaining Ahmadnagar. Early in 1616 there was disaffection in Malik Ambar's camp. Some of his principal officers, including the leaders of the Maratha irregulars, betook themselves to Shahnavaz Khan, who was then commanding ihe imperial troops stationed at Balapur in Berar, and offered their services to him. He welcomed them effusively and bestowed on each a horse, an elephant, a robe of honour, and a sum of money, and then, taking the deserters with him, marched against Malik Ambar. Shah- navaz Khan dispersed a small force which opposed him and advanced to within about a day's march of Khirki. Here Malik Ambar, whose troops had been reinforced by contingents from Bijapur and Golconda, made a stand, but was defeated, and on the following day the imperial troops entered Khirki, which they first laid waste and then renamed Fathabad, " the town of victory." Shahnavaz Khan found it impossible to hold a position so advanced as Khirki, and after a short stay in the town retreated to Rohankhed in Berar.

In 1617 Sultan Khurram, afterwards the emperor Shahjahan, recovered Ahmadnagar and many other forts which had been recaptured by the Deccanis from the imperial troops, but Daulatabad remained the capital of the tottering Nizam Shahi dynasty. Later in this year Malik Ambar set himself to deal with those who had deserted him and joined the imperial army. He succeeded in detaching Adam Khan, the Abyssinian, from his allegiance to the emperor and imprisoned him in Daulatabad until he found it convenient to put him to death ; but his troops sustained a defeat while they were attempting to capture Uda Ram, another of the renegades.

In 1620, during Jahangir's absence in Kashmir, Malik Ambar once more embarked on a war against the imperial troops, and besieged Khanjar Khan in Ahmadnagar. Darab Khan inflicted a defeat on Ambar's troops, but the imperial army was so beset by the Maratha horse, which cut off all supplies, that it retreated to Balapur, pursued by Malik Ambar. He was worsted in a skirmish in the neighbourhood of Balapur, but by this time the Deccanis had overrun so much of the imperial dominions that Shahjahan was once more appointed to the army of the Deccan. Although Malik Ambar had collected an army of 60,000 horse, the imperial army had advanced, before the arrival of Shahjahan, as far as Mehkar, which now became the prince's headquarters. The Deccanis were three times defeated in the open field, but the imperialists could not profit by their victories, for they were continually harassed by the Maratha horse and were again compelled to retreat to Balapur. Hither the Marathas followed them and reduced them to such a plight by cutting off their supplies that many were fain to desert to Malik Ambar and the rest were compelled to retreat to Burhanpur, leaving Berar and Khandesh once more in the hands of Malik Ambar. At the end of the year, Shahjahan was again despatched with large reinforcements to the Deccan, and, after defeating the Deccanis, who hemmed in the imperial army at Burhanpur, pursued them as far as Khirki. Malik Ambar had barely time to remove Murtaza Nizam Shah for safety to Daulatabad before Shahjahan arrived. Khirki was captured and so laid waste that " the city which had taken twenty years in the building would not be restored for twenty years to come." Shahjahan then raised the siege of Ahmadnagar, and, after receiving promises of submission from Malik Ambar, who agreed to restore all the country captured from the Mughals, together with other districts yielding a revenue of fourteen crores of rupees, and to pay an indemnity of fifty lakhs of rupees, withdrew to Berar. Soon after this Shahjahan rebelled against his father, but was defeated and forced to flee to the Deccan, where he took refuge, in the Qutb Shahi dominions. In 1624 Mahabat Khan, Jahangir's general, sent a force to the Balaghat to receive the envoy of Ibrahim Adil Shah II, and Malik Ambar, hearing of its approach, placed his family in Daulatabad and fled with Murtaza Nizam Shah to Kandhar in the Qutb Shahi dominions, leaving Khirki undefended. He then entered into correspondence with Muhammad Qutb Shah, and demanded from him two years' arrears of the annual contribution which he had formerly agreed to pay towards the expenses of the army maintained to oppose the imperial forces. The money was paid and the treaty was renewed, and Malik Ambar then turned his attention to Ibrahim Adil Shah, who had entered into a treaty with Jahangir and had in return been nominated by him governor of the whole of the Deccan. Bidar, which had since the fall of the Barid Shahi dynasty been included in the Adil Shahi dominions, was plundered, and Malik Ambar then advanced and besieged Ibrahim in his capital of Bijapur. Ibrahim appealed to the imperial governor at Burhanpur for help, which was sent, and Malik Ambar had the effrontery to send a message deprecating interference and alleging that the quarrel between him and Ibrahim Adil Shah was a private matter which the parties should be left to settle between themselves. The reinforce- ments, however, continued to advance, and Malik Ambar withdrew from Bijapur. When the Bijapuris and their allies approached his position and demanded that he should retreat, he put them off with excuses, at the same time expressing contrition and humbling himself, thereby inducing his enemies to believe that he would not fight. Having thus misled them, he fell upon them and utterly defeated them, slaying their commander and capturing several imperial officers. He then laid siege to Ahmadnagar, but abandoned the siege almost immediately and invested Bijapur and Sholapur, at the same time ravaging the Bij apur territories. Sholapur fell and Malik Ambar despatched Yaqut Khan, his fellow- countryman, with a large army to besiege Burhanpur, Yaqut Khan received assistance from Shahjahan, who was still in rebellion, and captured the city of Burhanpur, but was unable to reduce the citadel, which held out until news of the approach of Sultan Parviz and the Khan-i-Khanan arrived, when the Deccanis retired.

