History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 1/Chapter 24

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XXIV.

FIGHT UPON THE TEMPLE SUMMIT.

June, 1520.

The Natives Continue the Assault — Their Fierce Bravery — The Spaniards Build Turrets — Still the Mexicans Prove too Strong for Them — Montezuma Called to Intercede — He is Insulted and Stoned by his Subjects — Cortés Attempts Egress by the Tlacopan Causeway — Failure of Escobar to Take the Pyramid — Cortés Gains the Slippery Height — The Gladiatorial Combat there.

At dawn the assault was renewed with the same fierceness as before, and with even less regard for the sweeping volleys of the cannon, which were fired without aim into the packed masses of the natives, bringing them down by the score. The gaps were quickly closed, and the rapidly repeated shots seemed to make no more impression on the surging mass than pebbles dropped into the boiling surf. It was a critical time for Cortés, who seemed not yet to recognize the full extent of the danger. He felt the necessity of open communication with the mainland, for obvious reasons, and to this end, in the course of the morning, he arranged another sortie like that of the preceding day, but in one direction only. The Indians retired, as before, into lanes and buildings, and beyond canals, raising the bridges behind them. Barricades having been thrown up to impede the advance since the last sally, some guns were brought to the front, and with their aid a few of the obstructions were demolished and more than one bridge was gained, together with a number of houses, to which the torch was applied. The discharges from the roofs were kept up with galling pertinacity, although the effect was not so fatal as during the preceding day, owing to the experience then gained. The forces below, who had retired before the charges of the advance, rolled back like recurring billows, and in ever increasing number, upon flank and rear, as if to overwhelm them. Such were their numbers and stubborn recklessness that ten thousand Hectors and Rolands, says Bernal Diaz, could have effected nothing against them, and soldiers from the Italian war swore that never among Christians or Turks had they witnessed such fierceness. Considerable alarm was also created by the appearance of long pikes, like those of the Chinantecs, directed particularly against the cavalry. Fortunately they were not numerous, nor were the pikemen sufficiently practised to be very dangerous. Worn out in the unequal contest Cortés turned to gain his camp, which was no easy task, since the natives were massed in greatest number in the rear, determined to cut off retreat. The fort was gained, nevertheless, although hardly a man escaped uninjured, while about a dozen were killed; one unfortunate soldier being captured and sacrificed in full view of the garrison.^[1]

It had been found that the greatest danger to the sallying parties came from the roofs, whence discharges could be directed with comparative impunity and with greater effect than from the ground. In order to counteract them, three mantas, or movable turrets, were planned, whose occupants were to devote their attention wholly to clearing the roofs of assailants. The completing of these machines and other preparations kept the garrison busy all the 27th of June, so that no sally was made. Ascribing this to fear, the Indians became more pressing in their assault, and more profuse with their insults. "Dogs!" cried some,"of hunger and thirst shall you die!" Others shouted, "Here is a piece of my tortilla!" at the same time flinging them unpalatable fragments of toasted bread. Eat it, you perjured villains, who can fight only on the backs of animals; for soon shall your own bodies be cut up for food and cast before the beasts!" The enemy appeared more numerous than ever, and the roofs and yards were literally covered with their missiles. The greatest danger to the Spaniards lay in the operations of the battering and mining parties, who, regardless of bullets from the wall turrets, sought steadily to open fresh breaches. Conspicuous in the hostile camp was a richly dressed Indian, surrounded by a staff of finely attired warriors, who seemed to direct operations, and whose orders were received with the deepest reverence. This personage the prisoners declared to be Cuitlahuatzin, and the next in rank Quauhtemotzin.^[2] Charge after charge was made by his direction, and with a vehemence that threatened to carry everything before it; and loudly rang the yells, whether of delight at some advantage gained or of fury over a repulse.

