History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 5/Chapter 8

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER VIII.

 

THE PASTRY WAR.

 

1838-1839.

Foreign Reclamations — French Demands — Ultimatum and Blockade — Federalist Agitation — Admiral Baudin Appears on the Scene — Conference at Jalapa — The Mexican Gibraltar — Bombardment and Fall of San Juan de Ulúa — Mexico Declares War — Expulsion of Frenchmen — Descent on Vera Cruz — Santa Anna Poses as a Hero and Martyr — Critical Condition of the Government — The Ministry of Three Days — Santa Anna Called to Assist Bustamante — English Mediation — Arrangement with Baudin — Disappointing Result of the French Expedition

And now comes the first brush with a foreign power, the penalty of a marked national failing, unfulfilled promises. In course of the ever-increasing number of pronunciamientos, with their attendant wars and outbreaks, foreigners suffered in common with the natives in person and property, with the difference that while the latter cried in vain to a protecting government for relief, the former invoked the aid of ministers and consuls to press for goodly solace. If the diplomatic agent represented a powerful nation, he generally succeeded in obtaining a profusion of—promises; sometimes in the shape of formal assignment of compensation; but the fulfilment was only too frequently thwarted by change of rulers and an empty exchequer.

Prominent among claimants were a number of Frenchmen, with several heavy demands dating from, the time the Parian was sacked in 1828, notably one by a baker whose pastry had tempted the mob—a circumstance which the bantering Mexicans seized upon to ridicule the whole affair as the pastry claims. In 1827 the French government had formed a provisional agreement with Mexico for a treaty of amity, assuring for its subjects the same guaranties as had been granted to those of favored nations. Steps were taken at different times for the conclusion of the treaty, without effect, mainly because the French objected to submit to forced contributions,^[1] and to the option of the Mexican authorities to suspend the privilege of retail trading. Even the provisional convention had not been sanctioned by the congress, and this defect was used by the government as additional excuse for deferring the subject.

France finally lost patience, and seeing no attempt made even to examine the claims, her representative, Baron Deffaudis, took his departure January 16, 1838, leaving the legation to a chargé d'affaires. At Vera Cruz he received despatches confirming his attitude,^[2] and inducing him to instruct French residents in the country to form an inventory of their effects. The significance of such steps could not be misunderstood, and they were placed beyond all doubt by the arrival of a French squadron under Bazoche, in March, from on board of which Deffaudis dictated an ultimatum,^[3] demanding the payment by April 15th of $600,000 in settlement of the reduced claims without interest, the removal of certain offending officials, and the observance of favorable reciprocity toward French residents, with exemption from forced contributions or any peremptory interference with their retail trading. The government replied on the 25th of March that the national honor could not admit a favorable consideration of the document unless the squadron retired. This dignified though somewhat abrupt answer received the approval of the congress, which that very night met in extraordinary public session to listen with tumultuous disapproval to the ultimatum.^[4] It was not expected that France would be able to carry out her threats in view of the approaching yellow-fever season along the coast and the subsequent northers, which must play havoc with both ships and crews, as indeed they did.^[5]

No satisfaction being tendered, Bazoche on April 16th declared diplomatic relations suspended^[6] and the ports under blockade, a measure dictated, he said,

not against the nation, but against the government. This announcement was intended, while soothing the masses, to strengthen the opposition to Bustamante; and not without success, for the federalists grew more confident as they saw the supreme authorities becoming involved. Pronunciamientos increased in every direction, under the wing of Guzman in Michoacan, under Olarte in the mountains of Puebla and adjoining provinces, breaking out with particular force in Tampico, and under Urrea in Sonora and the region southward;^[7] besides which the Texan question came looming up again. Chiapas was threatened with a Guatemalan invasion,^[8] and San Luis Potosí with military mob rule, due partly to an impoverished treasury that could not provide pay for the troops or means to execute the plans of the cabinet. The president had to ask permission to contract fresh loans for meeting the difficulty, and received special powers.^[9] Orders were issued to strengthen the coast defences. Additional troops were levied and several volunteer corps formed,^[10] but in so spasmodic and unsatisfactory a manner as to evoke an outcry from several quarters.^[11] The government aimed rather at securing itself against the federalists and other opponents than at protecting the country. Comandante General Rincon of Vera Cruz, for instance, was directed to strengthen the fortress of San Juan de Ulúa, the so-called Gibraltar of America, defending Vera Cruz harbor, but felt so hampered by the lack of funds that he proposed to resign.^[12] Nevertheless he presented a bold front, and Bazoche did not deem it prudent to attack the fortress with his fever-stricken ships.