In 1626 Malik Ambar died in the eightieth year of his age. Jahan- gir, who never mentioned him when Uving without undignified abuse, did justice to his memory thus: — '* Ambar, whether as a commander or as a strategist, was without an equal in the military art. He kept the bad characters of that country (scil. the Deccan) in perfect order, and to the end of his days lived in honour. There is no record else- where in history of an Abyssinian slave attaining to such a position as was held by him."

In the same year Yaqut Khan, who had been deputed by Malik Ambar to besiege Burhanpur, and Fath Khan, Malik Ambar's son submitted in Jalna to the imperial governor, Sarbuland Rai. Their accession to the imperial cause was welcomed and they were well received. Yaqut soon rose to be a commander of 5,000, but after a time returned to his old allegiance. Fath Khan's submission was even shorter lived than that of Yaqut, for in the same year he was despatched by Murtaza Nizam Shah, who still retained in Daulatabad the semblance of sovereignty, on an expedition towards Berar, and the Khan-i-Jahan had to be sent by the emperor to the defence of Burhanpur. Murtaza Nizam Shah now appointed as his minister Hamid Khan, another Abyssinian, and fell completely under his influence. Hamid Khan, well aware of the venality of the imperial officers, utilised to some purpose such revenue as could be collected. A present of twelve lakhs of rupees was sufficient to induce the Khan-i- Jahan not only to refrain from attacking Daulatabad, but also to surrender to Murtaza Ahmadnagar and the Balaghat of Berar. The treachery of '^ that faithless Afghan," as his master termed him, was partly neutralised by the refusal of the faithful commandant, Sipahdar Khan, to surrender Ahmadnagar without an imperial fartnan ; and he held out successfully against the Deccanis, but the officers in the Bala-ghat surrendered their commands and retired to Burhanpur. The Khan-i-Jahan, henceforward known as Pira the Afghan, deserted to Murtaza Nizam Shah, and was soon afterwards captured and executed. Hamid Khan's wife, the daughter of a ** foreigner," was a woman of great ability and unbounded energy. She obtained access to the harem of Murtaza Nizam Shah and soon became the recognised means of communication between the effeminate and luxurious king and his subjects. Ibrahim Adl Shah II, conceiving that he might now with impunity take vengeance for the past on the kingdom of Ahmadnagar, prepared to invade it. When the news of his approacli reached Daulatabad, Hamid Khan's wife solicited for herself the command of the Nizam Shahi army, supporting her strange request by an ingenious argument. If she were victorious, she said, the Bijapuris would henceforth hide their heads for shame ; while if they were victorious they could only boast that they had triumphed over a woman. The lady's request was granted, and she justified the unusual appointment. She cajoled the officers and distributed largesse to the soldiers, and in the end she utterly defeated the Bijapuris, capturing all their elephants and artillery.

