History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 1/Chapter 15

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XV.

FROM CHOLULA TO IZTAPALAPAN.

October-November, 1519.

Montezuma, Consults the Gods — He Again Begs the Strangers not to Come to Him — Popocatepetl And Iztaccihuatli — News from Villa Rica — Death of Escalante — Return of the Cempoalan Allies — Again en route for Mexico — Reception at Huexotzinco — First View of the Mexican Valley — Exultations and Misgivings — Resting at Quauhtechcatl — The Counterfeit Montezuma — Munificent Presents — The Emperor Attempts to Annihilate the Army by Means of Sorcerers — Through Quauhtechcatl, Amaquemecan, and Tlalmanalco — A Brilliant Procession Heralds the Coming of Cacama, King of Tezcuco — At Cuitlahuac — Met by Ixtlilxochitl — The Hospitality of Iztapalapan.

Elated by his success, Cortés again spoke to the Aztec embassadors, telling them in an aggrieved tone that proofs existed connecting Mexican troops with the recent plot, and that it would be only just for him to enter and desolate the country for such perfidy. The envoys protested their ignorance of any such complicity, and offered to send one of their number to Mexico to ascertain what ground there was for the charge. This Cortés agreed to, expressing at the same time the opinion that Montezuma, after all his friendly demeanor, could hardly have favored the treachery. He regarded him as a friend, both for the sake of his king and for himself, and it was out of deference to him that he had spared the Cholultecs from total extermination.^[1]

When the envoy reached Mexico he found that his master had retired to grieve over the fate of the holy city, or more probably over the defeat of his plans, and to appeal to the incensed gods by prayers and fastings, while the priests supported the invocations with reeking human hearts.^[2] But the holocaust was in vain, for a miraculous incident frightened the idols into silence. Among the victims, says a sacred chronicle, was a Tlascaltec, who, while stretched on the sacrificial stone, called loudly on the God of the advancing Spaniards to deliver him. The words were yet on his lips when a dazzling light enveloped the place, revealing a bright-clad being with diadem and large wings. The priests fell awe-stricken to the ground, while the angel advanced to cheer their victim with hopeful words of a happy future. He was told to announce to the priests that soon the shedding of human blood would cease, for those destined to rule the land were at hand. This the victim did, when the sacrifices were resumed, and with the name of God the last upon his lips his spirit rose to a brighter world.^[3]

The downfall of Cholula resounded throughout the land, and the Spaniards were now almost universally confirmed as divine beings, from whom nothing could be kept secret, and whose anger was fierce and devastating. One effect was the arrival of envoys from quite a number of surrounding chieftains, bearing presents, partly with a view of gaining the good-will of the dreaded strangers, partly to offer congratulations.^[4] As for Montezuma, his awe deepened into terror as the reports came in and the half threatening message of the invader was delivered him. It would be dangerous indeed to admit these beings; but how prevent it? Thus revolving the matter, Montezuma had recourse once more to timid entreaties. His envoy returned to Cholula within a week, accompanied by the former chief of the commission, and brought ten plates of gold,^[5] fifteen hundred robes, and a quantity of fowl and delicacies, together with the assurance that he not only had had no share in the plot, but desired to see the Cholultecs further chastised for their treachery. The Mexican troops near Cholula belonged to the garrisons of Acatzingo and Itzucan provinces, and had marched to the aid of that city without his knowledge, prompted wholly by neighborly friendship. He begged the Spanish leader not to proceed to Mexico, where want would stare him in the face, but to present his demands by messengers, so that they might be complied with. Cortés replied that he must obey the orders of his king, which were to deliver to the emperor in person^[6] the friendly communications with which he had been intrusted. With this object he had crossed vast oceans and fought his way through hosts of enemies. The privations and dangers depicted could not deter him, for naught availed against his forces, in field or in town, by day or by night.

Finding objections futile, Montezuma again consulted the idols. Their ruffled spirit had evidently been soothed by this time, for now came the oracle to invite the strangers to Mexico. Once there, it was added, retreat should be cut off, and their lives offered on the altar.^[7] This utterance was favored by the counsellors on the ground that if the Spaniards were opposed they and their allies might ravage the country. The emperor accordingly sent an invitation, promising that, although the situation of the capital made it difficult to provide food, he would do his best to entertain them and give proofs of his friendship. The towns en route had orders to supply all their wants.^[8]

The story is not without a parallel in classic literature. As Montezuma awaited the approach of Cortés, so old King Latinus awaited the arrival of Æneas and his Trojan warriors; refusing to give battle, or to fight the destinies, and curbing his impetuous people by quoting the oracle.

Along the western horizon of Cholula, at a distance of eight leagues, runs the mountain range which separates the plain of Huitzilapan from the valley of Mexico. And like sentinels upon it stand, in close proximity, the two volcanic peaks of Popocatepetl and Iztaccihuatl, terms signifying respectively 'the smoking mountain' and 'the white woman,' and indeed most apt, the former being suggested by the frequent eruptions, the latter by the snowy covering which falls like a tilmatli mantle from a woman's shoulders. Tradition has it that Iztaccihuatl was the wife of her neighbor, whose noise and fumes were caused by the agonies of tyrants who there underwent purification ere they could enter final rest.^[9] While the Spaniards were at Cholula, Popocatepetl was in eruption, an evil omen with the Indians, foreshadowing the disturbances soon to overwhelm the country. Interested by a sight so curious and novel, and desirous of ascertaining for himself and the king the "secret of this smoke," Cortés consented to let Ordaz ascend the volcano. The Indians sought to dissuade him from an undertaking which had never been attempted, and which would in their opinion surely involve the life of him who ventured on it. This made Ordaz only more eager to exhibit his daring, and joined by nine men he set out under the guidance of some citizens and carriers who had been persuaded to go part of the way. They had not climbed far into the cooler region before the quaking ground and ash-rain caused the party to halt. Ordaz and two of his men continued, however, beyond the limits of vegetation, and over the stones and bowlders which covered the sandy expanse fringing the region of perpetual snow. At one time the outburst of ashes and heated stones obliged them to seek shelter for an hour, after which they sturdily climbed onward, turning from their path for a while by the projecting rock now known as Pico del Fraile, and almost losing themselves in the ash-covered snow. One more effort they made, despite the difficulties encountered in the rarefied atmosphere of this altitude, and finally they reached the summit, more than seventeen thousand seven hundred feet above the level of the sea. A short distance to the north rose the consort peak, three thousand feet less in height, and at their feet extended the field of their future campaign, in the valley to the east. The crater was nearly half a league in width, though not deep, and presented the appearance of a caldron of boiling glass, as says Gomara. The situation was too oppressive to permit of further observations, and after securing some snow and icicles as trophies, the men hastened to retrace their steps by the already trodden path. On their return they were received with great demonstration, the natives in particular extolling their deed as something superhuman.^[10]