The blockade, while cutting deep into the customhouse revenue, did not appear to impress the Mexicans, and France felt it necessary to act energetically on the position taken. Deffaudis had gone home to report, and in his place was sent Rear-Admiral Charles Baudin, with several ships to swell the squadron, and with full power to effect a settlement, peaceably or by force. He reached Vera Cruz toward the close of October, and sent at once a commissioner to Mexico requesting an answer to the late ultimatum.^[13] This led to a conference at Jalapa on November 17th between Baudin and Cuevas, minister of foreign affairs. The former insisted on the main points already presented,^[14] but while prepared to abate the additional demand for $200,000 to cover the expenses of his expedition, he could obtain no satisfactory promises regarding the exemption from forced contributions or the enjoyment of retail trade, nor guaranties for the payment of the $600,000 now conceded, although deferred for six months. He accordingly left Jalapa on the 21st, with the declaration that unless his terms were accepted by noon on the 27th he would then begin hostilities. The congress and people had great confidence in their Gibraltar, which held out so long under Spain, and the hitherto passive operations of the fleet encouraged the general desire for resisting foreign demands which were represented as humiliating. The ignominious failure of the Spanish expedition was still fresh in mind. And so the chambers declared unanimously against yielding.^[15] The president issued the usual florid proclamation^[16] offering to sacrifice his life in defence of national honor, but failed to exhibit any effective promptness in his measures. General Arista was sent to reënforce Vera Cruz with 1,000 men, who of course arrived on the scene when too late.

Baudin, on the other hand, had not been idle. The anchorage-ground round San Juan de Ulúa had been examined, and observations made for effective cannonading of different points, and under the cover of night boat parties had made soundings beneath the very batteries to perfect the plans for a prospective assault, especially from the reefs of la Gallega, which approach it on the north, hidden by the tide. The fortress covered the whole extent of a small coral islet, the continuation of this reef, and situated half a mile north east of Vera Cruz, forming the line of shelter for the harbor in this direction. The rather low walls rising from the sea enclosed a slightly irregular parallelogram, with a bastion at each angle, and further relieved at the south-west and south-east points respectively, by a lighthouse of brick and a square tower, Caballero, ninety feet high, of dazzling whiteness, and surmounted by a belvedere whence ships were signalled. The bastions on the north-west were separated by a tide-covered channel with its redoubt from the half-moon line of low batteries infolding that side. The structure looked imposing enough for its name. Unfortunately, it was built of soft madrepore, except the side facing the harbor,^[17] and with hardly any casemates to protect the gunners. The artillery was besides of inferior calibre and poorly mounted, and the whole in a state of utter neglect since the Spaniards surrendered the place. The late circumscribed efforts of Rincon to remedy the numerous defects had been superficial, serving mainly to infuse a degree of false confidence. The garrison consisted of about 1,200 men, under General Gaona, the commandant.^[18]

During the morning of November 27th the anchorage round the fortress presented a most animated appearance signals flying, and boats hurrying to and fro with orders among the French squadron, which exhibited a total of 26 vessels, including transports, with about 4,000 men,^[19] out of which three frigates, two bomb-ketches, to the north-east and north respectively, and one sloop of war were designated for the first day s fight, employing 104 guns, while several other vessels cruised in different directions, some to observe the effect of the shells and correct the aim by signals.^[20]

The ships were allowed to take up position unmolested,

San Juan de Ulúa

although a few shots might have disabled the steamers employed for the purpose.^[21] At half-past two in the afternoon^[22] they opened fire with a perfect hail of shells and bombs. The former penetrated from twelve to eighteen inches into the soft coral walls, there to explode, "tearing out whole masses of stone, and in some instances rending the wall from base to top."^[23] Such results had not even been dreamed of by the astonished garrison; nevertheless they responded with great spirit, and forth over the gleaming water rolled the thunder from a hundred guns, the dense smoke encircling for a while the batteries. It was mainly bluster, however, for neither artillery nor gunners were capable of much precision, while the powder, most miserable stuff, barely brought the heavier balls within reach of the vessels. This lent fresh assurance to the French, who with more and more correct aim added to the execution, silencing one gun after another, and scattering destruction also within the batteries, now among the infantry ranged along the curtains in case of an assault, now among the handful of artillerists. For the first two hours the gaps in the latter ranks were filled, but after this no substitutes could be obtained, and the firing stopped at frequent intervals for lack of men. An hour after the first broadside a bomb struck the magazine of battery San Miguel, which exploded with a terrific detonation, belching forth in a volume of flames, stones, war material, and human remains torn into a thousand fragments. Shortly after the belvedere of the lofty Caballero sprang into the air with its load of soldiers, yet strange to say, the staff which here up held the flag remained intact, and as the smoke cleared from the mutilated summit, the colors fluttered a defiance to the foe, cheering the brave defenders to fresh efforts. But what availed mere spirit when hands were lacking for the enginery of war which here played the sole role. It was no longer a matter of mere guns; battery after battery grew silent, and before six o clock almost the whole exterior line had been abandoned, in many cases with the wounded, who could not be carried off under the scathing hail of explosives and debris. Even the interior lines responded feebly, at last with only an occasional sputter, like the gasp of the dying. Most of the ammunition had exploded, and over 200 of the most indispensable men, including four superior officers, had been killed or disabled, leaving the fortress practically defenceless. The sun had set, and soon the gathering gloom interposed between the combatants. The bombardment ceased, and only at intervals for another hour a bomb came crashing in upon the desolation. The French also welcomed the respite, for although not over a dozen of their men had fallen, the vessels had suffered somewhat and needed overhauling. The bustle merely changed in form to active preparations for the morrow, when the battle should begin anew.^[24]