In 1627 Jahangir died, and the sick man at Daulatabad had rest for a while, but all the garrisons in tlie Balaghat were surrendered to the imperial troops. In 1629 Shahjahan resolved to put an end to the Nizam Shahi dynasty, and at the end of that year, by which time many of the Nizam Shahi officers had deserted to the imperial army, set out for Burhanpur, and early in 1630 sent an army to invade the Nizam Shahi dominions. Fath Khan, the son of Malik Ambar, now murdered Murtaza Nizam Shah, and placed his son Husain on the throne. At the same time he sent a message to the imperial camp and assured Shah- jahan that he had carried out this measure solely in his interests. The truth, however, seems to have been that Fath Khan was not satisfied with the extent of his influence over Murtaza, and caused him to be murdered with the object of governing Daulatabad in the name of Husain. At all events the imperial army was not withdrawn, and ultimately drove Husain Nizam Shah and his followers into Daulatabad. Once again, however, the Mughals were compelled by scarcity of supplies to retreat. In February 1632 Vazir Khan, commander of five thousand, was sent from Court to reduce the fortress of Daulatabad, but immediately after his departure Sayyid Abu-1-Fath, the agent of Fath Khan, arrived at Court and reported that Abd-ur-Rasul, Fath Khan's eldest son, was following him with a large quantity of jewels and elephants. Vazir Khan was accordingly recalled, and Abd-ur- Rasul arrived at Court and presented thirty elephants, nine horses, and jewels to the value of eight lakhs of rupees Meanwhile the Mughal army of the Deccan was engaged against Bijapur in operations which ended in the conclusion of a treaty of peace. Shahjahan, in return for the offering which Fath Khan had sent by his son, transferred to him some jagirs which had formerly been included in the Nizam Shahi dominions but had since been assigned by the Mughals to Shahji, the father of Shivaji. Shahji, as soon as he heard of the transfer of his jagirs, entered the service of Ibrahim Adil Shah 11, of Bijapur, and late in 1632 persuaded that ruler to let him lead the army of Bijapur against Fath Khan in order that he might recover his lost lands and capture Daulatabad. Fath Khan, on hearing of the approach of the Bijapuris, sent a message to Mahabat Khan, the Khan-i-Khanan, who was then in Burhanpur, imploring him to assist him and promising that if the fort were saved by the imperial troops, he would surrender it to the Khan-i- Khanan and personally make his submission at the imperial court. The Khan-i-Khanan was not the man to miss the opportunity of obliterating the last traces of Nizam Shahi independence, and at once sent Sayyid Khan-i-Jahan, who had succeeded Pira Lodi in that title, to Daulatabad, and followed him in January, 1633. The Khan-i-Jahan found the army of Bijapur in the neighbourhood of Khirki, fell upon it and utterly defeated it, pursuing the fugitives for ten or twelve miles, and then returned to his camp near Khirki.

Affairs now took a turn which entirely changed the aspect of the operations. The officers of the army of Bijapur approached Fath Khan with a proposal that he should join them against the Mughals, promising on their part to victual Daulatabad, where supplies were much needed. Fath Khan, with almost incredible treachery and ingrati- tude, accepted the offer, and the Bijapuris occupied Nizampur, a mile or two from Daulatabad, and attempted to convey food and forage into the fort. The Khan-i-Zaman, acting under the orders of the Khan-i- Khanan, now made an attempt to induce Fath Khan to adhere to his original compact, but without success. Meanwhile, the main body of the Bijapuris again advanced, and were defeated and pursued for some miles, and the force which was attempting to victual Daulatabad was driven out of Nizampur. In this village the Khan-i-Zaman now took up his quarters and began the investment of the fortress, which was completed by the Khan-i-Khanan, who advanced from Zafarnagar and occupied the Nizam Shahi palace in Nizampur. The Khan-i-Zaman was then placed in command of a flying column of 5,000 horse with instructions to prevent any communications between the garrison and the Bijapuris. Yaqut Khan the Abyssinian, who, as has been said, had deserted from the Nizam Shahi service and now held a command in the imperial army, attempted more than once to convey supplies to the besieged, but these were intercepted on each occasion, and when at length his treachery was discovered, he fled from the camp and joined the army of Bijapur. Three attempts were then made by the Bijapuris to convey grain into Daulatabad, but the convoy was attacked on each occasion and the grain fell into the hands of the victors. On the other hand the army of Bijapur, now encamped at Khirki, did its utmost to cut off supplies from the besiegers, and Turkman Khan, the thanadar of Zafarnagar, was unable to push supplies through to the army before Daulatabad. The Bijapuris took the field and would have captured the convoy had not the Khan-i-Zaman been despatched with a small force to its rescue. He attacked and defeated the Bijapuris who, in the course of their flight towards Khirki, fell in with a small force which had been sent to the assistance of the Khan-i-Zaman, on seeing which they concluded that the whole of the Khan-i-Khanan's army was scattered and that its camp might be des- troyed. They therefore turned towards Daulatabad, only to be met by the force which they had seen near Khirki and which had withdrawn to- wards tlie main body. The Bijapuris then retired discomfited to Khirki and the Khan-i-Zaman escorted the Zafarnagar convoy to the Khan-i- Khanan's camp. After the failure of this attempt to cut off the besiegers' supplies, the Bijapuris made another determined effort to convey grain to the defenders, but the grain, as well as a quantity of other booty, was captured by the Khan-i-Zaman, who then fell upon and plundered the camp of the Bijapuris. During his absence Fath Khan made a sortie from the fort, but was repulsed. The imperial army now suffered from want of grass and firewood, and the Khan-i-Zaman was sent out with a force to collect supplies of both. During his absence the Bijapuris attacked the camp at Nizampur, but were repulsed with loss, and the Khan-i-Zaman returned with the grass and fuel.