While preparing to leave Cholula, Cortés was startled by news from Villa Rica of a conflict with Mexicans, resulting in the death of Escalante and several soldiers. On the northern border of the Totonac territory, bathed by the Gulf of Mexico, lay the town and district of Nautla, which together with its river had received from Grijalva the name of Almería.^[11] This was occupied by an Aztec garrison under Quauhpopoca,^[12] whose Aztec pride and loyalty to Montezuma could ill brook the independence achieved by the Totonacs, and who probably grieved over the loss of slaves and other contributions which once swelled his income. No sooner had Cortés disappeared beyond the plateau border than my lord grew audacious, encouraged no doubt by the express or tacit consent of his sovereign, and demanded from the neighboring Totonacs the customary tribute, under penalty of having their lands ravaged. They refused, pointing out that they were now the subjects of the great white king. Escalante being appealed to for protection, sent a message explaining that the independence of the people had de facto been recognized by Montezuma, with whom he was on friendly terms. He would allow no interference with them. Quauhpopoca replied that his answer would be given on the battlefield. Escalante, nothing loath, set out at once with fifty men, two horses, and two cannon, attended by several thousand Totonacs,^[13] and reached the vicinity of Nautla, where Quauhpopoca was already committing depredations. The armies met, and a fierce battle ensued. Awed by the remembrance of former defeats at the hands of the Aztecs, the Totonacs comported themselves so poorly^[14] that the brunt of the fight had to be borne by the Spaniards, of whom several were killed and wounded, while one was captured, and a horse destroyed. The enemy was put to flight, but it has been said as an excuse for their defeat the Mexican officers declared to Montezuma that the virgin bearing an infant led the Spaniards in their attack which spread terror and fearful slaughter in their ranks.^[15] Escalante laid waste the district, and captured Nautla town, which was sacked and burned. This lesson finished, he hastened back to Villa Rica, and there within three days succumbed to his wounds together with several soldiers, so that the campaign cost the lives of seven or nine men.^[16] From prisoners it was understood that Quauhpopoca had acted wholly under orders from Montezuma. The captured soldier was Argüello, of Leon, a young man of powerful frame, with a large head and a curly black beard. He appears to have died from his wounds on the way to Mexico, and the head was presented to the emperor. Its wild appearance, however, increased by the black, curly beard, made so bad an impression upon him that he refused to offer it to his idols, ordering it to be sent to some other town.^[17] Fearing that these tidings might dishearten the men, Cortés said nothing about the affair;^[18] but it had nevertheless a bad effect, for the Cempoalan allies, who had learned a few particulars from the messengers, requested at the last moment to be dismissed to their homes, pleading not only the long absence from their families, but the fear of being treated at Mexico as rebels. Cortés sought to reassure them, declaring that no harm could reach any one under his protection. Furthermore he would enrich them. But the larger portion still insisted, and since they had served him well he did not wish to compel them. Several packs of the rich robes obtained from Mexico were accordingly divided among the leaders, two packages being destined for Chicomacatl and his nephew Cuexco, and with this parting gift all but a small body returned to Cempoala.^[19]

After a stay at Cholula of nearly three weeks^[20] the Spaniards set out for Mexico, attended by about six thousand natives, chiefly Tlascaltecs, with a sprinkling of Cempoalans, Cholultecs, and Huexotzincas.^[21] They passed through Huexotzinco by a route already followed by Ordaz, and recommended as the best and safest. The first camp was made at the Huexotzinca village of Izcalpan, over four leagues from Cholula, where they met with a most friendly reception, and received abundant provisions, together with some female slaves and a little gold. Leaving behind them the smiling plain of Huitzilapan, where they had overcome so many dangers and obtained so many proofs of good-will, on the following day they approached the mountains and came upon the regular highway which leads across the range to the valley of Mexico. The junction of the roads was at the south-west border of Huexotzinco, where the Mexicans had left a proof of their hostility toward this republic, allied to Tlascala, by blocking up the way with trees and other material.^[22] These were removed, and the army began the steep ascent of the pass, pressing onward against the chilling winds which swept down from its frozen heights, and before long they were tramping through the snow which covered the summit.

Here they were cheered by a sight which made them, for the moment at least, forget their hardships. A turn in the road disclosed the valley of Mexico — the object of their toil and suffering — stretching from the slope of the forest-clad ranges at their feet as far as the eye could reach, and presenting one picturesque intermingling of green prairies, golden fields, and blooming gardens, clustering round a series of lakes. Towns lay thickly sprinkled, revealed by towering edifices and gleaming walls, and conspicuous above all, the queen city herself, placidly reposing upon the mirrored surface of the larger water. Above her rose the cypress-crowned hill of Chapultepec, with its stately palace consecrated to the glories of Aztec domination.^[23]

The first transport over, there came a revulsion of feeling. The evidently dense population of the valley and the many fortified towns confirmed the mysterious warnings of the allies against a powerful and warlike people, and again the longing for the snug and secure plantations of Cuba found expression among the faint-hearted, as they shivered in the icy blast and wrapped themselves the closer in the absence of food and shelter. In this frame of mind the glistening farm-houses seemed only so many troops of savage warriors, lurking amidst the copses and arbors for victims to grace the stone of sacrifice and the festive board; and the stately towns appeared impregnable fortresses, which promised only to become their prisons and graves. So loud grew the murmur as to indicate mutiny; but Cortés, with his usual firm words, quieted the soldiers, supported as he was by the spirited majority.^[24]