Thus the besieged were harassed beyond endurance. Large numbers were wounded, and all were exhausted from vigils, hard fighting, trying work, and the want of sufficient water and food; for in view of the stoppage of supplies, rations had been reduced. Those of the Narvaez expedition were particularly disheartened, and bestowed freely their maledictions, first on Velazquez, who had sent them to such a country, and then upon Cortés, whose promises of golden treasures and well stocked encomiendas had lured them to this plight. Perceiving, however, that unity of purpose alone could save them, they stifled regrets and showed Cortés that something must immediately be done to stay the onslaught, Lest the building fall about their ears. It was exceedingly disagreeable, but it must be done; the proud Spanish general must sue to the greatly injured captive king, pleading for his influence in behalf of peace.^[3] Montezuma had all these days been closely confined to his rooms brooding over the insults offered him, and apparently indifferent to the danger from without. When the message was brought he sullenly said, "Why does Malinche address himself to me, who care no longer for life? I will not listen to him, for he it is who has brought me into this plight." He intimated further that the promises of the general could not be relied upon, and that his words carried a double meaning. Olmedo and Olid, who had come to urge the request, had recourse to soothing words and persuasion, and succeeded in mollifying him somewhat.^[4] He replied, however, that it was probably too late to appease the Mexicans by promises. "They have now a new leader," he said, "who is resolved to spare no Spaniard, and I believe that you have all to die in this city."^[5] Nevertheless he yielded, and as befitted the momentous point at issue, he arrayed himself in the richly bejewelled robes of state, and placed upon his head the mitred copilli, beneath whose precious feathers gleamed the golden plate.^[6] Carefully guarded he ascended to the roof and stepped to the parapet, preceded by a courtier who bore the triple wand of the empire, as was customary on such occasions. Instantly the tumult was hushed, even before the leaders could issue orders for a stay of hostilities; instantly a thousand heads were bent in humble adoration before the august majesty of their sovereign. This attitude, however, was assumed but for a moment; soon these same heads were held higher than ever. Then the chiefs drew near to listen to the unhappy monarch.

Montezuma had appeared with a feeling of mingled fear and doubt as to what his reception might be, and he did not fail to observe that the accustomed reverence was shown only for an instant, involuntarily, as it were, and that silence was prompted rather by curiosity than respect. The urgency of the moment demanded that he should speak, but it was rather as supplicant than ruler that he turned to his people. "You are in arms, my children," he said, "in hot battle. Why is this? You will be slain, and there will be heard throughout the land for many years the wail of wives and little ones. You would give me my liberty, and I thank you. You do not turn from me in anger, and I thank you. You have not chosen another king in my stead, and I thank you. Such an act would displease the gods, and bring destruction on all. xxx I am free. By divine command I must remain the guest of the Spaniards yet a little longer, and you must not molest them, for soon they will return whence they came. Alas, my people, my country, And see! I am no prisoner. Go your way; my crown!"^[7]

With a heavy sigh, and midst copious tears, his head fell on his breast. The monarch's strength had indeed departed. The people knew that he spoke falsely, that he was little better than imbecile, unfit to be their sovereign. Oh, if he but had. the good fortune to die while helping them to grind to powder these hated enemies! Only a little while ago his words would have been received as the utterances of a deity. Now the scales had fallen from their eyes, and they saw him as he was. They could bear no more. Jeers and groans reached him from every direction. "Coward! chicken! Woman to the Spaniards, fit only for the gown and the spindle! Murderer of your nobles!" Such were the cries which now reached his ears as he stood stupefied with agony. Presently came a shower of arrows and stones, and before the Spanish guard could interpose their shields several missiles struck him, one on the left temple, which caused him to fall senseless into the arms of the by-standers.^[8] Startled by the crime they had committed, awe fell upon the multitude as the stricken sovereign was led away. Taking advantage of this feeling Cortés beckoned the chiefs to a parley with a view to explain what Montezuma had intended to convey. He had always wished them well, he said, and felt grieved to wage war for what had occurred during his absence. He desired peace, yet the desire was not prompted by fear, but by consideration for their safety and that of the city. The chiefs replied that the Spaniards must leave the country to the natives, and depart at once. That was exactly what they wished to do, replied Cortés, but they would not be driven If the Mexicans desired them to go, they wished must abandon the siege, tear down the barricade, and retire to their homes; they must likewise restore the bridges and supply provisions. To this the chiefs declined to listen, declaring that they would not lay down their arms so long as there was a Spaniard left on whom to use them.^[9] The evident desire of the besieged for peace served only to encourage the Indians, and the assault was renewed with an increased ardor that taxed the defenders to the utmost.