Gaona on his side recognized that he was powerless to continue the struggle. The fortress was no longer tenable; and fearing that the enemy might attempt a descent during the night, he resolved to gain time at least by proposing a suspension of hostilities, under plea of collecting the wounded and burying the dead. At the same time he addressed himself to Rincon for instructions. Fearing the responsibility, this general gave the commission to inspect the fort to Santa Anna, who had hurried from his country seat to offer his services against the invaders. A glance convinced him that to prolong the defence there meant purely a sacrifice of life, and the council over which he thereupon presided voted unanimously to capitulate, for Baudin would accord no delay beyond the morning. And so fell the Gibraltar, after a few hours bombardment. The French took possession at 2 o'clock in the after noon of November 28th, after allowing the garrison to retire with honors of war, and promising to restore the fortress as soon as all differences were adjusted.^[25] Vera Cruz being now at the mercy of the new holders of Ulúa, Rincon was compelled to enter into a special agreement to reduce the garrison of the port to 1,000 men, and receive back and indemnify expelled Frenchmen, Baudin offering in return to suspend the blockade for eight months.^[26]

At Mexico the news evoked the cry of treason, with a violent denunciation of Bustamante's lack of promptness in consonance with the inspiring sound of war-hymns along the streets. The government found it necessary to follow the current by ignoring the capitulation, and supplementing the act with a declaration of war. An attendant feature was the expulsion of French residents, proposed already in the spring, but now enforced with a certain harshness.^[27] The president further stilled the outcry against himself by appointing the resolute General Paredes minister of war.^[28] The regular army was ordered to be increased to 33,000 men, with an enrolment of volunteers^[29] for repelling invasion, and reënforcements were hurried down to the coast, Santa Anna being at the same time charged to replace the disgraced Rincon on the strength of the favorable impression created by his prompt appearance on the scene. This general communicated the declaration of war, and summoning Arista to his aid, they began to prepare for a defence of the plaza of Vera Cruz. Baudin expressed his regrets at the act, and intimated with brusqueness that he could raze the city to the ground in a moment, but he would not retaliate upon an innocent population for the deeds of its government. At the same time he quietly took the resolution to render ineffective the preparations at the port.

Early the following morning, on December 5th, he sent three divisions to the city, with orders for two of them to carry the two forts Santiago and Concepcion, which flanked it on the east and west respectively, spike the guns and otherwise disarm them, while the third division marched to the residence of Santa Anna with the view to capture him. An unusually heavy fog came to assist the movement, and the first divisions were readily enabled to surprise the forts. More difficult was the task of the third, led by Prince de Joinville, a son of the king. He landed on the quay before the central gate and broke it open with a petard, capturing the cannon defending the entrance. The noise warned the sleeping Santa Anna, who rushed half-clad from his house just in time to escape. Not so the less suspicious Arista, who was caught in his room. The column there upon turned to disable the defences along the south line, and on arrival of the other parties an attack was made on the barracks of la Merced. Here the scattered Mexicans made a stout resistance and main tained a galling fire on the assailants, who suffered greatly. Baudin coming up declared the movement both costly and needless, and ordered a retreat, for it was not his intention to hold the town.

Vera Cruz.

Santa Anna, meanwhile, had kept himself at a safe distance, collecting what troops he could and waiting for the summoned force of Arista. Learning of the retrogade march, however, he thought the moment had arrived to share in the credit earned by the defenders of the barracks, by pretending to chase the French. He came up after the greater part had em barked, and made a valiant dash at the few still left. These had taken the precaution to cover the approach with one of the captured cannon, and as he pressed toward them at the head of his men a charge of grape-shot raked the line, killing two officers and seven soldiers and wounding a large number, among them Santa Anna, who was hit in the left leg and hand, his horse being shot. A few more volleys were exchanged ere the mist hid the departing boats, and shortly after, as it cleared away, Baudin retaliated for his losses by shelling down the troublesome barracks,^[30] an operation which frightened the inhabitants into abandoning the town. The troops also withdrew from a place now utterly defenceless to the adjoining Pozitos, whither the suffering Santa Anna had been carried.