After descending for a short distance they came to the travellers' station of Quauhtechcatl,^[25] whose commodious edifices afforded room for the whole army. The Mexicans had prepared for the arrival by furnishing an abundance of provisions, with fires in all the rooms, and the tired soldiers eagerly gave themselves up to repose.^[26] No less exhausted than they, Cortés nevertheless could not think of rest till he had seen to the security of the camp. His prudence on this occasion came near costing him dearly, for in the darkness a sentinel taking him for a spy drew his cross-bow. Fortunately he heard the click and announced himself.^[27] This promptness on the part of the guard was by no means unnecessary; during the night a dozen or more prowling natives met the fate which the general so narrowly escaped. They were supposed to have been the spies of an army hidden in the forest, which, on observing the watchfulness of the Spaniards, abandoned the premeditated attack.^[28]

 

Montezuma's fears appeared to grow with the approach of Cortés, and so did his anxiety about the import of the message which must be delivered to him alone. Could there be a design upon his person? This must be ascertained before the invaders came too near. Among his courtiers was a noble named Tzihuacpopoca, who greatly resembled him in person and voice. Him he commanded to proceed to the Spanish camp, attended by a large retinue, and by representing himself as the emperor to ascertain from the white chief what his intentions were, and to induce him with liberal offers to turn back. The idea was based on an incident which had occurred not many years before, wherein one of the tripartite monarchs saved his life by appearing in proxy at a treacherous court. Montezuma hoped to derive from a similar trick more than one advantage.

Tzihuacpopoca arrived at the mountain camp the morning after the Spaniards had entered it, and created no little excitement by the announcement that the emperor was present in person. Preparations were made to give him a brilliant reception. Unfortunately for the envoy, his secret had too many keepers in the large suite attending him; there were also many among the allies who had been at Montezuma's court, and who looked on this sudden arrival as suspicious. They made inquiries and soon ascertained the truth. Cortés received the great man with courtesy, heralded as he was with a present of three thousand pesos de oro, but he resolved to take advantage of the discovery to impress him with his penetration. After a few moments' conversation he told the noble with a severe tone that he was not the monarch he represented himself to be.^[29] He also referred to the attempts made during the night to surprise the camp, as indicated by the dead spies, and assured him that his men were always prepared against plots and deception, and any attempts against them would lead only to the discomfiture and grief of the enemy. Awed by the superior intelligence and power of the general, the envoy thought no longer of anything else than to keep such a man from entering Mexico. He presented among other reasons that the city could be reached only in canoes, and that provisions were difficult to obtain there. He repeated the offer already made of an annual tribute payable in treasures on the coast, and promised as a bribe for Cortés himself four loads of gold, and for each of his officers and men one load.^[30] Dazzling as the offer was, Cortés regarded it as but a faint reflection of still richer treasures, the attainment of which must procure for him greater glory than he had as yet dreamed of. In his reply he accordingly pointed out how strange it must appear to turn back now that he was within view of the goal. Such conduct would disgrace any envoy. No! he dared not disobey the orders of his king, who had sent him upon a mission of great benefit to Montezuma. He would leave as soon as this was accomplished, if desired.^[31]

Nothing abashed by this rebuff, Montezuma again had recourse to the black art, and sent a number of sorcerers, the native records say, to cast spells on the Spaniards. They soon returned with the report that on nearing Tlalmanalco, Tezcatlipoca had appeared to them in the guise of a drunken peasant, frightening them greatly, and saying: "Fools, return! Your mission is in vain! Montezuma will lose his empire in punishment for tyranny, and I, I leave Mexico to her fate and cast you off!" The sorcerers recognized the god, and prostrated themselves to adore him, but he spurned their devotion, rebuking them, and finally pointed to Mexico, saying: "Behold her doom!" Looking round they saw her enveloped in flames, and the inhabitants in conflict with white men. On turning again to beseech the god he was gone.^[32]

Montezuma was in consultation with his advisers when this report was brought. As if pierced by death's dart, the monarch bowed low his head and moaned: "We are lost! We are lost!^[33] Less impressed with superstitious fear by an incident which he regarded as concocted by the sorcerers, Cuitlahuatzin vividly presented the danger of admitting such determined and powerful intruders within the city, and he boldly urged that they be forbidden to enter, by force of arms if need be. Cacama remonstrated that after inviting them such a course would savor of fear. The emperor owed it to his exalted station and power to receive envoys. If they proved objectionable, the city should become their tomb. Surely his nobles and his armies were able to overcome so small a number, assisted by the strategic advantages of the place in its approaches and resources. To the affrighted monarch anything was acceptable that would stay prompt action, and consequently defer the ruin which he feared. He at once inclined to Cacama's advice, stipulating, however, that he, king as he was, should condescend to meet the Spaniards and sound their intentions. "May the gods not place within your house, my lord, one who shall cast you forth and usurp the empire," was the solemn warning of Cuitlahuatzin, as he heard this resolution.^[34]

The Spaniards had meanwhile descended the wooded slope from Quauhtechcatl to the cultivated district round Amaquemecan, a city which, together with its suburban villages for two leagues around, numbered over twenty thousand families.^[35] The lord, Cacamatzin Teotlateuchtli, received them in his own palace, and entertained them most liberally during their two days' stay, presenting them gifts of forty female slaves and three thousand castellanos in gold. The chiefs of Tlalmanalco and other neighboring towns came to tender their respects, and encouraged by the reports of Spanish prowess they hesitated not to lay bare their grievances against the Aztecs, who oppressed them with heavy taxes, robbed them of wives and daughters, and carried the men into slavery. Cortes encouraged the chiefs with fair promises, and was not a little delighted at finding disaffection in the very heart of the empire, whose power had been so much extolled.^[36]

Passing by way of Tlalmanalco through a succession of flourishing maize and maguey fields, the Spaniards reached Ayotzinco, a town at the south end of Chalco lake.^[37] Here was seen the first specimen of the peculiar aquatic cities of the lake region. Half of the town stood on piles, and was intersected by canals, wherein the traffic, with canoes, was far livelier than in the streets. The other half lay at the foot of steep hills, upon one of which the Spaniards were encamped. Prompted either by curiosity or by evil purposes, a number of Indians attempted during the night to enter the Spanish quarter, only to pay with their lives for the indiscretion.^[38]