And now, whatever the cost, a way out of this place must be opened. Cortés knew of three causeways which led to the mainland, the only means of exit for his forces. He knew that they were low and narrow, exposed on both sides to the attacks of canoe fleets, and intersected by a number of bridges which were perhaps by this time raised. Each of these openings was an almost impassable chasm. The southern causeway to Iztapalapan was two leagues in length, and provided with seven drawbridges, besides a strong fortress, which rendered it impassable to an enemy. The northern, leading to Tepeyacac, was one league long, while the shortest, conducting westward to Tlacopan, half a league distant, was broken by only three bridges.^[10] Cortés resolved to undertake the passage by this last named causeway. During the night had been completed three mantas, of light framework and planks, each to hold twenty musketeers and archers, with which it was hoped to check the assailants on the roofs. These mantas were built with two chambers, provided with loop-holes; the upper ranged on a level with the house-tops of ordinary onc-story buildings of the city, and had doors, so as to allow of sallies upon the roofs.^[11]

The following morning, June 28th, Cortés placed himself at the head of five hundred Spaniards and over three thousand allies, and took the direction of the Tlacopan causeway.^[12] By a sudden charge the cavalry drove back the Indians and allowed the free passage of the mantas, which were drawn and pushed by Tlascaltecs, and protected by bodies of infantry. A corps of pioneers accompanied them with pickaxes, mattocks, crow-bars, and ladders, to destroy barricades and walls, and to scale buildings. Four cannon were also brought. The rear was protected by a portion of the cavalry. The Aztecs were at first amazed at the curious moving turrets, and feared that they might contain more terrible destroyers even than the grapecharged guns; but finding them less dangerous, they continued their efforts, and fast and thick poured the stones and arrows on the line of advance, particularly on the engines, which were severely damaged. The march proceeded, however, with more or less interruption till a raised bridge was reached on the main road, where the Indians had gathered in vast numbers, with an evident determination to check the expedition. The turrets were brought alongside the houses adjoining the canal in order to clear the crowded roofs, but regardless of the volleys from the firelocks, the natives on the roofs plied their missiles only the faster, letting fly heavy rocks^[13] upon the engine coverings, so as to render them untenable and hinder the manœuvring of the cannon. This success enabled the warriors beyond the canal and behind the barricades to maintain their assault with great effect, and to prevent a further advance. They gained a considerable advantage by a change of tactics in directing the missiles to a great extent against the legs of the Spaniards, to their serious discomfiture.^[14] After spending the greater part of the forenoon in an unsuccessful attempt to destroy the houses nearest the canal, and to fill a passage across it, the troops retired to the fort greatly disheartened. Even the Tlascaltecs, who were usually so glib of tongue in replying to Aztec taunts, for once held their peace.^[15]

Meanwhile the battle raged fiercely round the fort. The temple in front of it, since its evacuation by the Spaniards, had been occupied by some five hundred Mexicans, chosen men,^[16] who introduced a large quantity of ammunition and supplies, and began to batter the besieged quarter. It was this shower which had first damaged the turrets and harassed the march. Perceiving the danger of leaving so commanding a position in hostile hands, Cortés had sent his chamberlain, Escobar, with one hundred men^[17] and some allies to dispossess them. This was no easy task, for the pyramid was of great extent and over eighty feet in height, composed of a series of abrupt stone terraces, each receding about six feet from the one beneath, and so arranged that the ascent led along the entire circuit of each ledge before the steps conducting to the next could be gained.^[18] Twenty men, says Cortés, could have held it against a thousand; yet the one hundred were to attempt it. Step by step they fought their way, beneath showers of arrows, and against javelins, and sword and lance thrusts from the upper ledges. More dangerous even than these weapons were the cumbrous missiles in the shape of heavy stones and timber which came crashing down upon them. Three times^[19] did Escobar lead his men to the charge, only to see them repulsed and sent rolling down the steps and over the ledges. Finally he sent word to Cortés that the task was impracticable. The general received this notice while vainly battling at the canal, and he eagerly seized upon it as excuse for changing his base of operation. He hurried to the spot, threw a cordon round the amid, and although badly wounded in the left hand he immediately led his men to the charge. The Spaniards were making fair progress, when two heavy beams, which had been reserved at the summit for the last extremity, were loosened and sent tumbling down the side, so directed as to sweep to destruction the assailants along its entire length. At about the centre of their terrible passage, full before them, stood Cortés. Immediate death for himself and his brave comrades seemed inevitable, when behold! by some unseen finger the beams were turned end foremost and shot harmlessly through the opening made for them by the soldiers. "Thanks be to God and the virgin, whose image was placed in this tower!" cried Cortés, as without the loss of a moment he sprang forward and speedily gained the summit. There the fight assumed the form of a gladiatorial combat, a hand-to-hand and line-to-line conflict, poised in midair on this narrow slippery summit, and in full view of the whole city. As if by common consent the combatants below paused in their bloody work and stood breathless, lost in the more thrilling sight above.