This general had behaved far worse than the disgraced Rincon, in allowing himself to be so readily surprised by the enemy, keeping carefully in the background during the main fight, and finally evacuating the city; but he possessed one shining quality—a brazen assurance that bordered on genius. He understood the feelings of the masses at this moment; how readily they could with a little bombast be hoodwinked into the belief that he had achieved a- gratifying victory—for had not the boats retired! and above all to accept him as a martyred hero bleeding for his country. In order to deepen the impression, he wrote as from his death-bed, relating how he had driven the foe into the sea, with losses reaching far beyond the hundred. "Cast aside discord," he continued, "and unite against the French. As for me, forgive my political errors, and deny me not the only title I desire to transmit to my children, that of a true Mexican." The farce succeeded. The one absorbing theme throughout Mexico now became the noble and patriotic Santa Anna. San Jacinto and all the rest were consigned to oblivion beneath the pedestal of the hero. Even more. His leg, amputated at Pozitos, was afterward removed from its resting-place at Manga de Clavo and deposited midst imposing ceremonies at Mexico.^[31]

As the abandonment of Vera Cruz became known the discontent burst out anew, directed as before against the government. The cabinet resigned, and Bustamante yielded so far as to offer the interior and foreign portfolios to two well known federalists, Rodriguez Puebla and Gomez Pedraza. They took possession on December 13th, and the very same day, after taking the oath to the existing constitution, they presented a bill to the council for the formation of a consultative body, composed of one deputy from each department, and for the convocation of an assembly to revise the organic law of 1824, the president being meanwhile invested with extraordinary powers. The council rejected the bill; but the ministry had already summoned the chambers for their purpose, and before them they repeated the arguments, encouraged by a large federalist representation in the galleries. The same audience served undoubtedly to impose upon those deputies who would have risen indignantly against the project, and answers were modified to remonstrances against it as ill-timed under the prevailing critical circumstances, with a final determination for the poder conservador to announce the people's will on the subject. The crowd thereupon sallied into the streets, shouting, "Viva la federacion"! Others took up the cry and proceeded to ring the bells, and to release the lately imprisoned federalist conspirators, notably Farias and Father Alpuche, who were conducted in triumph to their residences. Fortunately for peace, the garrison did not join in the outbreak, and the patrols were soon able to restore order, Alpuche returning of his own accord to prison. The movement lacked strength. Bustamante accordingly declined to enter into the views of his cabinet, such as convoking an assembly and taking possession of church property, and accepted the resignation of the members on the 18th. So ended the ministry of three days.^[32]

It was not easy under the circumstances to prevail upon eligible men to form a new cabinet; finally Gorostiza, famed as dramatic writer, Cortina, Lebrija, and Torriel accepted the portfolios for foreign affairs, finances, interior, and war, respectively.^[33] This was on the whole a very desirable combination; but Bustamante personally did not gain by it, for Tornel joined in the pressure to intrust the direction of affairs during the crisis to the firm and popular Santa Anna. Bustamante indeed began to think it well to yield, especially as he would thereby relieve himself of a serious responsibility. He accordingly pretended that the spreading revolt centred at Tampico required his personal attention, and the poder conservador selected for provisional president during his absence the maimed hero of Vera Cruz.^[34]

The prospect of again figuring as ruler at the capital, from which he had so long been kept an exile by the fiasco at San Jacinto, did more than all the doctors toward the convalescence of Santa Anna. He transferred the command of the coast to ex-president Victoria and hastened to Mexico, receiving there, on February 17, 1839, an ovation that must have equalled even his egoistic expectations. The most consoling feature was undoubtedly the triumph achieved over the many bitter opponents who had for over two years showered unopposed their abuse and ridicule. The decoration now publicly conferred upon him for driving the French into the sea silenced them for a time at least. Bustamante was wholly eclipsed. He felt not only mortified, but afraid that his ambitious substitute would retain the presidential chair if he once obtained possession; and so he delayed his departure under pretence of perfecting preparations against the French as well as the federalists.^[35] Santa Anna fully understood feelings so readily suggested by his own scheming nature, and thought it necessary to assure him that he had no designs on the chair. "March at once against the rebels," he added, "or I shall have to go."

The French question had now assumed another phase. The blockade and other disorders attending it were felt especially by the English,^[36] and Minister Packenham, who arrived about this time, again offered mediation. The first flush of resentment over, the Mexicans began to realize that a continuation of the struggle must prove disadvantageous to themselves, especially with the federalist movement upon them. The French, on their side, were not prepared for deeper entanglement, particularly in face of the concentration of English war vessels, whereof a squadron of thirteen, surpassing their own in strength, had anchored before Vera Cruz.^[37] Nor did they care to face another summer's ravage of yellow fever on this coast. As victors, in possession of the leading fortress of the republic, and commanding the ports, they could afford to entertain even concessions; and so Baudin admitted the proposal now made, although not till the English had yielded to his scruples by reducing their fleet to an equality with his own.^[38]

After a conference of two days, attended on the part of Mexico by Minister Gorostiza and General Victoria, a treaty and a convention were signed on March 9th, whereby Mexico promised to pay $600,000 within six months,^[39] in settlement of French claims prior to November 26, 1838, and accord to French citizens the same privileges as were enjoyed by those of the most favored nation. The restitution of, or indemnity for, captured Mexican vessels and cargoes, and compensation to expelled Frenchmen, were questions referred to a third power.^[40] This being ratified by Santa Anna, San Juan de Ulúa was surrendered on April 7th,^[41] and the French fleet retired with a number of old cannon as trophies, leaving the task of conciliation to Baron Alley de Cyprès, the new minister, whose tact and discrimination were hardly equal to the occasion. Mexicans sought consolation in abusing a dilatory and inefficient government, and in giving prominence to those who had sustained national honor by a brave though futile resistance. They undoubtedly found a certain relief in considering that France had achieved but a barren triumph; for the loss sustained in trade and influence in Mexico, in outlay for the expedition and injury to her citizens, far outweighed the indemnity obtained.^[42]

Moreover, she had accepted practically the very terms offered her before the outbreak of hostilities, and now significantly presented under the auspices of a foreign squadron. England availed herself of the opportunity to press her advantages with the republic.