In the morning messengers arrived requesting the Spaniards to await the coming of Cacama. Shortly after appeared a procession more brilliant than any yet seen. In a litter profusely ornamented with gold, silver, and feather ornaments, and even inlaid with precious stones, sat the king of Tezcuco, a young man of about twenty-five, carried by eight powerful caciques. As he stepped out, attendants proceeded to sweep the road, removing even the straws, while nobles held over his head a canopy of green feathers, studded with gems, to shield him from the sun. With stately steps the monarch advanced toward Cortes, saluting him in the customary manner.^[39] He had come, he said, with these nobles, in the name of Montezuma, their master, to serve him, and to provide all that was needed. He thereupon presented a rich gift, to which Cortes responded with three fine marcasite stones^[40] for himself, and with blue glass diamonds for the nobles. In order to sound him, Cacama represented that there existed almost insurmountable obstacles to his entry into Mexico, among them the fears of the populace, which had been aroused by terrible accounts of the cruelty of his followers.^[41] Cortés sought to reassure him, and declared that no obstacles were insurmountable to his men, whereupon Cacama hastened to state that Montezuma himself would willingly receive them, and did tender an invitation. He now returned to Mexico to prepare for the inevitable visit, leaving among the Spaniards the impression that if he, the inferior king, exhibited such grandeur, that of the emperor must indeed be imperial.^[42]

Proceeding along the lake they entered upon a causeway in width a spear's length, leading through the waters for over a half league to "the prettiest little town which we had yet seen, both with regard to its well built houses and towers, and to its situation,^[43] as Cortés remarks. The admiring soldiers called it Venezuela, or little Venice, the native name being Cuitlahuac. It was situated on an islet, connected also with the northern shore by an extension of the causeway, and contained a population of about two thousand families, supported chiefly by floriculture, which was carried on to a great extent by means of chinampas, or floating gardens.^[44] The chiefs came forth, headed by Atlpopocatzin,^[45] and showed themselves most attentive. Here again compliants were uttered about Aztec oppression, with the warning that the Spaniards would meet with no true friendship at Mexico.^[46]

The Mexican envoys suspected the disaffection of Cuitlahuac, and prevailed on the Spaniards to pass onward to Iztapalapan, where preparations had been made to receive them. As they neared the densely populated lake district, the crowds became larger and more curious, wondering at the fair hue and bushy beards of the strangers, and admiring the comely horses, and the glittering arms and helmets. "Surely they must be divine beings," some said, "coming as they do from where the sun rises." "Or demons," hinted others. But the old men, wise in the records of their race, sighed as they remembered the prophecies, and muttered that these must be the predicted ones who were to rule the land and be their masters.^[47] To prevent the natives from mingling with his men, and creating not only disorder but diminishing the awe with which they were regarded, the horsemen in the van received orders to keep the Indians at a respectful distance. Iztapalapan was already in sight when a large force of armed warriors was seen advancing, so large that it seemed as if the armies of Mexico had come to overwhelm them. They were reassured, however, by the announcement that it was Ixtlilxochitl with his escort, intent on having an interview with his proposed ally. The prince had urged upon Cortés to take a more northern route and join him at Calpulalpan, but finding that the general preferred the Amaquemecan road, he had hastened to meet the Spaniards on the lake. The approach of this personage had made the court of Tezcuco more pliable to one whose designs were well understood. When Ixtlilxochitl therefore came near the city, the elder brother, Cohuanacotzin, made efforts for a closer conciliation with himself and Cacama.^[48] The opportunity was favorable, for the indisposition of Cortés to enter actively into the plans of the former, and his advance on Mexico, with proclaimed friendship for Montezuma, made Ixtlilxochitl not averse to the advances of his brothers, particularly since he intended this in no wise to interfere with his schemes. The result of the negotiation was that he found himself admitted with great pomp into his paternal city, wherein he hoped some day to displace Cacama. Imbued more than ever with his ambition, he hastened to intercept the Spanish captain, in order personally to promote his views and induce him to come northward to Tezcuco and to his own capital. Cortés was full of promises, but it did not just then suit him to disarrange the plan he had formed, and so Ixtlilxochitl had to wait.

It is this meeting no doubt which has been wrongly extended by several authorities into a visit to Tezcuco.^[49]

As the Spaniards approached Iztapalapan,^[50] Cuitlahuatzin, the brother of Montezuma and lord of the city, came forth in company with Tezozomoc, lord of the adjoining Culhuacan, and a number of other caciques and nobles,^[51] to escort his guests to their quarters in his palace. The city with its ten thousand to twelve thousand houses was constructed partly on piles, and crossed by canals, on either side of which rose substantial buildings, chiefly of stone, a large proportion being, according to the conqueror, "as fine as the best in Spain, both in extent and construction." The Spaniards were awed by the beauty of the place. The palace was particularly fine and spacious, with courts shaded by awnings of brilliant colors and bordered by commodious apartments. Adjoining it, and overlooked by a large pavilion, was a vast garden, divided into four squares by hedges of plaited reeds, which were entirely overgrown with roses and other flowers. Shaded walks led out in all directions, now by beds of rare plants collected from remote parts, now into orchards temptingly laden, and again past groups of artistically arranged flowers. In ponds fed by navigable canals sported innumerable waterfowl, consorting with fishes of different species. In the centre of the garden was an immense reservoir of hewn stone, four hundred paces square, surrounded by a tiled pavement from which steps led at intervals to the water.^[52]

Cortes was not only hospitably entertained, but received a present of female slaves, packs of cloth, and over three thousand castellanos in gold.^[53]

The soldiers now prepared under more than usual excitement for the final march, which was to bring them to the longed-for goal. The reputed magnificence of the capital made most of the Spaniards eager to enter; but there were others who recalled the rumors of its strength, and of the terrible plots which their timid allies declared were to encompass them. "Being men and fearing death, we could not avoid thinking of this," says Bernal Diaz, frankly, "and commending ourselves to God." And as he remembers how warnings failed to deter them, the old soldier bursts forth in self-admiration, "What men have existed in the world so daring?^[54]

