History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 1/Chapter 31

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XXXI.

PRELIMINARY CAMPAIGNS.

March-May, 1521.

Plan for the Investment of Mexico — Reconnoitring Tour round the Lake — Cortés in Command — Alvarado and Olid Accompany — They Proceed Northward from Tezcuco — Capture of Cities and Strongholds — Xaltocan, Quauhtitlan, Tenayocan, Azcapuzalco, Tlacopan, and back to Tezcuco — Chalco Disturbed — Peace Proposals Sent to Mexico — Further Reconnoissance of the Lake Region — Many Battles and Victories — Quauhnahuac Captured — Burning of Xochimilco — Second Return to Tezcuco — Conspiracy.

The arrival at Tezcuco of the brigantines recalled the necessity for planning the investment of Mexico, and this involved a reconnoitring tour round the lake, for which the Tlascaltecs in particular were importunate. Chichimecatl pressed this measure the moment he arrived at Tezcuco. He had come to serve the emperor, to join the Spaniards in avenging their fallen countrymen. Cortes expressed appreciation of his zeal, "but rest now," he said, "for soon you shall have your hands full." A few days later the general set out from Tezcuco with twenty-five horse, three hundred foot-soldiers, twenty-five archers and crossbowmen, and over thirty thousand allies, chiefly Tlascaltecs, with a number of Tezcucans. Among the war material were six field-pieces.^[1] Alvarado and Olid accompanied the expedition, and also a number of the Tezcucan leaders, partly as hostages, while Sandoval remained in charge. A northward course was taken, though the aim and destination were divulged to but a few, owing to the distrust still entertained of the Tezcucans.

On the Tecama Plain, four miles from Tezcuco, a hostile force approached, probably by accident. After routing them the army encamped. The following day they proceeded to Xaltocan,^[2] a prominent

The Valley of Mexico.

town situated on an island in the northern end of the lake bearing that name. Once the capital successively of a Toltec, Otomí, and Chichimec principality, it had succumbed to the vicissitudes of political revolution and wars, and was at present one of the chief strongholds belonging to the tripartite power in the valley. It was approached by a causeway provided with breastworks and drawbridges.

The intention of the army had been surmised, so that preparations were made in every direction to resist an entry, and the water swarmed with canoes. In advancing along the causeway a tempest of stones, arrows, and darts came upon them from both sides, while hampered on a narrow road, hemmed in by the waters, and able to do little against the floating enemy, who were comparatively safe behind the bulwarks fitted to their canoes. Advance was soon stopped by the first trench in the causeway, not only wide and deep, but protected on the farther side by strong breastworks. The situation was embarrassing. Falling back a little, with the loss of one man, the guns were brought forward to protect the allies while filling the gap; but at this juncture two Tezcucans informed Cortés that they could guide him across by a fordable passage.

The offer was eagerly accepted, and while a part of the forces attracted the foe to the causeway, and the horses covered the rear, Cortés led another party by the ford. The water reached only to the waist, and though the enemy hastened forward, resistance was in vain, and soon the town was reached, and all who had not escaped immediately surrendered. Good spoils were secured of fabrics and other merchandise, as well as some gold. Since the canoe fleet might attempt a night attack, it was not considered safe to camp on the island, and as the army withdrew to the plain one league beyond, a part of the town was fired, in further warning. Xaltocan had more than once before risen from her ashes, but these were the flames of her funeral pyre. She never assumed importance again, and is now but a pretty village.

The next camp was formed in Quauhtitlan, "a large and beautiful city," as Cortés calls it, which was found deserted. Thence they followed the route which had been taken after that night of ineffaceable horrors, when the foe seemed to fill the air and beat their faces in the blackness like the birds of Avernus, cutting off the stragglers faint with wounds and hunger, and sending terror to the hearts of the bravest. Now they came in confident strength, yet again the foe hovered round, though only at a distance, along the safe hill slopes, while from the summits rose pillars of smoke to proclaim the coming of the avengers. They passed through Tenayocan, once the capital of the Chichimec empire, and now renowned only for the immense serpent idols in its temple, from which the Spaniards called it El Pueblo de los Sierpes. Thence to Azcapuzalco, the former proud seat of the Tepanec kings.^[3]

No resistance being offered at any of these towns, they were spared the brand, whereat the disappointed sackers felt aggrieved. As the army neared Tlacopan a large opposing body appeared, which was reinforced by warriors from the towns thereabout and from Mexico. The ground being level, the cavalry easily broke through their lines, and the infantry completed the rout, pursuing them into the city. After clearing the greater number of streets from foes, camp was formed in the palace.

There was hardly any evidence of the late ravages to which Mexico and its approaches had been exposed during Spanish occupation, and Cortés saw that it would be no easy matter to besiege such a stronghold, or series of strongholds, as the massive buildings may be termed, held as they were by so obstinate a people as the Aztecs, with whom any trifling or imaginary success seemed to efface the effect of continual defeats. The prospect was not encouraging, and as he looked at the causeway full of those pitfalls which had defeated his high purposes, gloomy thoughts filled his breast. "Why so sad, your worship?" broke in a cavalier.^[4] "Yours was not the fault, and never will you be compared with heartless Nero." "I am not thinking of that sorrow alone," said Cortés, "but of the struggles yet required to achieve the mastery. Still with God's approval we will soon attempt it."^[5]