The next episode of the siege was the explosion of a mine which destroyed 28 yards of the curtain and 12 yards of the bastion in the enceinte of Ambarkot, the outer fort, beneath which it was exploded. The explosion was mistimed by some hours, and when it occurred the storming party was not ready. The Bijapuris attacked the besiegers and fully occupied the attention of the Khan-i-Zaman's flying column, so adding to the confusion that before the storming party could assemble the breach was partly repaired, and the defenders, who rapidly concen- trated at the vulnerable point in their defences, were able to pour upon the storming party, when it at length advanced to the assault, a fire so galling that the assailants fled to their trenches and steadfastly refused to move from them. The Khan-i-Khanan, smarting with chagrin, was with difficulty dissuaded by Nasiri Khan from leading a second assault in person, a duty which was ultimately assigned to Nasiri Khan himself at his urgent request. The Deccanis at first offered a most stubborn resistance and the carnage was great, but gradually the determination of the picked men led by Nasiri Khan prevailed, and the Deccanis withdrew behind the walls of Mahakot, their second line of defence, leaving Ambarkot in the hands of the besiegers. Meanwhile, the Khan-i-Zaman had been engaged with the Bijapuris without the walls, and the fight had lasted until the latter heard of the fall of Ambarkot, when they broke and fled. On the following day the Khan-i-Khanan transferred his headquarters from the Nizam Shahi palace in Nizanipur to Yaqut Khan's house within the walls of Ambarkot, and henceforth personally directed all tlie operations of the siege, leaving the Khan-i-Zaman and his flying column to deal with the Bijapuris beyond the walls. This was no light task, for Rindula Khan, who was now commanding the army of Bijapur, had arranged to send troops into Berar and Telingana to prevent the despatch of supplies to the besiegers, and the flying column was charged with the duty of acting against such detachments wherever they might be found.

Three days after the fall of Ambarkot, Rindula Khan and Shahji with 3,000 horse and a large force of foot, escorting a convoy, came into sight. Their object was to convey grain as far as the ditch of Ambarkot and to deposit it there for the besieged Deccanis, who were by this time reduced to feeding upon the hides of dead horses and cattle. The Khan-i-Khanan, on receiving information of this design, placed two forces in ambush, one within and one without the gate near which the grain was to be left. When the attempt to deliver the grain was made the troops in ambush attacked simultaneously those who had brought the grain and those who expected to receive it, putting both parties to flight and capturing the supply. The besiegers were now approaching the defences of Mahakot, and Fath Khan sent his family to the citadel, Balakot, above the escarpment. Hitherto he had been assisted in the defence by about two hundred Bijapuris among whom was the uncle of Rindula Khan.

This small force, which had hitherto shared the privations of the garrison and now foresaw that the fall of Daulatabad was inevitable, secretly made terms with the Khan-i-Khanan, who agreed to allow them to depart to Bijapur. Precautions were taken to conceal their defection from Fath Khan and they left the fortress by night, descending a rope made fast to one of the battlements. All were kindly received by the Khan-i-Khanan, who found a use for them. They were made the bearers of a message to Ibrahim Adil Shah II, who was warned to desist from further opposition to the imperial army in its operations against Daulatabad. The Khan-i-Khanan added that he was expecting reinforce* ments which would enable him to bring the siege of Daulatabad to an early conclusion, and that unless the alliance between Bijapur and Fath Khan terminated immediately, the imperial troops would invade Bijapur* territory as soon as the cessation of the rains rendered the movement of troops possible.