 

 

1. Cortés, Cartas, 75-6; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 96-7.
2. 'Sacrificassen çinco mill personas para festejar é aplacar sus dioses.' Oviedo, iii. 499. 'Estuno encerrado en sus deuociones, y sacrificios dos dias juntamente con diez Papas.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 61. 'Estuno en oracion, y ayuno ocho dias.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 97. 'Si ritirò al palazzo tlillancalmecutl, destinato pel tempo di duolo.' Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 69.
3. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 182; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 304. According to Arias de Villalobos, the idol was already stricken mute by the shadow of the approaching cross; the angel released the captive, one of 500 destined for slaughter, and he set forth to join the Spaniards. Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 126.
4. From the lord of Tepeaca came 30 female slaves and some gold, and from Huexotzinco a wooden box, bordered with gold and silver, containing jewels worth 400 pesos de oro. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iii.
5. 'Ten thousand pesos de oro,' says Torquemada, i. 442.
6. Cortés, Cartas, 75-6; Torquemada, i. 442. Gomara is confused about these messages between Cholula and Mexico, while Bernal Diaz ignores this attempt to keep back the Spaniards.
7. 'Quitarnos la comida, é agua, ò alçar qualquiera de las puentes, nos mataria, y que en vn dia, si nos daua guerra, no quedaria ninguno de nosotros á vida.' This oracle came from Huitzilopochtli. The bodies should be eaten. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 61; Oviedo, iii. 499; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 97.
8. Cortés, Cartas, 77. Bernal Diaz relates that six chiefs brought this message, together with a number of gold jewels, worth upward of 2000 pesos, and some loads of robes. Hist. Verdad., 62. Most authors are, like Gomara, somewhat confused about these messages.
9. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 96. 'Algunos querian decir que era boca del infierno.' Motolinia, Hist. Ind., 180; Torquemada, i. 436-7.
10. 'Vinieron muchos Indios a besarles la ropa, y a verlos, como por milagro, ó como a dioses.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 96. According to Cortés they failed to reach the summit, although coming very near to it. But this statement is open to doubt, for Cortés is not liberal in according credit to others where it might tend to call attention from himself, particularly to a man like Ordaz, who had, until quite lately, been his most bitter opponent. Gomara had evidently good authority for his statement, since he in this case failed to follow his patron's version; and Bernal Diaz, who is always ready to contradict him, and who was no friend of Ordaz, does also admit that he reached the summit. He gives him only two companions, however, and starts them from Tlascala. Hist. Verdad., 55. Leading modern authors are inclined to doubt their success. Prescott, Brasseur de Bourbourg, and others, from a misinterpretation of Cortés' text, allow the ascent to be made while the army was camped on the summit of the range, en route for Mexico.

    Ordaz no doubt claimed to have reached the summit, since the emperor granted him a coat of arms, wherein the achievement is commemorated by a blazing mountain. Had he not merited it, his many jealous companions would surely have raised a clamor. He became also a knight of Santiago, in acknowledgment of his services during the conquest. Having beside acquired great wealth, he might have rested on his laurels; but eager to emulate his late chief, he in 1530 petitioned for and obtained the governorship of the tract between Rio Marañon and Cabo de la Vela, in South America, with a right to extend the conquest. After suffering great hardship there he set out for Spain, two years later, to recruit his health and seek redress against rival conquerors. He died on the way. Oviedo, ii. 211-24; Herrera, dec. iv. lib. x. cap. ix.; dec. v. lib. i. cap. xi. Simon has him arraigned at Española for cruelty to his men, etc. Ordaz insists on going to Spain for justice, and fearing the result, since he stood in high favor there, his enemies poisoned him during the voyage. Conq. Tierra Firme, 104-35. His portrait is given in Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 192, and Prescott's Mex. (Gondra ed. of Mex.), iii. 221. 'Su familia establecida en Puebla, en donde creo que todavia quedan descendientes suyos.' Alaman, Disert., i. 101. Montaño, among other conquerors, made the ascent of the volcano not long after this, and he is even said to have descended into the crater. Padre Sahagun also reached the summit. Hist. Gen., iii. 317; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. xviii.; Torquemada, i. 436-7; Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. ii. The next successful ascent was not made till 1827, by Messrs Glennie. Sonneschmidt had explored Popocatepetl partially only in 1772, but had reached the summit of the consort peak. Berkbeck explored in the same year as the Glennies. Gérolt and Gros attempted the ascent in 1833 and 1834, and succeeded in reaching the summit on the second occasion. The record is given in Revista Mex., i. 401-82. In 1857 the Mexican government sent up a successful exploring expedition under Sonntag and Laverrière, whose report, with drawings, is given in Soc. Mex. Geog., Botetin, vi. 218-45. Meanwhile the observations of Gérolt and Gros had led to the examination of the crater for sulphur, an industry carried on pretty regularly since 1836. The volcano was in frequent eruption about the conquest period, as if in sympathy with the political turmoils around it. One of the heaviest discharges recorded took place in 1539-40, which covered the neighboring towns, as far as Tlascala, with ashes. Since then it has been comparatively silent, the last two outbreaks being in 1663-4 and 1697. ubi sup., 204-5; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 55; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. xviii. The eruption of 1663-4 created great terror in Puebla, as Vetancurt relates. Teatro Mex., pt. i. 26. Bustamante extends this activity to 1665. Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 75.