In the morning hostile forces again appeared, only to be driven back, whereupon the allies dispersed to sack and fire, with the determination to avenge the attack made upon them during the flight from Mexico. "And in this they used such diligence," writes Cortés, "that even our quarters were endangered." The general was nothing loath to see the flames, for it suited his plans not only to chastise the people, but to render the place less strong in view of later operation; furthermore, it was no easy matter to restrain the Tlascaltecs. Next day the enemy came again in force, but this time they waited not to be routed. They retired steadily to and along the causeway to Mexico, drawing the Spaniards after them. It was the very spot where they had suffered so severely the year before. Cortés had led the cavalry far along the causeway and across one bridge, when the Mexicans with inspiring shouts and doubled force came rolling back on front and flank, from houses and lanes, thrusting with pikes and striking with swords, the roofs meanwhile swarming with slingers. Cortés quickly sounded retreat, and the troops retired, but the onslaught had been tremendous, and it required no small effort to stay themselves. Almost every one was wounded, it is said, and several fatally. In crossing the bridge Alférez Juan Volante was knocked into the water. Several canoe-men seized him, but he was a powerful fellow, and with the strength of desperation he shook them off and sprang back to his comrades with his banner. Cortés made repeated charges with the horses to relieve the pressed foot-soldiers, till open ground was gained and the danger past.^[6]

On the following days the Mexicans sought to repeat their manœuvres, but Cortés was more prudent, and covered his rear carefully as he advanced. Observing this, the Mexicans tauntingly called out: "Enter, O brave ones, and fight! for to-day you will be masters of Mexico. Enter to feast, all is prepared!" And again: "You shall find no Montezuma now to do your bidding. Begone, therefore, to your own!" Others confined themselves to insults directed against the Tlascaltecs. "Rogues," they cried, "never would you thus dare to approach us but for the Christians, whose concubines you are. But wait awhile; we shall eat you both with chile, for you are not fit to be slaves!" The Tlascaltecs were not slow to answer: "Always have you fled before us like treacherous cowards. We are the men, you the women. Never have you entered our territory as we yours. The Castilians are not men but gods, one of whom suffices to rout a thousand such as you!" This verbal skirmish led in several cases to challenges, the principals being accorded a free field wherein to settle their disputes; and since they were generally men selected from both sides for their bravery, skill, and strength, the struggles were eagerly watched.

On one occasion a solitary warrior of great stature stepped from a canoe to the causeway, armed with sword and shield, and challenged any Spaniard to combat, for he desired to appease the gods with blood. The soldiers gaped in astonishment at this rashness. "What, you hesitate, you cowards!" he cried. The next instant a soldier named Gonzalo Hernandez rushed upon him with sword and shield, whereupon he leaped into the water, pursued by the soldier, who sought to despatch him. A number of canoes stole up, however, and Hernandez was seized by the warriors. His comrades rushed to the rescue, and so beset the canoes as to kill a chief and bring their champion ashore.^[7] During one of the sallies Cortés reached the breach in the causeway where his men had suffered so severely during the Sorrowful Night. The bridge was down, and he appealed to the warriors on the other side: "Why so foolishly court destruction? If there is a leader among you, let him appear, so that I may speak." "Speak," was the response, "we are all leaders here; leaders who shall make a banquet of thee and thine!"

 

Six days had been spent at Tlacopan, and since nothing could be achieved, not even an interview with Quauhtemotzin, for which Cortés ardently longed, he turned homeward. This abandonment of what the Mexicans had probably regarded as the beginning of the siege created no small exultation among them, and eagerly they pursued the retreating army, though repelled now and then with some punishment by the cavalry. The following day the pursuing forces had swelled to larger proportions, and were more daring than ever. Cortés accordingly ordered the infantry to advance, while he, with twenty horses, divided into several parties and formed an ambuscade. No sooner had the unsuspecting Mexicans reached the spot than the cavalry charged into their midst with thundering war cries. The surprise, no less than the execution, caused a panic, and the infantry hastened back to join in the usual chastisement. Molestation ceased.

From Quauhtitlan the army proceeded by way of Acolman to Tezcuco. The presence of so large a body of allies being considered for the moment unnecessary, the greater number, elated with success and laden with spoil, were dismissed to their homes, there to prepare for the gathering to follow the completion of the brigantines.^[8]

 

The withdrawal from Tlacopan encouraged the Mexicans to attempt the recovery of Chalco and to inflict chastisement for its secession. The place was indeed most important to Mexico, since from its fertile plains came the largest supplies, now more than ever required. The threat had been held over the Chalcans ever since their submission to Cortés, and the two young lords had hardly returned from Tezcuco before they sent messengers to implore aid. This occurred. while Sandoval was preparing to leave for Tlascala to convey the brigantines, and no further troops could therefore be detached without great risk, so that the Chalcans were told to wait. As the messengers were leaving with this cold comfort envoys arrived from Huexotzinco and Quauhquechollan. They had seen the signal pillars of smoke of the hostile allies, and had come to ask if they could be of service. The proposals came most opportunely.

The Huexotzincas and Quauhquechollans had long entertained a hatred of the Chalcans, as natives of an Aztec province against whose forces they had often been arrayed, but Cortés represented the true state of affairs and convinced the respective envoys of the important service they could render themselves and their new sovereign, to whom all owed allegiance, by forgetting occurrences for which their oppressors were to blame, and to combine for mutual aid. His arguments were convincing, and both Huexotzinco and Quauhquechollan promised immediately to support the Chalcans with a large force.