 

 

1. The leading cases of injury to person and property are given in the ultimatum presented in March 1838. Blanchard, San Juan de Ulúa, 229 et seq. Also, with documents and discussion in Cuevas, Espos. Dif. Francia; Méx., Doc. rel. Ultimat., 1-125, etc.; Pap. Var., lxxvii. pt ii. 1-219, cl. pts i.-ii.; Peña y Peña, Práctlca Forense, iv. 1-300.
2. He was sailing out of the harbor when the French war vessel entered with the despatches.
3. Dated on board L'Herminie, March 21st. It reviews the leading causes for complaint, assassinations, robberies, and other outrages by individuals, mobs, and authorities, and the evasive attitude of the Mexican government, and demands: 1. A payment by May 15th of $600,000, at Vera Cruz, in settlement of the claims till March 1st. This amount was shown to be merely one half or one third of the sum really due, were accumulated interest added and the host of minor claims of which the minister had not received formal specification. 2. That the government should place no obstacles to the settlement of certain loans, rebate from duty, etc., due to Frenchmen and not included in these claims. 3. That certain Frenchmen unjustly imprisoned should be released, and a number of designated officials concerned in outrages removed. 4. That a perfect reciprocity be observed toward French agents and subjects, on the basis enjoyed by the most favored nation, exacting no forced contributions and excluding no Frenchmen from retail trading without due indemnity. After the frequent remonstrances made, an immediate answer might be demanded, but Deffaudis would wait till April 15th, and if satisfaction was not given he would leave Bazoche commander of the squadron, to carry out the orders he had received, by making reprisal on the maritime sources of revenue. Blanchard, San Juan de Ulúa, 229-50. Bustamante ridicules some of the claims made as absurd, laughs at the demand for reciprocity, since the French alone were enjoying the trade and other privileges, and stamps the document as a 'verdadero libelo.' Gabinete, Mex., i. 112. Rivera joins somewhat in this sentiment, but blames the Mexican government for not consenting to a joint commission for arriving at a settlement. Hist. Jalapa, iii. 350-1. This view has been accepted by many later Mexican writers, although, like Zamacois, they still object to certain features of the ultimatum.
4. After which it was referred to the committee on government. The government had given notice to the chambers already on February 1st of the impending demand. See comments of the press in Diario Ofic., March 27th, etc.
5. Also from scurvy. L'Herminie alone shows the following progress of the fever. On June 15th, 23 on the sick-list, in July 74, in August 93 to 167, on September 11th, 343, and this out of 500 men! After this came a hurricane which assisted to break the pest, but inflicted damage on the shipping. Blanchard, San Juan de Ulúa, 71 et seq.
6. Shortly after Señor Garro, the Mexican minister at Paris, received his passports for England, after being refused an audience by the king. Voto Nac., Sept. 25, 1838. Chargé d'affaires De Lisle left Mexico April 23d.
7. For which see Hist. North Mex. States, ii., this series, and Hist. Cal., iii., for the similar movement in California.
8. Which went so far at least as to promote a revolution under ex-Governor Gutierrez; but it was defeated. Bustamante, Gabinete Mex., i. 67-8.
9. Decrees in Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iii. 512-34. A loan of $6,000,000 was twice enjoined, and an extra tax of $4,000,000. Details in Méx., Mem. Hac., 1838, 3 et seq.; Romero, Mem., 181-4, etc.
10. Some known as juntas de honor, others as defenders of the country. Different classes combined into distinct organizations, such as the Commercial Regiment. Méx., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1839, 36-8, 90-105, 133-4, 161-3; Arrillaga, Recop., 1838, 536-9, 551-4. By decree of June 13th, the army was to be raised to 70,000 men. Id., 273-4. See also observations of Tornel, Carta, 7-25; Pap. Var., ccxix. pt. iv., concerning contract for arms. Tornel, Manifest., 1. A proposal to seize church property was defeated.
11. Cárlos Bustamante, member of the poder conservador, or supreme council, and professed friend of the president, came out in more than one pamphlet. Ya es Tiempo, 1-4; Males y Males; also in Voz de la Patria, MS., xiv. 203-10.
12. He had to borrow small sums from the merchants, and supply the lack of troops with local volunteers. See his Manifesto, 17, 23, and appendix, supported by Rivera. Hist. Jalapa, iii. 356-8, 364, 384.
13. The note is dated October 27, 1838, on board the frigate Néréide. It protests against the excuse that Mexico is in a state of revolution, and that foreigners choosing to reside there do so at their own risk. Such maxims are at variance with her own desire to be admitted in the sisterhood of civilized nations, and with the provisional agreement of 1827. If a nation cannot maintain order within her territory she must learn to suffer. Foreigners are useful and necessary for Mexico's prosperity and advancement. Blanchard, San Juan de Ulúa, 251-9. The note was carried by Captain Leroy.