At the eastern end of the platform stood the two three-story chapels, over fifty feet in height, originally dedicated to Huitzilopochtli and Tezcatlipoca. Against this the Indians had massed themselves, fierce in their desperation. The Castilians had taken their stand at the other end. It was an awful situation, dire destruction being inevitable to one side or the other. With nerves and sinews strained to their utmost tension, they stood between attacks regarding each other, regarding every motion, anon picking from the other's number with javelin, dart, or musket, as they were able. It was with difficulty the Spaniards could stand, and there was no railing round the slippery height; but fortune again assisted by unveiling the sun and sending its blinding rays full in the face of the enemy. Every now and then the soldiers charged in solid phalanx into the centre of the opposite mass, only to be obliged to retire under the pressure of its weight, and to receive the countercharge, encouraged by wildly gesticulating priests, who flitted to and fro in bloody robes and dishevelled hair. Aware of the inferiority of their weapons, the natives sought rather to seize hold of the Spaniards, singly or in groups, and with the recklessness of doomed men to hurl themselves with their victims from the dizzy height. In one instance Cortés himself was selected for this terrible fate. Inspired to martyrdom and revenge, two young nobles watched their opportunity, and approached him on their knees, as if pleading for mercy. Ere he had time to consider the situation they had seized him in their arms and were struggling to gain the edge. One moment more and he would have been dashed to death, but by putting forth his whole strength, nerved by desperation, he succeeded in freeing himself from their grasp. Ojeda was singled out for a similar attempt, and would have perished had not a Genoese come to his aid.^[20]

For three hours the struggle lasted, while one Indian after another was picked off by the bullet and the arrow, or pierced by the pike and sword, or sent headlong over the platform, either to be crushed by the fall or to be transfixed by the Spaniards on the ledges below. As their number diminished, many a one sought the higher martyrdom by leaping from the sacred spot into paradise. Thus melted away that fated band of Aztec warriors. At the portal of Huitzilopochtli's chapel fell the last defender; and two priests, one of them the high-priest, alone remained to offer themselves as captives. On entering the chapel consecrated to the virgin no traces appeared of the holy emblems, only evidences of idolatrous rites, and upon the altar stains from the blackened hands of the temple attendants.^[21] In the adjoining chapel the war-god was found reinstalled in all its glittering hideousness. Some consolation for this sacrilegious intrusion was offered to the victors in despoiling it of the rich ornaments, while the cacao and other provisions stored here by the garrison proved a prize to the half-famished Spaniards. The Tlascaltecs, so long deprived of meat, pounced upon the bodies of the slain heroes to secure them for a feast, which should not only satisfy the cravings of hunger, but infuse their hearts and minds with some of the qualities of the valiant dead.^[22] The chapels were then fired. The upper portion of the structure being of wood, the flames rose in columns heavenward, heralding the triumph of the Spaniard, and striking the Indian with awe. It was a great and thrilling feat, this fight upon the temple top; and so the natives regarded it, their heart, and mind, and paintings being all stained sanguine over its remembrance.^[23]

 

 