The Aztecs do not appear to have gone much beyond threats until after the Spanish retirement from Tlacopan, but two days after their return to Tezcuco Chalcan messengers appeared with such supplications that Sandoval was despatched to their aid with twenty horse, three hundred infantry, and a force of allies,^[9] largely reinforced at Chalco by Huexotzincas, Quauhquechollans, and Chalcans. On arriving before Chimalhuacan,^[10] he found the enemy drawn up in battle array in three large divisions. A rush at the invaders was made. The cavalry met them, breaking their ranks and throwing them into confusion. Retiring to more broken ground, where they were comparatively safe from the horses, they rallied to face the infantry, but the well directed volleys of fire-arms and cross-bows proved another surprise, which prepared the way for an effective charge from swordsmen and lancers. Now the retreat assumed more the form of a flight, the Spaniards pursuing eagerly. During this operation Gonzalo Dominguez was thrown from his horse, which fell upon him, inflicting such injuries that he died within a few days. In him the army lost one of its most dashing horsemen, and the equal of any in daring.

The troops then retired to the town for the night. Next day they marched to Huastepec, the objective point of the expedition, where fifteen thousand Mexicans, composed partly of the defeated forces, attacked them with such energy that five horses and a number of soldiers were wounded. The Spaniards soon routed them, and chased the fleeing through the town, a number taking refuge in a stronghold. While a portion of the troops, together with the Tlascaltecs, dispersed in quest of the rich spoil, and the cavalry were tending their horses, the fugitive garrison stole back to the town and fought their way to the stronghold near the square, where they took a stand behind some breastworks. Their position was not long maintained, however, after the troops had collected for the assault. The entire force of Mexicans was then driven for over a league, with considerable slaughter. The army now took up their quarters for two days in the palace. A peaceful summons was sent to the lord of the place, without meeting any response; another to Yacapichtla brought an insulting answer. The insolence was due to the confidence of the garrison in its strength, situated as it was on an almost inaccessible height.^[11] The Chalcans implored Sandoval to capture the place and drive forth the occupants, who would otherwise not fail to descend with fire and sword on their land. The proposition was by no means agreeable after so arduous a march and with so many wounded, including himself; but Sandoval never shrank from what he regarded duty, and soon he appeared before the fort to repeat his demands, only to hear taunts and jeers. The ascent was steep, with few points affording cover, and when the Chalcans were urged to begin the attack for which they had pleaded they objected unless the Teules accompanied them. Sandoval unhesitatingly placed some horsemen to guard the rear, and dismounting with Tápia the two took their shields and swords and led the way, followed by a number of soldiers.

The garrison lustily plied their stones and darts, and despite the protecting shields several were wounded, among them Tápia and Osma, while others were verthrown by the concussion and came tumbling down. With cheering Santiagos the soldiers urged one another onward until even the Chalcans joined the assault. The first Spaniard had hardly reached the summit before the occupants attempted flight, only to bring death upon them the quicker. Many were chased over the cliff, to fall into equally relentless hands below; others in their fear and despair cast themselves headlong from the height. So freely flowed blood, the soldiers say, that the creek at the foot of the fortress was stained sanguine, and so remained for an hour, repelling in horror the victors who approached it to quench their thirst.^[12] The Chalcans being now content, Sandoval returned to Tezcuco with considerable spoils and a number of pretty slaves.

Informed of the victorious advance of the Spaniards, Emperor Quauhtemotzin hastened to send reinforcements to his garrisons, and hardly had Sandoval tendered a report to his general before the alarmed Chalcans sent messengers stating that a fleet of two thousand large canoes with numerous warriors were descending upon them. Believing that Sandoval must have been too hasty or negligent, Cortés without deigning to listen to excuses ordered him to return immediately. Meanwhile the Chalcans, encouraged by the allies, had faced the invaders bravely and routed them in a fierce battle, killing quite a number and capturing over twoscore warriors, among them the general and several chiefs.^[13] When Sandoval came up the fight was over, and the proud victors surrendered their captives, who were sent to Tezcuco, the Spaniards following as soon as the danger appeared to be over.

Aggrieved at the brusqueness of his commander, Sandoval sent in his report without presenting himself; but Cortés had by this time recognized the injustice of his treatment, and actuated by policy no less than by affection, he summoned his captain and frankly avowed his haste, thus strengthening the friendship which ever after bound them. The victories in Chalco left secure the entire region between Villa Rica and the Spanish lines, and communication was henceforth regularly maintained, permitting fresh supplies and war material to be brought from a vessel which had recently reached the coast. A great event was the arrival of three vessels with two hundred Spaniards, eighty horses, and a full complement of arms, ammunition, and other effects, partly bought and partly enlisted by the agents whom Cortés had despatched to the İslands during the previous autumn. Among the new-comers were Julian de Alderete of Tordesillas, appointed royal treasurer for New Spain, and the Franciscan Pedro Melgarejo de Urrea of Seville, bearing a supply of papal indulgences for the men who had been engaged in the crusade. That the soldiers were conscious of frequent transgressions may be judged from the suggestive and not wholly reverential observation of Bernal Diaz, that "after patching their defects the friar returned to Spain within a few months, a rich man."^[14]

Cortés was cheered by offers of submission and alliance, owing partly to the good offices of Tezcucans and other allies. Some came from places quite distant, such as Nautla and Tuzapan, on the coast north of Villa Rica, laden as usual with presents.^[15] Another pleasing evidence of still more devoted loyalty came not long after from the south, from the country of the valiant Chinantecs, of the long pikes. During the great uprising, when Spaniards in small or straggling parties had everywhere been slaughtered, this people faithfully protected the two soldiers who happened to be with them, and were in return aided by their prowess and advice to achieve victories over adjoining tribes. One of these men, Captain Hernando de Barrientos, sent two natives in April with a letter to his countrymen imparting the assurance that Chinantla and its six sub-towns were loyal.^[16]