14. Baudin's bases were: 3. Confirmation of the convention of 1827 till a regular treaty of amity could be arranged. 4. No reclamations by Mexico for French sequestrations. 5. Payment of $200,000 to defray the expenses of the expedition. The total $800,000 had to be paid within 30 days. An additional secret clause demanded that holders of the so-called 17 per cent. loan should be free to present in payment of duty the proportion thereof agreed upon. Articles 1, 2, 4, and part of 3, of former ultimatum, were insisted upon. Cuevas consented to pay, within six months after the date of the convention, $600,000 in settlement of all pecuniary responsibility prior to March 21, 1838, but required that Mexico should be at liberty to decide upon the punishment of the objectionable officials. The exemption from forced contributions or loans was no longer applicable, for the congress had decided to use no such measures in future. The other points should be submitted to English arbitration. Existing differences being settled by the acceptance of this proposal the French fleet should retire, surrendering the sequestrated vessels. (Steps would at once be taken to conclude a treaty of amity and commerce, and meanwhile the most favorable reciprocity should prevail. Baudin yielded as regards the punishment of the officials, and even renounced the demand for expenses. Several minor modifications of clauses were admitted on both sides, bearing partly on the convention of 1827. Full text of correspondence and projects may be consulted in Cuevas, Espos. Dif. Francia, and in Pesado, Doc. Conferencias en Jalapa, Mexico, 1838, 1-56. See also the official French version in Blanchard, San Juan de Ulúa, 261-85, 301-5. The fragmentary accounts in Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 377-9, Bustamante, Gabinete Mex., i. 119, etc., followed by Zamacois, either miss or perversely neglect the main points. Additional authorities will be given in a later note. The proposed English arbitration was not entertained, nor had Mexico listened to it when offered shortly before 'porque sabiamos de Lóndres que nada deberiamos esperar favorable.' Id., 116-18. This writer believes that mediation on the part of Prussia or Russia might have succeeded, for 'it was known' that France would have eagerly accepted a decorous compromise. A strong admission by so rabid a Mexican advocate, in face of the wide charge that Baudin was anxious for naval achievements. Méx., Mem. Min. Rel., 1839, 2 et seq. Interference on the part of the United States was at one time proposed by the Mexican envoy. See also remonstrances by English traders in Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., i. pt 129; Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 214-15, declares that Cuevas was an obstacle to any arrangement and Bustamante blinded to the state of affairs.
15. Bustamante asserts that the capital was ripe for revolution against any concession to France. The deputies were threatened with assassination if they yielded. Ubi sup.
16. Bustamante, Á sus Habitantes, 1-7; Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., i. pts 122-3.
17. Constructed, it is said, of stones brought from Spain in course of time as ballast. See plan as given in chapter ii.
18. Rincon placed the condition clearly before the people in his subsequent defence. Manifiesto, pp. vii.-viii., xxi.-ii., 126, 137, etc.; also Lanuza, Vindication, 3, etc.; Pap. Var., clxxxix. pt x.; Blanchard, San Juan de Ulúa, 294-5; Farragut, Life, 134; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 359.
19. According to the list issued a month later, which does not include the 3 or 4 small vessels seized from the Mexicans prior to November 27th. This list shows 4,318 men.
20. Rincon, Manifiesto, p. 1., adds 2 frigates, 2 steamers, and a brig to the active participants, but the official list in Blanchard is as above. The celebrated Farragut, who witnessed the operation, praises Baudin for his plan. He would be undoubtedly a rara avis in any navy. He is about fifty years of age, has lost his right arm, looks like a north Europe man, . . . with the expres sion of great decision, with firmness and activity to execute his well digested plans. Letter in Farragut, Life, 133.
21. This was made a charge against Gaona, but he had orders not to begin hostilities, and it was expected till the last moment that the government might yield to Baudin. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 385. The dispositions of Gaona are given in his report. Rincon, Manifiesto, 120-1.
22. A delay beyond the specified noon hour, caused by a letter from Cuevas which contained merely unimportant concessions, such as offering monthly instalments on the $600,000 payment.
23. Farragut, loc. cit.
24. The bulletin at the close of the day admitted only 4 killed and 29 wounded. Blanchard, San Juan de Ulúa, 333-7. This speaks of 210 killed among the garrison, and Farragut states that 222 Mexican sailors perished in the outer batteries. Life, 130; but Gaona's lists exhibit only 65 slain and 147 wounded. Rincon, Manifiesto, 124-5; 'Mas de ciento cincuenta heridos y otros tantos muertos,' maintains Bustamante. Gabinete Mex., i. 128. The Mexicans allude vaguely to 40 guns firing against 140 French, while Baudin gives a list of 20 silenced guns, 133 mounted and 54 dismounted, ranging from 8 to 24 in calibre. Of the 104 French guns used, 6 were eighty-pounders and the rest thirty.