After the despatch of these deserters to Bijapur, the siege was resumed with vigour. Rindula Khan and Shahji were now with the army of Bijapur on the hills above EUora, and the Khan-i-Khanan found it necessary to post a large force at Kaghazipura to prevent any attempt to victual the fortress. The Khan-i-Zaman was in Zafarnagar ready to move in any direction to the assistance of convoys for the imperial army. He received information that a quantity of treasure and supplies had beeil despatched from Burhanpur by way of Rohankhed, and that the Bijapuris were preparing to make a descent on the convoy. He therefore marched towards Rohankhed to escort the convoy to its destination, leaving in Zafarnagar only a small force under Ahmad Khan Niyazi. Ahmad Khan Was at once attacked by the Bijapuris but held his ground until reinforcements arrived and finally defeated his assailants with great slaughter. The Khan-i-Zaman now brought the convoy safely into Zafarnagar, and the Bijapuris, notwithstanding their defeat, resolved to make a final effort to prevent it from reaching the besieging army. The Khan-i- Khanan sent large reinforcements under Nasiri Khan and Jagraj to the Khan-i-Zaman, and when the latter, advancing from Zafarnagar, reached Khirki and was attacked by Rindula Khan, Yaqut Khan, and Shahji, he routed the Bijapuris and escorted the supplies and treasure, consisting of 20,000 ox-loads of corn, six lakhs of rupees, and 100 maunds of powder, to the army besieging Daulatabad.

On May 25, 1633, Morari Pant arrived with a fresh force from Bijapur and joined Rindula Khan and Shahji at Ellora, inspiring their army with fresh confidence. The Khan-i-Zaman, who was sent to Kag- hazipura to prevent a descent on the besieging force, was attacl<ed by night and was unable to repulse his assailants until the morning, when, having received reinforcements, he fell upon the Bijapuris and pursued them for many miles. On the same da}? Khudawand Khan and Sidi Salim/ two of Husain Nizam Shah's principal officers, deserted from: Daulatabad and were well received by the Khan-i-Khanan. On June 3 the Bijapuris made their most determined attempt to raise the siege. Morari Pant, leaving Rindula Khan and Shahji to hold the Khan-i-Zaman in check, marched against the Khan-i-Khanan. The latter, believing that he had the whole of the army of Bijapur arrayed against him, ordered the Khan-i-Zaman to join him, but that officer was engaged with Rindula Khan and Shahji and could not at once assist his chief, and the Khan-i-Khanan, keeping a small force to guard the trenches in Ambarkot, despatched the greater part of his troops to meet Morari Pant and Yaqut Khan. Meanwhile, these two generals marched down from the hills and interposed their army between the troops which had been sent to attack them and the small force which the Khan-i- Kharian had kept with himself. The Khan-i-Khanan, being reinforced by a detachment which was sent to his aid by the Khan-i-Zaman, fell- upon the enemy and was joined at the same time by some of the troops which he had detached. The Bijapuris were defeated and put to flight, while fresh corps of the imperial troops continued to arrive on the field, and were desptached to report on the movements of the retreating enemy. They reported that the Bijapuris had rallied and were preparing to attack Luhrasp, who had been the first to be sent against them and had marched far from the imperial camp. A small body of the imperial troops was cut up by a force of Bijapuris which was lingering near the scene of its defeat, but this episode had no effect on the general result of the day's fighting. The Khan-i-Khanan was pressing on to the assistance of Luhrasp, when he came suddenly on a large force of Bijapuris under Yaqut Khan, Ambar, and Kheloji. This force was lying in ambush in .a nala while Morari Pant with another force was attempting to entice Luhrasp within striking distance of the ambuscade. The Khan-i-Khanan at Once fell upon this force and defeated it. The flight of the Bijapuris was interrupted by another nala which threw them into great confusion. The pursuers cut their way through the seething mass to where Yaqut Khan was. He was valiantly defended by his Habashis, but their valour was fruitless, for they were gradually beaten back, and their master, the doubly-dyed traitor, was slain. The Habashis again returned to the charge, intent on recovering his body, but were again

beaten back, and the body was carried off by the imperial troops. The pursuit of the flying Bijapuris was then continued for two miles with

great slaughter, until Nasiri Khan, who had been with the Khan-i-Jahan, arrived on the scene and reported the enemy had been every where vanquished, thus relieving the Khan-i-Khanan of his anxiety for the Khan-i-Jahan and Luhrasp.