The recent successes and the arrival of the two hundred men induced Cortés once more to propose peace to Quauhtemotzin. To this end, during passion week, he bade some of the captured nobles proceed to Mexico with a letter as a symbol of their commission, and impress upon their master the superiority in arms and skill of the Spanish forces, their constant and large reinforcements, and their unvarying success in the field. They must point out the generous and humane treatment of the provinces which had submitted, and assure the Aztec leaders that equal forgiveness would be accorded them. Refusal to return to their allegiance would lead to the destruction of themselves and their city. Only two of the captives ventured to accept the commission, for according to Aztec articles of war any noble who returned to his country after having been captured by an enemy was doomed to decapitation unless he had performed some extraordinary deed.^[17]

No answer came from Mexico, and it was afterward learned that the messengers had suffered death. The Aztec ruler had not even given a thought to peace. He was watching his opponents, prepared to take advantage of any neglect or relaxation in their effort. No sooner had Sandoval been induced by peaceful appearances to retire from Chalco than Aztec forces again prepared to invade the province. The Chalcans had due warning, and close upon the heels of Sandoval came two messengers lamenting louder than ever, and exhibiting a painting wherein were named the many towns whose forces were coming upon them, fully fifty thousand strong. These constant menaces and movements were exasperating, and Cortés resolved personally to inflict a lesson which might be lasting. At the same time he proposed to complete his reconnoissance of the lake region and encourage his troops with spoils from hostile localities whereon the Aztecs yet relied for support.^[18]

Cortés selected thirty horse, three hundred infantry, a number of Tlascaltecs, and over twenty thousand Tezcucans, under Prince Ixtlilxochitl, to which twice that number of other allies were added on the way. A large proportion of archers and aquebusiers were taken, together with Alvarado, Olid, Alderete, Melgarejo, and others, while Sandoval was left in charge of Tezcuco, with instructions to watch and promote the completion of the brigantines against which several incendiary attempts had been made.

The expedition left Friday, the 5th of April, and passed through Chalco, Tlalmanalco, and Chimalhuacan,^[19] and crossing in a south-westerly direction into the Totolapan province, they entered the hills which form the southern border of the Mexican valley. By this time the forces had assumed proportions hardly inferior to those of the Iztocan campaign, when over one hundred thousand moved against the foe. Highly picturesque was the spectacle of this army, its naked hordes of warriors relieved by plumage and glittering iztli points which rose above the broad line of gaudy shields; its white adventurers in mail of cotton and metal, surmounted by bright helmets, and armed knights on proudly stepping steeds: picturesque in particular as it wound in almost endless line along the rounded slopes of the cliffs, or climbed in clearly defined file across the hill-tops, only to descend again into gulches gloomy as their own sinister purpose.

Alarmed by the invasion, the inhabitants had abandoned their valley homes, and had sought refuge on the summits, whence they hurled missiles at the passing lines. Little attention was paid these irregular bands, composed as they were to a great extent of women and children. On entering the Tlayacapan Valley, however, and observing on the craggy sides of an almost perpendicular isolated rock, perched there like an eagle's nest, a place of refuge peopled with more pretentious opposers, in a fit of insensate folly Cortés ordered the place to be assailed. He seemed to think the honor of the army demanded it, and was ready to stake the lives of valuable men on its destruction.

Orders were given to attack from three several sides, the steepest being assigned to Alférez Corral, a brave and spirited leader. Verdugo and Villafuerte were given another side, and Ircio and Monjaraz the third. Each party consisted of about three-score men, and included archers and arquebusiers. At a given signal all rushed forward to the ascent. Soon they were on hands and knees, crawling over projections and pulling themselves up by means of shrubs. All the while stones and darts rattled on helmet and breastplate; and huge rocks came rolling down upon them. In vain they sought shelter in crevices and under crags; they must face the storm. Bernal Diaz followed Corral, and after receiving many a hard knock they gained what was called two turns of the rock. There they paused and looked around, wondering at their success thus far. Supporting himself against a small tree, his face bathed in blood, his banner rent, Corral said, "Señor Diaz, it is useless to advance farther; not a man will survive." Then they shouted a warning to Pedro Barba, at the head of his archers, not to climb farther. "The order is to advance!" was the reply. The next moment Barba was wounded by a stone, and a soldier at his side was killed. Cortés then sounded the recall, but not until eight brave men had laid down their lives, victims of their commander's puerility, and of the rest most of them returned wounded.^[20]

The recall was likewise prompted by the approach of a considerable force in the valley. This the cavalry charged and quickly routed, following in close pursuit, though the broken ground soon enabled the fugitives to gain shelter. During this ride some of the horsemen came, a league beyond, to another hill fortress, strong in its natural features, and held by a large force. Near by were some springs. The need of water was pressing, which afforded a plausible excuse for abandoning the scaling of Tlayacapan, and the whole force was moved to the springs. Early next morning Cortés examined the approaches to the new stronghold. It extended over three hills, the central one exceedingly steep and held by the largest force; the others easier of ascent, though higher, and occupied by smaller numbers. In reconnoitring, Cortés advanced toward the centre. This movement led the occupants of the other hills to infer an attack on the central height, and they began to abandon their positions with a view to reënforce the threatened point. Observing this, Cortés ordered Barba to occupy the most commanding elevation with some fifty arquebusiers and archers, while he himself continued to scale the centre as a feint, for there was little hope of capturing a point so steep and strongly held. The stones and darts rained here as previously, and man after man was struck down, some bleeding freely from the wounds sustained.^[21]