1. Bernal Diaz mentions the death of ten or twelve, but Cortés acknowledges only three score of wounded. On this occasion, apparently, Herrera allows Cortés to gain Tacuba, whither he might have retreated in safety with all his forces and wealth; yet he states that the return fight proved most severe, the fort being regained with difficulty, after the loss of two guns and several soldiers, one taken alive. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. ix. Solis manages to transform the operation into a victory, wherein Cortés stays the slaughter out of mercy. Prescott is quite arbitrary in the use of the chronicles. He combines the incidents of several days into one and transposes them at pleasure, with the sole aim apparently of presenting an exciting description of what the siege might have been. A few facts are elaborated, and the rest sacrificed to style.
2. Marina asked Montezuma if a new king had been chosen, but he did not think they would elect one while he lived. Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 141.
3. 'Fue acordado de demandalles pazes para salir de Mexico, . . . .acordò Cortes, que el gran Monteçuma les hablasse." Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 104. Muteczuma. . . .dijo que le sacasen. . . .y que él hablaria á los capitanes.' Cortés, Cartas, 129-30. The latter statement may be Herrera's authority for saying that Montezuma was the first to propose speaking to the Mexicans. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. x. Observing Cuitlahuatzin's regal authority over the besieging forces, Montezuma was seized with a fit of jealous alarm for throne and life. 'Chiamò Cortès, . . . .pregandolo instantemente di non differir più la sua partenza.' Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 124. This implies that the emperor was not aware of the vain efforts made to open communication with the mainland, or even to approach it. Cortés had to urge him in any case to speak to his subjects, an unwelcome task in view of his declining influence and of the merely partial success of the former appeal.
4. Among other reasons it was represented that Cortés was not to blame for the late massacre. 'Que si la indignacion de los mexicanos podia templarse con el castigo de los culpados. . . .le prometia castigar.' So says the native version of Tezozomoc, Recop. tradiciones, MS., cap. vi.; Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., 287-8.
5. 5 He felt no eagerness to plead in behalf of those who had caused all his misfortunes, and he was only too conscious that his pusillanimity must have degraded him in the eyes of his subjects, while the elevation of his brother to the leadership must have diminished the influence which till then may have remained with him. He could hardly avoid a feeling of jealousy at the thought of this elevation; and if he, during an impulse of anger against Cortés, had counselled the proceedings of Cuitlahuatzin, he now felt probably both grieved and terrified at the storm he had raised. He also harbored a wholesome fear of Malinche, and the prospect of his speedy departure helped to stir anew the embers of hope. All might yet be well: the capital might be spared further desolation, and he again resume his former grandeur.
6. See description of his first meeting with Cortés, Native Races, ii. This appearance of the emperor took place on the 27th of June, as Cortés states, but Bernal Diaz, Herrera, and Ixtlilxochitl place it respectively on the 5th, 6th, and 7th day of the siege.
7. Herrera, dec, ii. lib. x. cap. x.; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 104. 'No molestàsen à los estrangeros y fuésen sus amigos, pues su persona corria riesgo.' Tezozomoc, Recop. tradiciones, MS., cap. vi. Cortés, followed by Gomara, gives him no time to speak ere the people assault.
8. They would no longer recognize him as emperor, etc. Saying this, a chief threw a stone which struck Montezuma on the forehead. Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 468. Acosta attributes this first throw to 'Quicuxtemoc,' the later king of Mexico. Hist. Ind., 523. 'Ma io nol credo,' says Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 126. 'Aunque vn Castellano tenia cuydado de arrodelar a Motezuma. . . .le acertò vna piedra en las sienes.' Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. x. Had not the Spaniards held up a shield before Montezuma the people would have known it was he and not thrown the stone which killed him, says Cano, his later son-in-law. Oviedo, iii. 550. Gomara is inclined to believe this, for his people 'no lo quisieran hazer mas que sacar se los ojos.' Hist. Mex., 154. 'Una saéta alcanzó al emperador en el estòmago que lo atravezó por el baso, y una piedra le dió en la sien izquierda.' The people would never have thrown missiles, for they pitied him, and were prepared to obey his injunctions, but Cacama, who stood behind the emperor, made signs that they should continue the attack without regard for him or for the monarch. Tezozomoc, Recop. tradiciones, MS., cap. vi. According to Bernal Diaz, the four chiefs who had approached to confer with him expressed their sympathy for his misfortunes. They had now chosen as leader Coadlabacan, señor de Iztapalapa,' and had sworn to the gods to continue the war till all Spaniards were exterminated. Yet they prayed daily to the gods for his safety, and if all went well he would more than ever be their lord. They had hardly finished when showers of missiles fell, of which three stones and an arrow hit him, on the head, arm, and leg. Hist. Verdad., 104. 'Remorse succeeded to insult,' and they fled, says Robertson, Hist. Am., 90, a statement which Prescott improves by stating that the square before the fort was left empty. But remorse must have been brief, for the main authorities, Cortés, Gomara, Bernal Diaz, and Torquemada, either declare or intimate that the assault never stopped. 'No por eso cesó la guerra y muy mas recia y muy cruda de cada dia.' Cortés, Cartas, 130.