25. The troops agreeing not to serve against France within eight months.
26. The French were allowed to seek fresh provisions. All excess beyond the 1,000 allowed for garrison, had to retire to a distance of ten leagues from the port. Among the reasons for the capitulation were the scanty remnant of ammunition, the lack of artillerists for more than ten guns, the demolition of so many batteries and dismounting of cannon, and the discouragement of the men at the slaughter. Santa Anna had suggested that the fortifications facing Vera Cruz should be blown up, a standing order with the former viceroys, who were also to entrap invaders along the intricate roads to Jalapa or Orizaba. As the French flag rose over Ulúa the English man-of-war joined with the rest in saluting it. Comments, with documents, in Bustamante, Gabinete Mex., i. 125-37; Arrillaga, Recop., 1839, 3. Both Rincon and Gaona were called to answer for their conduct.
27. They had to leave towns within three days, and the country within fifteen. Those married to Mexicans or disabled, if well behaved, were exempt. Decrees of Dec. 1, 1838. Id., 1838, 539-41. The outcry against so brief a term caused it to be extended to two months, mainly at the intercession of the foreign ministers. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iii. 564-7, 570. Circulars of March 13 had enjoined good treatment of Frenchmen, in view of the popular ferment. Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., MS., i. pts 85, 127. Now this feeling had grown so strong that many hastened to leave at once. On Dec. 8th, 225 were leaving the capital, with their wives and nearly 400 attendants, when they were stopped and deprived of their horses. Bustamante, Gabinete Mex., i. 139. See comments on good treatment in Cuevas, Espos. Dif. Francia, 15-18; Pap. Var., cl. pt 2; Méx., Expos. Condic., 263-6. Other foreigners suffered somewhat in the excitement, and the Belgian legation was violated. Diario Gob., Dec. 5, 1838.
28. Moran having resigned. A commission came actually to demand that Bustamante should relinquish the presidency.
29. Arrillaga, Recop., 1838, 535, 543-4; Méx., Decreto para Organ., 1-7; Vallejo, etc.
30. The French exhibit a loss of 8 killed and 60 wounded, which the Mexicans swell into far greater actual loss, while admitting heavy casualties. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 401. It is also stated that Santa Anna was hit by grape-shot from the boats while prancing on the quay. Arista came out with the usual Manifiesto, 1-16, to explain his capture. He was released on Jan. 27th. Bustamante supports Santa Anna's charge, that the French attacked while negotiations were pending, Gabinete Mex., i. 140; and the latter reply that Santa Anna quietly closed the gates of Vera Cruz on Dec. 4th, ere declaring war, with a view to capture the prince and other officers then on a visit. See also Fossey, Mex., 511; Bazancourt, Mex., 121-2, 131-2. Mexican accounts place the French columns at 1,100-1,500, while Fossey intimates only 550.
31. Under a fine monument. Santa Anna had the weakness to be present on the occasion, in Sept. 1842, to listen to the fulsome eulogy. Specimen in Sierra y Rosso, Discurso, 1-8; Pap. Var., xlii. pt iv., xxxviii. pt ix. He also received a cross to commemorate the fight. C. Bustamante, as a good centralist, tells the story with pathetic earnestness. Gabinete Mex., i., 141-5; Voz de la Patria, MS., xiv. 210, etc.; but others, at first secretly and later openly, spared not their ridicule, as Villa-Amor, Biog. Santa Anna, 17-18, who also declares that the general shrieked greatly, especially during the amputation, which was clumsily performed, for that matter.
32. An explanation of their motives appeared in Verdadera Noticia de los Tres Dias de Ministerio Mex., 1839, 1-32; and Puebla issued another in Ministerio de Tres Dias, admitting that he aimed solely at a change of system. Some little known comments on these are given in Bustamante, Diario, MS., xlv. 215-17; Id., Voz de la Patria, MS., xiv. 229-40. Satirical observations in Testamento del Difunto, 1-12; Pap. Var., lxxvii. pt v.
33. Gorostiza had been made a member of the government council in February. Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., MS., i. pt 81; Méx., Mem. Min. Int., 1838, 2-3. Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xii. 171, names only two ministers, and those wrongly, copying a vague utterance of Bustamante. In March, Pesado replaced Romero in the interior department, but resigned not long after. Tornel was a member of the poder conservador, yet received permission to enter the cabinet.
34. By decree of Jan. 33, 1839. Méx., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1839, 15-16. General Moran, as president of the council, should have taken the place, but he pleaded illness, perhaps advisedly. During the recent crisis Santa Anna was proposed for dictator in case the government should be unable to restore order. Méx., Dictámen Comis.; Pap. Var., xliii. pt iii. 16.