Meanwhile Barba's sharp-shooters had made so effective a use of their weapons that within half an hour the volleys from the fortress ceased, and the women began to wave their robes in token of truce, shouting their submission. Cortés graciously met the advances, and extended full pardon. He also prevailed on the chiefs to induce the Tlayacapans to submit. On the extensive surface of the rock were collected all the inhabitants of the neighborhood, with their effects, which Cortés ordered not to be touched.^[22]

The army remained encamped for two days to refresh themselves after their arduous march, and after sending the wounded to Tezcuco, Cortés proceeded to Huastepec. The report of the clemency extended to preceding settlements had a reassuring effect on this town, whose cacique came forth to welcome them, and tender his palace for their entertainment. This was situated in a garden, celebrated throughout New Spain for its beauty and extent, and the immense variety of its plants, collected partly for scientific purposes. A river with tributary canals flowed through its grounds, which extended over a circuit of nearly two leagues, murmuring its melody in unison with winged songsters hidden in arbors or playing between bush and hedge, mingling their bright color with the green expanse. Adjacent were steep rocks, on whose smooth surface were sculptured the portraits of noted warriors, statesmen, and orators, with hieroglyphic inscriptions of their fame. It was a paradise formed equally for student and idler, and to the weary soldiers no spot could perhaps have proven so grateful. Cortés certainly grows ecstatic in describing it, declaring it "the largest, most beautiful, and freshest garden ever seen."^[23] Tempting as was the retreat, Cortés tore himself from it the following day, and proceeded in a south-westerly direction to Yauhtepec. Although many warriors were gathered there, they fled on the approach of the Spaniards, and were chased, with some slaughter, for about two leagues, into the town of Xiuhtepec.^[24] The women and effects there found were appropriated as spoils, and rendered agreeable the two days' stay. The ruler failing to appear, the place was fired, and terrified by this warning the lord of Yauhtepec hastened to proffer submission.

After a day's hard march the army came in sight of Quauhnahuac,^[25] capital of the Tlahuicas. They were one of the Nahuatlaca tribes, which according to tradition had entered the Anáhuac country to supplant the Toltecs. Coming rather late, they found their brethren already in possession of the lake region, and so they crossed the range to seek a home on the headwaters of the Zacatula, where soon a number of settlements rose round Quauhnahuac. They afterward fell under the sway of the Chichimecs, and finally the Aztecs took advantage of internal discord to establish sovereignty,^[26] maintaining it by a garrison in the capital. This was a natural stronghold, situated on a tongue of land between two steep ravines over forty feet in depth, and through which ran a little stream during the rainy season. It was further protected by strong walls, particularly on the side where a strongly guarded gate opened to a fine stretch of country. Two other entrances faced the ravines, sometimes spanned by bridges, which were now removed.

Situated at the gateway to the tropical southern valleys, between which and the colder lake region interposed a range of mountains, the spot stood as a new Eden in its manifold beauties. A sight even of the pine-fringed mountains that rolled off toward the north, with their green slopes shaded by oak and birch, and bathed in soft though bracing airs, was refreshing to the indolent inhabitants of the burning plain beyond. On the other hand the sturdy toilers of the northern plateaux might in this sunny south seek relaxation in the varied charms of a softer air balmy with the incense of a more lustrous vegetation.^[27]

It was an opulent community that of Quauhnahuac, surrounded as it was by endless resources and advantages, and the people were in no mood tamely to yield their wealth to invaders. And in this determination they were sustained by their lord, Yohuatzin,^[28] who was not only a vassal but a relative of Quauhtemotzin. Confident in the impregnable position of his city, in which supplies were ample, he replied with volleys to the demands of the Spanish forces as they appeared on the other side of the ravines. It seemed almost impossible to effect a crossing and climb the steep wall of the ravine to the city; nevertheless Cortés selected a position and began to open fire so as to occupy the attention of the garrison and cover the scaling parties.

While they were thus busied a brave Tlascaltec reconnoitred and came to a point half a league beyond, where the ravine was steepest and narrowed to an abyss. On the two sides grew two large trees, which inclined toward each other, with branches intertwined, forming a sort of natural bridge, though by no means secure. He called the attention of his party to this and led the way across, followed by several Spaniards. The natives, who were more accustomed to this kind of tactics, found comparatively little difficulty in swinging themselves across; but to the soldiers it was far from easy, and three of them, overcome by dizziness or weight of armor, slipped and fell.^[29]

The attention of the inhabitants being attracted elsewhere, a number of the invaders had gained a secure foothold within the city before they were observed. Even now a few resolute men might have driven them back, but such were wanting, and the sudden appearance of the dreaded white men, as if indeed they had dropped into the stronghold from some cloud made radiant by the sun whose reputed children they were, struck terror to the hearts of the poor natives. All impotent and nerveless, they permitted the daring strangers to lower the drawbridge, and turned to spread the panic. Meanwhile the reports of a formidable army advancing from the rear so wrought on the fears of the garrison that, when the handful who had crossed on the bushy bridge fell on them, they offered no resistance. This also allowed the scaling forces to pour in, so that within a short time the siege was turned into a rout, wherein the cavalry played a prominent part. The zeal of the allies was already indicated by smoky columns in different parts of the city, and the foot-soldiers hastened to share in the rich plunder and intercept the women.