9. 'Esta Fortaleza casi no tiene exemplar,' exclaims Lorenzana, forgetting that Cortés' firmness was due to the justifiable fear that a trap was intended. Cortés, Hist. N. España, 136-7. Cortés concludes the sentence about Montezuma's being wounded by saying that he died within three days. He thereupon resumes the account of parleys and siege operations, leaving the impression that these took place after his death, while such was not the case. Nevertheless, Gomara, Herrera, and others, Bernal Diaz not excluded, are misled, by this vagueness evidently, into extending the siege and confounding the events, so that modern historians have all more or less remained mystified. Solis assumes that during Montezuma's illness the siege was conducted only by straggling parties, the main forces being occupied with crowning the new emperor. Hist. Mex., ii. 155-6. This is probably due to a misconstruction of Bernal Diaz.
10. 'En esta auia tres no mas, y en la de Yztapalapà, siete.' Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xi.; Native Races, ii. 561 et seq.
11. Cortés, Cartas, 130, 133. 'Quatro ingenios. . . .en que pudiessen yr veynte y cinco hombres,' says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 103. 'Tres mantas. . . .cõ sus ruedas; leuauan treynta hombres a cada vna, cubierta con tablas gruessas de tres dedos.' Herrera, loc. cit. Drawn by men within, adds Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. v. 'Cabia cada vno veynte hombres, con picas escopetas y ballestas y vn tiro.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 154.
12. Herrera unwisely assumes that the three towers with their forces were respectively directed against the three causeway approaches.
13. 'De tres y quatro arrouas, que maltrataron a los que yuan en los ingenios, y rompieron las tablas.' Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xi.
14. 'Hirieron a mas de docientos Castellanos.' Id., cap. ix.
15. 'Nos mataron un español y hirieron muchos.' Cortés, Cartas, 130-1.
16. 'Subieron allá dos vigas rollizas para desde alli echarlas sobre las casas reales y hundirlas.' Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 30. Peter Martyr supposes the temple to have been long held by the enemy, but this is contrary to what Cortés and Sahagun say.
17. Three hundred, says Gomara.
18. For a full description of this pyramid see Native Races, ii. 579 et seq. Some horses had been taken to clear the approaches, but they slipped on the smooth pavement, and were sent back as unserviceable. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 105.
19. 'Acometio la tres o quatro vezes, y otros tantos dias,' is Gomara's interpretation, in order to fill up the time assumed by him. Hist. Mex., 156.
20. Ojeda appears to be the sole authority upon which Herrera relies for these two struggles. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. ix. Člavigero doubts them; yet there is nothing unlikely in either attempt.
21. It was related afterward that when the natives first sought to remove the virgin image their hands clove powerlessly to it for some time, and left their marks upon it. Oviedo, iii. 510. Montezuma, being told of this miracle, ordered the image to be left in its place. Afterward, 'pareciò, segun supimos, que el gran Monteçuma tenia ó deuocion en ella, ó miedo, y la mandó guardar.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 104, 102. Others, as will be shown, suppose it to have been saved by its owner, Villafuerte, perhaps when Cortés withdrew the troops from the temple, or to have fled by its own miraculous power to the shrine at Remedios.
22. 'Comierõ de los caualleros Mexicanos muertos.' Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. сар. іх.
23. Cortés, Cartas, 130-1. According to Bernal Diaz the sally with the engines was directed against the temple, which he appears to place at some distance. It was held by 3000 or 4000 Indians, 'all chiefs,' and cost the Spaniards 46 lives, every man being beside wounded. They returned hard pressed by the enemy. 'Se mostrò Cortes mui varõ, como siēpre.' Hist. Verdad., 103-4. 'Murieron todos quinientos Indios, como valientes.' Gomara, Hist. Mex, 157. 'En trecientos caualleros que alli estauan no quedaron seys viuos.' Herrera, loc. cit. This author describes on a later occasion the capture of a tower attached to Montezuna's own palace, from which missiles fell with telling effect. Cortés goes with 200 men to reduce it, and is hotly received; yet the Indians, relying upon the execution to be made by some loose beams which are to be rolled down upon the assailants at a favorable moment, allow the Spaniards to rush forward and gain the tower, putting almost every occupant to the sword. This story is probably a version of the temple fight.