On the following day (June 4) the Khan-i-Zaman was ordered to withdraw from Kaghazipura, where his presence was no longer neces- sary since Morari Pant had retreated to Khirki, and to occupy Nizampur, in order that the imperial troops might not again be attacked in detail. Rindula Khan and Shahji, finding the plateau deserted, returned and encamped there and threw rockets among the besiegers at night. A force was despatched to hold them in check for the night, and on the morning of June 5 they were attacked and defeated with much slaughter and the loss of many prisoners and horses. On this day the Khan-i- Khanan ordered that a mine which had been run under the enceinte of Mahakot should be fired. Fath Khan, hearing of this, sent a message to the Khan-i-Khanan saying that he could not surrender without consuiting the Bijapuris, and begging that the firing of the mine might be tielayed one day in order that he might inform them that his supplies had failed and that he could hold out no longer. The Khan-i-Khanan refused to countermand his original order unless Fath Khan sent his son as a hostage, and as this condition was not accepted the mine was fired. On this occasion the storming party was ready, and as soon as the charge exploded, destroying a bastion and fifteen yards of the curtain, rushed forward, undeterred by the deadly fire poured upon them by the defenders. The imperial troops made good their position in Mahakot and opened trenches against Balakot, to which the defenders were now confined. Morari Pant, hearing of the fall of Mahakot, made a demonstration against the besiegers, but the Khan-i-Zaman and Nasiri Khan attacked him and put him to flight.

At this time a Nizam Shahi noble, Mahaldar Khan, sent a message to the Khan-i-Khanan offering to submit to the emperor and to surrender his fort of Trimbak to any officer who might be appointed to command it. He was informed that he could better serve the imperial cause and earn the imperial favour by making a descent on Baizapur, where, the treasure of Rindula Khan and Shahji was stored, and where Hie latter's family was lodged. Mahaldar Khan reached Baizapur without opposition and captured the wife and daughter of Shahji and a large quantity of supplies and treasure, including 400 horses, 100,000 hufis and much personal property belonging to Shahji, and property valued at 12,000 hims belonging to Rindula Khan. The Klian-i-Khanan compli- iiiented Mahaldar Khan on his success and ordered him to place Shahji's wife and family in safety with the commandant of the fort of Kalna, recently captured by the imperial troops, and to join the imperial army.

Fath Khan now realised that he could hold out no longer and sent his eldest son, Abdur Rasul Khan, to the Khan-i-Khanan, praying for a week's time in which to convey his and his sovereign's families to a place of safety and for the means of conveying them and the expensed ^f their journey. Abdur Rasul Khan was to remain meanwhile as a hostage with the imperial army. The Khan-i-Khanan generously placed his own elephants and palkis at the disposal of Fath Khan and Husain Nizam Shah and supplied them with more than a million rupees for expenses. Fath Khan then sent the keys of the fort to the Khan-i- Khanan and made preparations for the journey of his family, while the gates were guarded by the imperial troops. On Monday, June 28, 1633, Fath Khan and Husain Nizam Shah came forth and the imperial army occupied the citadel of Daulatabad. Thus, after a siege of more than four months, *• the nine forts of Daulatabad, whereof five are on the plain and four on the slopes of the hill, with many guns and other material of war, lead, powder, grenades, and rockets, fell into the hands of the leaders of the host of the glorious empire." The drums of victory were beaten and the khittba was read in the mosque of Qutb-ud-din Mubarak Shah in the name of the emperor Shahjahan. Abdul Hamid Khan Lahori, whose description of the fort has already been quoted, records that no conqueror had hitherto been able " to cast the noose of contrivance over the battlement of subjection " at Daulatabad, and ex- plains the Khan-i-Khanan's success. In the year before that in which the siege was undertaken the failure of the rains caused a famine in the Deccan, and when the siege began, Daulatabad, as we have seen, was scantily victualled. Had supplies been sufficient the imperial army could never have effected an entry mto Balakot, the upper fort. The failure of the rains and the consequent famine are of course attributed to the intervention of Heaven on behalf of Shahjahan.