Most of the fugitives had gathered on an adjacent height, and though no attempt was made that day to molest them, yet they began to fear that men who who could so readily capture one of the strongest fortresses in the country, would find no difficulty in reaching them anywhere; therefore, after listening to the advice of messengers sent by Cortés, Yohuatzin concluded to surrender, and presented himself on the following day with a large retinue and rich presents. The Mexicans were as usual blamed for the opposition offered. He would have submitted before, but thought it best to expiate the fault of resistance by allowing the Spaniards to pursue, so that after spending their fury they might be more ready to forgive.^[30]

There was no time at present to extend the reconnoissance farther in this direction, and after a brief rest Cortés turned northward to the lakes. The route over the mountains proved far more difficult than before, and after issuing from the pine forest the army entered a desert country terminating in a three-league pass through the Ajuzco Mountains. Here thirst became so intense that several natives succumbed.^[31] This suffering was relieved in a hamlet not far from the pass.

On the following day they passed through a fine and cultivated country toward Xochilmilco, that is to say, Field of Flowers, aptly named, for round almost every house, particularly on the outskirts, was a flower-garden enclosed by canals. Many of them were of the chinampa class, or floating gardens,^[32] the outgrowth of early Aztec weakness, now forming a picturesque border to the lake towns. Altogether the aspect was most pleasing, while the buildings of the central parts were artistic and striking. Besides the strength added by canals and moats, pile buildings were frequent, and intrenchments had been thrown up and drawbridges raised to defend the approach against any enemy of the Aztecs, for its loyalty to the queen city was fully as great as that of Iztapalapan. It was the most important place on the thickly settled fresh-water lake. Bishop Garcés relates that angels were heard to sing praises in the Mexican tongue when it was converted.^[33] The usual summons was issued by the Spaniards, and no heed being given, they attacked in three divisions by different approaches. The enemy fell back behind the raised bridges and intrenchments, whence they kept up a steady volley. The archers and arquebusiers replied briskly, and covered the van as it plunged into not very deep water and waded across to capture the fortifications. This effected, the foe was driven from one retreat to another. Seeing how affairs went, they sought to parley, but the pursuers paid no heed, regarding it as a trick to gain time for the removal of their families and property. Within half an hour the greater part of the city was won, and soldiers and allies were sacking as they advanced. The foe rallied now and then to cover their retreat, and in one instance managed to despatch two soldiers who had allowed avarice to overcome prudence.

Not long after, a body of some ten thousand warriors, reënforced by fugitives from the city, was seen advancing from the rear as if to cut off retreat. They were already close at hand when first observed, and without losing a moment Cortés charged them at the head of a body of cavalry.^[34]

At first they boldly faced the animals, and fought so well as to severely wound four, besides several riders; but the mounted body kept breaking through their ranks and then turned to fall on the rear. This movement proved decisive, and the enemy dispersed in flight, the horsemen scattering in pursuit. Already weakened by the severe march across the mountains, the horse of Cortés became quite exhausted, and while its rider was striking right and left into a large body of fugitives, it fell. No other horseman being near, the enemy gathered courage and rushed upon the general, who had risen to his feet and stood with sword in hand to defend himself. It was a critical moment, and had not a brave Tlascaltec warrior come to his rescue thus opportunely, the career of the Estremaduran would have ended there; for he had already received a severe blow on the head and was about to be dragged away when thus rescued. The general's body-guard then came up and cut in pieces his late stupid assailants — stupid because they might so easily have killed him, and did not.^[35] The pursuit was not long maintained, tired as the horses were, and remounting his steed Cortés led the way back to camp in the square.

Late as it was he superintended the filling of all the channels which broke the causeways, and the erection of defences, and ordered the soldiers to put in order their arms and prepare arrows. The forces were distributed at three points, and extra guards were posted for the night, together with bodies of troops at probable landing-points. These precautions were prompted chiefly by the evident effort of the last body of the enemy to shut up the army within the city, a movement which boded other attempts, as Cortés rightly supposed.

 

When Quauhtemotzin heard that the Spaniards had marched against Xochimilco he called a council to consider the course to adopt, and the result was the despatch of reënforcements. Finding that the city had so easily fallen, he became furious. The gods were indignant at the outrages of the strangers. Arms must be employed more manfully, and, these failing, the loyal ones must let their nails grow, as the last means of protection. The first step should be the recovery of Xochimilco. That very night two thousand canoes were sent with some twelve thousand warriors, and a similar force by land, all approaching stealthily, without music.^[36]

 

The rumor of a probable night attack kept the Spanish camp on the alert, and advised of this, the enemy made no attack. At dawn their canoes were already swarming round the city, the inmates rending the air with loud and repeated shouts, and brandishing their weapons, those of the chiefs being captured Spanish swords. "With your own arms you shall be killed, and we will eat you!" they cried. "We fear you not, for Montezuma is dead!" At the same time the land forces were seen approaching, evidently to assist the fleet in besieging the Spaniards within the city, which would give the Mexicans greater advantage, as they had well learned during the siege of Mexico. Cortés understood the manœuvre, and leaving the greater part of the infantry and allies to guard the city, he sallied with most of the horse, in three parties, a few of the infantry and several hundred Tlascaltecs, breaking through the enemy's ranks and gaining the foot of a hill in their rear, the Tepechpan.