    Rude cuts of the volcanic eruption of 1519 are to be seen in the old and curious cosmographies of Sebastian Munster. This learned man, famous as a Hebrew scholar, as mathematician and cartographer, was the author of some forty printed works, and would probably have issued as many more had not the plague cut him off at Basle, in 1552, at the age of 63. His editions of Ptolemy's Geography began in 1540, and in the following year, according to Labanoff's Catalogue, appeared the first edition of his Cosmographia Beschreibung but this date, accepted by several bibliographers, as well as that of 1543 for a Latin edition, are evidently wrong, since Munster in his dedication of 1550, to King Gustavus I. of Sweden, remarks that 'Inn dise dritt edition' he had hoped to include a description of Stockholm and other towns under the king, but had not received a reply to his demands therefor. A few lines above this he writes equally to the point: 'Als ich aber vor secha jaren noch mit diser arbeit vmbgieng, ist zu͏̄ mir kommen E. K. M. diener, der hochgelert herr, herr Georgius Normannus, dem ich vorhin auss etlichen büchern vnder meinem namen aussgangen, bekāt wz, vnd als er besichtiget dise fürgenoo͏̄en arbeit, schetzet er sie wol wirdig, das sie vnd dem künigliche schirm E. M. an tag käme.' Nothing could more conclusively show that the work had not appeared in print before 1544. The second edition appeared in 1545. The title of the first reads: Cosmographia. Beschreibu͏̄g aller Lender Durch Sebastianum Munsterum. Getruckt zü Basel durch Henrichum Petri. Anno MDxliiij. The Gothic text is accompanied by marginals in Italics, and illustrated with numerous small wood-cuts, some being of the character which permits their reproduction in different chapters and for different countries. In the African "division we find beings of the Anubis and Polyphemus type, and animal monsters of different form. In the dedication to Gustavus, Alunster speaks of having spent eighteen years in collecting and arranging his material, on the plan of 'de͏̄ hochgelerten maqn͏̄ Strabo͏̄i,' which is xxx not very flattering to that geographer, if the method before us be accepted as a specimen. He divides the volume into six books — the first devoted to mathematical geography, the next three to a general rambling description of Europe, chiefly with reference to the natural resources and settlements of the different countries. In the third book, covering two thirds of the text, and relating to Germany, each little province receives a historic notice, and every town and castle of any note its description, with rude wood-cuts attached. The next division given at some length is Asia, to which is appended half a dozen pages on America, while Africa closes with the sixth book and about three times that amount of text. The one chapter relating to our continent is headed, Von den neuwen inseln, and gives a vague account of the discovery, the physical features and natural products of the land, the inhabitants and their customs, illustrated with several cuts, among them a volcano in eruption and two cannibal scenes. The regular maps are grouped at the beginning of the volume, each on the verso and recto of two leaves, bearing on the first recto the title, inclosed in a border more or less ornamented with portraits, symbols, and arabesque. The mappemonde shows Terra Florida and Franclsia on each side of a bay. Above this runs a wide strait marked Per hoc fretu iter patit ad Molucas, which issues between Caihay regio and Temistitan. Below this land are placed Hispaniola and Cuba, at the mouth of another wide strait, bounded on the south by the large island of America seu insula Brasilij. Further down is Fretû Magaliani, with a large island to the south. The map for America bears the inscription: 'Die newe weldt der grossen und vilen Inselen.' The second edition of 1545 is considerably enlarged, the chapter on America covering nine pages. In the third edition, of 1550, the wood-cuts are increased by a number of large plans, views of towns, and other scenes by Deutsch, making this the most attractive volume for collectors. A portrait of the author in his sixtieth year is also given. The various editions in different languages, issued even in the following century, vary considerably in arrangement and extent, and that of 1614, although improved and enlarged to 1575 pages, devotes only ten to America, while previous editions contain more material thereon. The binding is provided with bosses, clasps, and vellum cover, impressed with tracery, portraits, and emblems.