After the fall of Daulatabad the Khan-i-Khanan, leaving the Khan- i-Dauran with a small force to hold the fortress, set out for Zafarnagar On his way to Burhahpur, taking Husain Nizam Shah and Fath Khan with him. Morari Pant and Rindula Khan not only harassed the army on its march to Zafarnagar, but invested Daulatabad, where very little grain had been left, and occupied the siege-works of the imperial army. During the Khan-i-Khanan's halt at Zafarnagar they attempted to obtain favourable terms of peace and sent Farhad, the father of Rindula Khan, as an envoy to the Khan-i-Khanan. The latter, however, refused to treat, and Farhad returned mortified to his son's camp. As soon as the Khan-i-Khanan continued his march northward the Bijapuris invested Daulatabad more closely, but the Khan-i-Dauran made several sorties, in each of which he inflicted severe loss on them, and his distress jvas relieved by the cultivators whom he had wisely conciliated, and .who now supplied him with grain to the best of their abihty. . The Khan-i-Khanan, conceiving that this second siege of Daulatabad was likely to become a serious affair, turned back, but the Bijapuris would not await his return, and fled by way of Nasik and Trimbak to the Adil Shahi territories. The Khan-i-Khanan, after provisioning Daulatabad, resumed his journey to Burhanpur. Husain Nizam Shah and Fath Khan were sent to court, whence the former was sent as a state prisoner to Gwalior, where his cousin Bahadur Nizam Shah had been immured since the fall of Ahmadnagar thirty years before. Fath Khan was given an appointment in the imperial service and received a present of two lakhs of rupees, but did not live long enough to requite this generous treatment. An old wound in the head affected his brain and shortly afterwards caused his death.

On February 3, 1636, Shahjahan visited Daulatabad and spent the following Nanruz festival there, while his generals were engaged in consolidating his rule in the country which had formerly owned allegiance to the Nizam Shahi kings. During his sojourn in Daulatabad he built the fine baradari which is still a conspicuous object near the summit of the hill, and early in the following year he marched to Mando and thence returned to Burhanpur. As soon as he had left the Deccan the Bijapuris overran the whole of the Nizam Shahi country and even Berar, as far as Burhanpur, but Daulatabad stood fast and Muhammad Adil Shah of Bijapur was ultimately compelled to make peace with the Khan-i-Dauran.

When Aurangzib resided in the Deccan as viceroy he made Khirki, which had been renamed Fathabad, his capital, and again renamed it Aurangabad; but Daulatabad still remained the principal fortress in his viceroyalty, and when he marched northward, in 1658, to seize the

throne of Delhi, he left his second son, Muhammad Mu'azzam, to defend

Aurangabad, but placed his wives and his youngest son Akbar in Dau- latabad for safety.

After the fall of Bijapur and Golconda Aurangzib used Daulatabad as a state prison for Sikandar Adil Shah and Abul Hasan Qutb Shah. The remains of the prison house of the latter, known as the Chini Mahal, are still to be seen. After the cruel execution of Shivaji's son Sambhaji in 1689, his mother and daughter were imprisoned in Daulatabad. . Since that time the history of Daulatabad has been uneventful. Since 1724, the year in which the battle of Shakarkhelda or Fathkhelda was fought, it has been included in the dominions of the Nizams of Hyderabad, though it passed for a time into the hands of the Marathas, and the old fort is now garrisoned by a small guard, while the once populous capital of India has dwindled down to one or two hamlets within the walls. At the village of Kaghazipura in the hills above the fort the paper for which Daulatabad was once famous is still made.

The principal mosque in the fort, that constructed by Qutb-ud-din Mubarak Shah from the remains of Hindu temples has already been described. Apart from the citadel itself, the most striking building at Daulatabad is a high column known as the Chand Minar, at the base of which is a small mosque containing a long and bombastic inscription on the most contemptible Persian doggerel. This inscription records the fact that the column and the mosque were built by one Malik Parviz, the son of Qaranfal, who apparently held a jagir in Daulatabad, in the year 1445, in the reign of Ala-ud-din Ahmad II, of the Bahmani dynasty. The builder is not mentioned in history, but from his title and his father's name it may be presumed that he was an Abyssinian slave, a supposition which coincides with his evident ignorance of Persian. Aurangzib lies buried, surrounded by the tombs of saints, in the small town of Khuldabad or Rauza in the hills above Daulatabad, and at the outskirts of the same town is the humble grave of his victim Abul Hasan Qutb Shah, the last king of Golconda.

1. See Mediœval India under Muhammadan Rule ("Story of the Nations" series), by Stanley Lane-Poole, p. 184.