While the enemy were rallying, Cortés led the horse round to their denser flank, and gave orders to the infantry to allure the Mexicans by climbing the steepest part of the hill and pretending to escape. This succeeded, and the next moment they were attacked in several directions with such effect as to cause a panic and drive them in flight toward a quarter where one division of horse had taken a stand. Five hundred Mexicans covered the field and five leaders were among the captured, while the Spanish loss was only one soldier and a few allies, including three Tlascaltec chiefs, although a number were wounded. During the pursuit the foremost division of horse came upon a further Mexican reënforcement, estimated at ten thousand, which rallied the fugitives and caused the pursuers to halt. Soon, however, the remaining force came up, the charge was continued, and the Mexicans routed.^[37]

Too tired for long pursuit, the Spaniards returned by ten o'clock in the morning to Xochimilco, where their garrison had repulsed the lake force. The fight had been fierce, and the soldiers had exhausted all their ammunition, capturing in return two Spanish swords. These victories brought little satisfaction, however, for the captives gave information that the forces so far sent were but detachments of the armies destined for Xochimilco, which must be recovered, and the Spaniards driven forth, if it cost the lives of all the men in Mexico. The Spaniards might defeat force after force, but even victory must so weaken them that the Mexicans would finally triumph. This seemed to be confirmed by the movements of the fleet, which, though repulsed, was still hovering thereabout.

Cortés now gave orders to burn the city, as a warning to the wilful inhabitants and preparatory to its evacuation. The soldiers, who had been interrupted in their plundering the day before, obeyed with alacrity. Xochimilco was a wealthy city, and not a Spaniard or ally but obtained an abundance of robes, feathers, and other effects, and even some gold, which helped to cheer those whom ordinary merchandise and slaves did not satisfy. The enemy had been watchful, however, and in their canoes they flitted round the city to cut off stragglers. At one point quite a charge was made, wherein several Spaniards were wounded and four carried off alive. This event did more to cast a gloom over the army than many defeats, for all knew the fate of prisoners.^[38]

After a stay of three days, all fraught with hard fighting, the army filed out from Xochimilco, presenting the appearance of a dilapidated caravan rather than of a reconnoitring and fighting expedition, so much so that Cortés thought it necessary to remonstrate, but in vain. The enemy hovered about like vultures, to harass them in what they regarded as a retreat. The march was made in regular fighting order, with cavalry distributed in three sections, in van, rear, and on flank. In order to complete the reconnoissance, a north-westerly route was taken to Coyuhuacan, the centre of a series of inner towns which lay clustered within a radius of a league and a half, along the shores or upon islands in the lake, all picturesque in their pyramidal temples and their white walls, which gleamed amidst blooming orchards and shady groves. Coyuhuacan itself was a beautiful town, and Cortés felt so captivated with it that he afterward made it for some time his favorite residence.^[39] It had been evacuated, but toward and beyond Mexico the lake teemed with canoes, while in every direction spread one continuous extent of farms and hamlets, connected by causeways and roads with busy traffic. To Alderete and friar Melgarejo this was a novel scene, and they could not refrain from expressing their admiration at the enterprise and prowess of Cortés and his followers in undertaking so vast a conquest. God's aid alone could have enabled them to succeed as they had done.^[40]

The army remained here over the following day, chiefly to examine the place as intended head-quarters of a besieging force. It was found satisfactory; and while arrows were prepared and the wounded tended, the general advanced along the causeway leading to Mexico and expended his remaining ammunition in the useless capture of the temple fortress of Xoloc,^[41] during which a number of soldiers were wounded, though the enemy suffered considerably. After offering to heaven the fiery sacrifice of pagan temple, the army proceeded through Tlacopan without halting, for they had no ammunition, and this place had been examined on the previous expedition. This unexpected haste encouraged the Mexicans to come forth in great numbers and attack the baggage train and rear. Owing to the level nature of the ground the cavalry found no difficulty in repelling them, yet they caused more trouble, and succeeded even in carrying off two of the favorite equerries^[42] of Cortés. He was deeply grieved at the loss, and partly with a view to avenge them, partly to inflict a lesson which should save the army from such annoyance, he formed an ambuscade beside the road with twenty horse. Seeing the other ten horses engaged as formerly in covering the rear, the Mexicans continued their pursuit. At a favorable moment the hidden horsemen appeared, and soon over a hundred of the flower of the Mexicans lay dead upon the ground,^[43] their rich panoplies, dresses, and arms offering a pleasing addition to the already heavy plunder. Freed from further molestation, the army proceeded through Azcapuzalco and Tenayocan to Quauhtitlan, all deserted. Here the army clustered round camp fires of green wood, wet from a recent shower and supperless. Next morning they followed the route already pursued during the flight from Mexico, round Zumpango Lake through Citlaltepec, and thence through Acolman to Tezcuco.^[44] A mass of booty and slaves being now at hand, general distribution was ordered, the second in Tezcuco. Again, says Bernal Diaz, Cortés disregarded his promises and secured not only for himself the objectionable fifth, but allowed his favorites to carry off the prettiest women before they were brought forward at auction. Many who remembered the former tricks hid their women and said they had escaped, or they declared them free servants from allied tribes; while a few managed to obtain a private branding, paying the fifth required. A large proportion of the soldiers were so heavily in debt for stores and fifths that their booty left them no surplus.^[45]

While the reconnoitring expeditions had on the whole been fraught with pecuniary benefit and glory, they had nevertheless served to open the eyes of many to the difficulty of the great purpose, the capture of Mexico. This was particularly the case with the Velazquez party, whose adhesion before the Tepeaca campaign had been compulsory, and after it mercenary in its motives. Every obstacle to them appeared terrible, magnified through constant fear of the dreaded stone of sacrifice, on which so many comrades had already been laid. And this they were encountering for what? the advancement of an envied usurper and a pecuniary reward far beneath their expectations. The failure at Iztapalapan, the repeated inroads of the Mexicans, unabashed by constant repulses, and the hardships of the campaigns, particularly the last, all tended to support their arguments against Cortés' plans as chimerical, involving long delays, constant toil, and waste of life, and with poor recompense save for Cortés and his favorites.