11. Cap. iii. note 1.
12. 'Quauhpopocatzin, señor de Coyohuacan, uno de los grandes del imperio, que asistia en Nauhtlan, y estaba á su cargo el gobierno de las costas del mar del norte.' Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 296.
13. Bernal Diaz writes, 40 soldiers, 2 cannon, 2 firelocks, 3 cross-bows and 2000 natives; Cortés, 50 Spaniards and 8000 to 10,000 Indians, 'y doce tiros de pólvora.' Cartas, 88.
14. 'Á la primera refriega . . . . huyeron, y dexaron al Juan de Escalante peleando,' says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 74.
15. 'And Montezuma believed this to be the great lady whom we claimed for patroness.' 'Todos los soldados que passamos con Cortes, tenemos muy creido.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 74.
16. 'Seis soldados juntamente con él.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 73. 'Nueue Españoles,' says Gomara, who assumes that two were previously assassinated by Quauhpopoca. Hist. Mex., 122, 129.
17. According to Bernal Diaz, whose version is chiefly adhered to, the death of so many soldiers caused the Spaniards to fall somewhat in the estimation of the Indians, who had looked upon them as invulnerable beings. 'Y que todos los pueblos de la sierra, y Cempoal, y su sujeto, están alterados, y no les quieren dar comida, ni servir.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 73-4. But this is probably an exaggeration, for Cortés would not have ventured to send down a new comandante almost without escort, or to have remained quietly at Mexico for months, had his rear been so threatened. Cortés, who should be regarded as the best authority, gives a curious motive for the campaign. Qualpopoca, as he calls him, sent a message to Escalante, offering to become a vassal of the Spanish king. He had not submitted before, fearing to pass through the intervening hostile country; but if four soldiers were sent to escort him, he would come with them. Believing this protestation, Escalante sent the four men, two of whom wounded returned shortly after with the story that Quauhpopoca had sought to kill them, and had succeeded in despatching their comrades. This led to the expedition of Escalante. Cartas, 87-8. It appears most unlikely that this officer should have so far forgotten the prudence ever enjoined on his captains by Cortés, and trusted only four men in an unknown country, in response to so suspicious a request. There was beside no need for Quauhpopoca to go to Villa Rica, since his submission through envoys would be just as binding. If he desired to see the Spanish fort, he could have gone safely by water, for large canoes were used on the coast. It is not improbable that the story was made up to justify the expedition sent against Nautla, since a campaign by a small force, merely on behalf of a wretched tribe of natives, might have been regarded as unwarranted. This story was also useful afterward, when Cortés first thought proper to reveal it, for rousing his men to action. Gomara follows Cortés, with the difference that Pedro de Ircio, as he wrongly calls the captain at Villa Rica, having orders from Cortés to anticipate Garay by incorporating Almería, sent an order to Quauhpopoca to tender his submission. This he agreed to do, provided the four Spaniards were sent to escort him. Gomara appears to favor the view that Quauhpopoca acted on his own responsibility, for he says that this chief sent to warn Montezuma of Cortés' intention to usurp the empire, and to urge upon him to seize the white captain. Hist. Mex., 122, 129. Bernal Diaz stamps this account as false. Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. iii., assumes that the two Spaniards were slain by robbers, so that Quauhpopoca was innocent of any misdeed. Tapia's version is incomplete, but appears to favor Bernal Diaz. In Duran's native record, Coatlpopoca appears as the guide of the Spaniards. He treacherously leads them along a precipice, over which two horsemen fall with their steeds, and are killed. For this he is tried and executed. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 411-13.
18. He reveals it only after his arrival at Mexico, and thus leads Bernal Diaz to assume that the news reached him there. In this he is followed by Herrera, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. i., and consequently by Torquemada, i. 455.
19. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 62; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 97; Torquemada, i. 442.
20. The estimate varies from fourteen days, Herrera, to over twenty days, Gomara. By assuming that nineteen days were spent at Cholula, the army has a week in which to reach Mexico, and this is about the time consumed.
21. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 97. 'Saliēdo acompañarle los señores de Chulula, y con gran marauilla de los Embaxadores Mexicanos.' Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iii. 'Andauamos la barba sobre el ombro,' says Bernal Diaz, in allusion to the precautions observed. Hist. Verdad., 63.
22. Bernal Diaz relates in a confused manner that at Izcalpan the Spaniards were told of two wide roads beginning beyond the first pass. One, easy and open, led to Chalco; the other, to Tlalmanalco, had been obstructed with trees to impede the horses, and so induce the army to take the Chalco route, upon which the Aztecs lay in ambush, ready to fall upon them. Hist. Verdad., 63. This finds some support in Sahagun, whose mythic account relates that Montezuma, in his fear of the advancing forces, had blocked the direct road to Mexico and planted maguey upon it, so as to direct them to Tezcuco. Hist. Conq., 21. Cortés indicates clearly enough that the Mexican envoys had at Cholula recommended a route leading from that city south of Huexotzinco to the usual mountain pass, and used by their people in order to avoid this inimical territory. Upon it every accommodation had been prepared for the Spaniards. This road was not only circuitous, but had been declared by Tlascaltecs and others as hard and perilous, with deep ravines, spanned by narrow and insecure bridges, and with Aztec armies lying in ambush. Cortés, Cartas, 76-8; Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 574. Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. ii., calls this route shorter and easier, though more dangerous. Certain remarks by Bernal Diaz indicate that the ambush had been arranged in connection with the plot at Cholula, and abandoned upon its failure. loc. cit. There could hardly have been more than one route across the range, through the pass wherein the Aztecs had erected their station for travellers, and this the Spaniards did follow. Here also accommodation was prepared for them, and here the embassy from Montezuma appeared. Hence the obstructions spoken of must have been at the junction of the Huexotzinca road with the main road from Cholula to the pass, and intended as an intimation to the Huexotzincas or to the Mexicans not to trespass. They could have been of no avail against the Spaniards, who were beside invited to enter on the main road then at hand. These are facts overlooked by Prescott, Clavigero, and writers generally who have lost themselves in the vague and confused utterances of the chroniclers, and in seeking to elaborate a most simple affair. Modern travellers follow the easier and less picturesque route north of Iztaccihuatl, which skirts Mount Telapon. This was the road recommended by Ixtlilxochitl, leading through Calpulalpan, where he promised to join him with his army; but Cortés preferred to trust to his own arms and to his Tlascaltec followers. Torquemada, i. 442.
23. 'Dezian algunos Castellanos, que aquella era la tierra para su buena dicha prometida, y que mientras mas Moros, mas ganancia.' Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iii.
24. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 97; Oviedo, iii. 500.
25. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 295. Torquemada, followed by Brasseur de Bourbourg and others, calls it Ithualco, which appears rather to have been a general term for these stations, since ithualli, according to Molina, signifies a court. Peter Martyr and Gomara refer to it as a summer palace.
26. Cortés, Cartas, 79. 'Aun que para los Tamemes hizieron los de Motecçuma choças de paja....y aun les tenian mugeres.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 97. 'Los Indios hizieron de presto muchas barracas,' says Herrera, who places this 'casa de plazer' in the plain below. dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iii. Tapia calls the buildings 'casas de paja.' Re acion, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 578.
27. Martin Lopez was the watchful sentinel. Torquemuda, i. 443.
28. Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 577; Cortés, Cartas, 80. Herrera intimates that an attack on the summit, where the Spaniards were benumbed with cold, might have succeeded in creating confusion. dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iii. Unless the naked Indians had been equally benumbed!