35. Troops and funds were collecting in different quarters, a portion being sent to Vera Cruz under Codallos, who was replaced by Valencia. Santa Anna joined in the contributions offered for defence by conspicuously tendering his estate for mortgage. For donations, see Méx., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1839, 5-10; Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., i. pts 129, 152; Arrillaga, Recop., 1839, 204-5, 258. Governor Salonio of Vera Cruz is praised for his energetic aid by Rivera. Hist. Jalapa, iii. 364.
36. For extent, stringency, etc., see Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., i. pts 126, 129; MS., i. pts 89, 90; Arrillaga, Recop., 1838, 214, 400, etc.; 1839, 3-11, 34-7; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iii. 482. With observations in Hansard's Parl. Deb., xliv. 722; Niles' Reg., liv. 177, etc.; Méx., Mem. Guerra, 1839, 27.
37. At the close of Dec. 1838. It was Admiral Paget's fleet, for the time under Commodore Douglas. List in Blanchard, San Juan de Ulúa, 404-5.
38. There was ground for scruples in view of the debates in the parliament at London, hinting at French designs and English honor and interests. See Hansard's Parl. Deb., xlvi. 891-940.
39. In three instalments, on Vera Cruz custom-house.
40. The treaty, containing 5 articles, establishes perpetual peace; refers to arbitration the indemnity for vessels taken after the fall of Ulúa, and for expelled Frenchmen, as well as for Mexicans injured after Nov. 26, 1838; declares for favorable reciprocity until a treaty of commerce may settle the details, and stipulates that Ulúa shall be restored so soon as the treaty is ratified, which is to be done within 12 days. The convention, in 4 articles, concedes the $600,000 indemnity; refers to arbitration the question whether Mexican vessels and cargoes taken during the blockade and after shall be regarded as lawful prey or not; promises not to hamper the payment of recognized French claims, not included in the $600,000 amount. Signed by Gorostiza, Victoria, and Baudin, at Vera Cruz, March 9, 1839. The ratifications are dated at Mexico March 21st, and at Neuilly July 6th. Text in Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iii. 617-19, 692-3; also in Arrillaga, Recop., 1839, 95-8; Méx., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1840, 376-86. Allusions in Méx., Mem. Rel., 1839, 3; Id., 1840; concerning last payment, in Niles' Reg., lvii. 164, 224. Fully 600,000 francs remained unclaimed for years after to prove the excessiveness of the demand, observe the Mexicans. Cuevas, Espos., 48-9; Payno, Cuentas, Gastos, 923-4. The most exhaustive work on this episode is San Juan de Ulúa, ou Rélation de l'Expédition Française au Mexique, by P. Blanchard and A. Dauzats, with notes by Maissin, published by order of the king. Paris, 1839, 4°, 591 pp., with illustrations, mainly by Blanchard, who, assisting also as interpreter, had additional opportunity for gaining information. He accompanied Baudin's representative to Mexico and other places, and used his pen freely in observations on the scenery, the people, and their institutions, all of which serve to add variety and interest to the narrative, the attractive style of which owes much to the revision of Dauzats. The diplomatic features of the case are given special attention in Méx., Supl. Diario Gob., 342 and 95 pp.; Pap. Var., lxxvii. pts 2, 7, clxxiv. pt 7; Mex. Pamphlets, i. pt 10; with observations in Maillard's Hist. Tex., 132-48; Arrangoiz, Méj., ii. 240-3; Dubois, Mex., 115-18; Domenech, Hist. Mex., ii. 159-61; Girard, Excurs., 10-13, etc.; Larenaudière, Mex. et Guat., 241-52; France, and Mexico, 3-24; Beaumont, Res. Question Mex, 1-41; Escalera y Llana, Mex. Hist. Descript., 55-61.
41. The chamber of deputies approved the treaty by a vote of 17 against 12, and the senate by 12 against 3. A heavy fire occurred at Vera Cruz shortly before, involving the custom-house.
42. A favorable arrangement was effected on behalf of British bondholders. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iii. 624-31; Niles' Reg., lix. 369, lvii. 80. A review of the claims may be consulted in U. S. Govt Doc., Cong. 37, Ses. 2, H. Ex., 50, pp. 17-26. A steamer line to England was also projected. Opúsculo de la Verdad, pp. i.-iv., 1-56; Pap. Var., xix. pt iv. 24, and a colony of negroes and others. Méx., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1844-46, 552-4, 577-92. Baudin had been induced on Feb. 17th to open to foreign vessels the upper ports on the gulf, then in the hands of federalists. The blockade was raised on March 9, 1839. For rewards granted to defenders of Vera Cruz and Ulúa, in Id., 1839, 47-9; 1840, 260-1, 769-70. Rincon was acquitted. Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., MS., ii. pt 287. His defence appears in Rincon, Manifiesto, pp. i.-lxxviii. 1-141; Lanuza, Vindic., 1-77. Defence of others in Orta, Refutacion, 1-24. A law of 1843 deprived foreigners of the privilege of retail trade. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iv. 571-2. Bustamante began to revive the project for a Spanish-American confederation to resist foreign interference. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 227.