29. He appealed to the Tlascaltecs by his side, and they declared that they knew him to be Tzihuacpopoca. Torquemada, i. 446.
30. A load being at least 50 pounds, the bribe swells to over $5,000,000.
31. Cortés and Martyr call the envoy a brother of Montezuma. Cartas, 79; dec. v. cap. ii.; Gomara and Herrera, a relative. Hist. Mex., 98; dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iii. According to Bernal Diaz, the bribe is offered by four nobles at Tlalmanalco. Hist. Verdad., 64. Sahagun, who is the original authority for the story of Tzioacpupuca's' attempt to pass himself off for Montezuma, says that Cortés was highly indignant at the deception, 'y luego con afrenta enviaron á aquel principal y á todos los que con él habian venido.' Hist. Conq., 19; Torquemada, i. 445-6.
32. Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 20-1; Acosta, Hist. Ind., 519-20; Torquemada, i. 447. Solis, the 'penetrating historian,' repeats and improves upon this as an account taken from 'autores fidedignos.' Hist. Mex., i. 353. And with a similar belief it has been given a prominent place in West-vnnd Ost-Indischer Lustgart, 131. Gaspar Ens L., the author, was one of the editors of the famous set of De Bry, from which he like so many others borrowed text, if not cngravings. The narrator of several individual European travels, he also issaed the Indiæ Occidentalis Historia, Coloniæ, 1612. The German version, published at Cöllen in 1618 in a small quarto form, under the above title, has for its guiding principle the appropriate maxim of Horace, Omne tulit punctum qui miscuit utile dulci. The first part, relating to America in general, is divided into three sections, for physical and natural geography and Indian customs, followed by discovery, voyages, and conquests, and concluding with a review of political history, and an appendix on missionary progress. This arrangement, however, is nominal rather than real, and the confusion, extending into chapters as well as sections, is increased by the incomplete and undigested form of the material, enlivened, however, by an admixture of the quaint and wonderful.
33. Ya estamos para perdernos .... mexicanos somos, ponernos hemos á lo que viniese por la honra de la generacion .... Nacidos somos, venga lo que viniere.' Sahagun, Hist. Cong., 21.
34. 'Este parecer de Cuitlahuac, abraçaron muchos de los Presentes.' Torquemada, i. 444-5.
35. With seven towns and over 25,000 families, says Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., 115. Herrera states that at the foot of the descent from the range felled trees obstructed the road, and appearances indicated that an ambush had been intended. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iii.
36. Cortés, Cartas, 80-1. Bernal Diaz places this occurrence at Tlalmanalco, where the chiefs jointly offer eight female slaves, two packs of robes, and 150 pesos' worth of gold. They urge Cortes to remain with them rather than trust himself within Mexico. This being declined, twenty chiefs go with him to receive justice from the emperor at his intercession. Hist. Verdad., 63. 'Se dieron por sus confederados.' Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 74.
37. For map of route see, beside those contained in this volume, Carbajal Espinoza, Hist. Mex., ii. 201, 538, and Alaman, in Prescott's Hist. Conq. (ed. Mex. 1844), i. 337, 384. The last maps in these books illustrate the later siege operations round Mexico, and so does Orozco y Berra's, in Ciudad Mexico, Noticias, 233. Prescott's route map, in Mex., i. p. xxxiii., claims to be based on Humboldt's, with corrections from the chroniclers.
38. 'Mataron dellos hasta veynte.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 98. The chiefs complained in secret of Montezuma. Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 578.
39. By touching the ground with the hand and then bearing it to the lips.
40. Cortés 'le dió tres piedras, que se llaman margaritas, que tienen dentro de si muchas pinturas de diuersas colores.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 64. A certain vagueness in the phrase has led some to translate it as a present of three fine pearls for Cortés.
41. 'No les quedaba sino decir que me defenderian el camino.' Cortés. Cartas, 81. 'Dieron a entender que les ofenderiã alla, y aun defenderiā el passo y entrada.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 96.
42. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 64. Ixtlilxochitl contradicts himself about the place of meeting, and makes Cacama invite Cortés to Tezcuco. Hist. Chich., 295; Id., Relacion, 411. Torquemada does the same. i. 449.
43. Native Races, ii. 345-6, 575. Cortés mentions another smaller town in the lake, witlhout land communication. Cortés, Cartas, 82.
44. 43
45. 'Pariente del rey de México.' Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., 116. Prince du quartier de Ticic.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 203.
46. 'Cortes, ca yua con determinacion de parar alli, y hazer barcas o fustas . . . . con miedo no le rompiessen las calçadas (to Mexico).' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 99.
47. Torquemada, i. 451; Oviedo, iii. 500.
48. For an account of the dispute between Cacama and Ixtlilxochitl, see Native Races, v. 474-7.
49. Tezcuco was entirely out of Cortés' route, and the narratives of the march show that no such detour couldl have been made. Torquemada, who contradicts himself about the visit, describes with some detail the reception at this capital, where the population kneel to adore the Spaniards as children of the sun. They are entertained at the palace, and discover in one of the courtiers, named Tecocoltzin, a man of as fair a hue as themselves, who became a great favorite. i. 444. Herrera takes the army from Ayotzinco to Tezcuco and back to Cuitlahuac. dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iv. Impressed perhaps by the peculiarity of this detour, Vetancurt, after repeating the story, expresses a doubt whether the visit was really made. Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 127-8. But Clavigero brings arguments, based partly upon vague points in Cortés' later letters, to prove that it took place. Storia Mess., iii. 74. Solis, the discriminating,' lets Cacama himself guide Cortés from Ayotzinco to Tezcuco. Hist. Mex., i. 360–1.
50. 'Yxtapalapa, que quiere decir Pueblos donde se coge Sal, ó Yxtatl; y aun hoy tienen este misimo oficio los de Yxtapalapa.' Lorenzana, in Cortés, Hist. N. Esp., 56.
51. Including Matlatzincatzin, lord of Coyuhuacan and brother of Montezuma; Tochihuitzin of Mexicaltzinco, and Huitzillatl of Huitzilopochco. Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 75; Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., 116; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 205.
52. Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. ii.; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 99; Cortés, Cartas, 82. What with the retreating waters and the removal of native lords in whose interest it lay to preserve the gardens and palaces, her glories are now departed. The evaporation of the lake waters had been observed before the conquest. After this it increased rapidly, owing to the thoughtless destruction of forests in the valley, as Humboldt remarks. In Bernal Diaz' time already Iztapalapan lay high and dry, with fields of maize growing where he had seen the busy traffic of canoes. Hist. Verdad., 65. The fate of the lake region was sealed by the construction of the Huehuetoca canal, which drained the big lake to a mere shadow of its former self, leaving far inland the flourishing towns which once lined its shore, and shielding the waters, as it were, from further persecution by an unsightly barrier of desert salt marshes — and all to save the capital from the inundations to which blundering locators had exposed her. Humboldt has in his map of the valley traced the outline of the lake as it appeared to the conquerors, and although open to criticism it is interesting. Essai Pol., i. 167, 173-5.
53. Cortés, Cartas, 82. Bernal Diaz reduces it to 2000 pesos. According to Sahagun, Cortés summons the lords of the district and tells them of his mission. The common people keep out of the way, fearing a massacre. Hist. Conq., 21-2. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 205-6, assumes from this that many of the chiefs promised to support Cortes against the government, which is hardly likely to have been done in a city ruled by Montezuma's brother, who was at heart hostile to the Spaniards. Here again, says Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. v., Montezuma sought to dissuade Cortés from entering the capital; Torquemada, i. 449. His envoy being Cacama, adds Ixtlilxochitl. Hist. Chic. 295.
54. Hist. Verdad., 64-5.