Presently the affair assumed the color of conspiracy, headed by Antonio de Villafañe, a common soldier from Zamora, who is claimed by Herrera to have had the active or passive sympathy of some three hundred malcontents, nearly one third of the army. The professed object was to secure a pliable leader who would consult the wishes of the soldiers, even those desirous of returning. Such a man, and withal of great influence and valor, was Verdugo, the brother-in-law of the all-powerful patron Velazquez, and him the conspirators chose as the new captain-general, unknown to himself, since he might prove too honorable to engage in plots against the commander. As a reward for his own efforts Villafañe claimed the position of alguacil mayor, while other friends and influential men of Narvaez were assured of the remaining offices, from alcalde mayor and maestre de campo downward, now held by the retainers of Cortés, as well as a share in the arms and other effects of the doomed number.^[46] It was arranged that when Cortés was seated at table with his intimate friends, as Alvarado, Sandoval, Olid, and Tápia, a letter was to be handed him, as if coming from his father, and while he was reading, the conspirators should fall on and stab him and his supporters, since all must be removed who might prove troublesome. The new officers were thereupon to be proclaimed, together with the liberal plan agreed on, by which it was hoped to allure even the friends of Cortés.

There were too many in the secret, however, and Cortés was a man of magnetic influence. At the eleventh hour, two days after the return from Xochimilco, says Diaz, an accomplice, struck with compunction, rushed distractedly to the feet of Cortés and implored pardon for having even dared to listen to the vile machinations. He thereupon revealed the plot and stated that Villafañe carried the names and details on a list in his breast-pocket. Cortés quietly summoned his captains. He represented the need for a "remedy, since, besides the scandal, it was evident that all the Spaniards must perish if once they turned one against the other; and to this end not only declared foes but allies would join."^[47]

Attended by Sandoval and others, Cortés hastened to the house of the accused and found several persons assembled. Some were secured as they sought escape. Villafañe found time to take a paper from his breast and tear it in pieces, but Cortés gathered and arranged them,^[48] and was grieved to read the names of quite a number of promising persons whom he had honored and regarded as friends. Villafañe confessed the details of the plot, which had been forming since the Tepeaca campaign. A court-martial was held, presided over by Cortés himself, and there being no doubt of his guilt, the accused was condemned to death and promptly hanged from the window of his dwelling.^[49]

Cortés had probably no doubt regarding the guilt of the persons named on the list, but the prosecution of so many notable men might not be prudent, and would only widen the breach between himself and the malcontents and gain them sympathy. The day following the execution the general called a meeting. Many were the consciences that pricked their possessors to trembling on that occasion. But the sage Cortés preferred the traitors should risk their necks in winning for him Mexico, rather than himself to break them with a rope.

Napoleon, who in national warfare could open with his sword the veins of the people until there poured forth torrents of blood, shrank in horror from blood shed in civil broils. It was policy with Cortés, however. So, after finishing his narration of the conspiracy, he coolly informed them that Villafañe had refused to reveal his accomplices, and he could not therefore name the guilty. There were no doubt men amongst them with real or fancied grievances which may have induced them to harbor resentment; but let them frankly state their wrongs and he would seek to right them. If he had erred, let the error be named. The conclusion of the affair created general satisfaction. Thankful for their escape, the guilty sought both by words and deeds to prove their devotion, and although Cortés kept his eye upon them, there was no indication that he suspected any. He rather sought to win them back with favors.^[50] So impressed were his intimate followers by the risk to which so valuable a life had been exposed that they insisted on his accepting a body-guard of twelve select men, under the command of Antonio de Quiñones, an hidalgo of Zamora,^[51] who watched over him day and night.

 

 

1. This is according to Cortés; others differ slightly, and Ixtlilxochitl increases the Tezcucan force to 60,000. Hor. Crueldades, 13.
2. From tocatl and xal, spider and sand. Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 29. The lake in which it lies is divided about the centre by an artificial causeway about one league long, running from east to west, the southern water being now known as San Cristóbal Ecatepec, from the town of that name, and the northern water as Xaltocan or Tomanitla, San Cristóbal being also the general term for both waters.
3. See Native Races, ii. v.
4. Bachiller Alonso Perez, afterward fiscal of Mexico. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 135.
5. This incident was commemorated by some poetic follower in a ballad which became a favorite with the conquerors:
    

   En Tacuba está Cortés,
   Con su csquadron esforçado,
   Triste estaua, y muy penoso,
   Triste, y con gran cuidado,
   La vna mano en la mexilla,
   Y la utra en el costado.
   
   Which may be translated literally:
   
   In Tacuba stands Cortés,
   With his troopers strong and brave:
   Sad he was and deeply grave;
   Sad, and heavily oppressed.
   With one hand his cheek he pressed;
   Against his side, the other.

6. So runs Bernal Diaz' account, which appears a little exaggerated, for recently Cortés had shown the greatest caution, and would hardly have allowed himself to be so readily trapped on so memorable a spot. Hist. Verdad., 123. Cortés states that not a Spaniard was lost, though several Mexicans fell. Cartas, 187.
7. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. i. cap. vii.
8. They begged permission to return home, says Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., i. 31. Herrera, relates that the efforts of Ojeda, by Cortés' order, to take from the Tlascaltecs the gold part of their booty so offended them that they began to desert. The extortion was accordingly stopped. dec. iii. lib. i. cap. vii. Clavigero doubts the story. Prescott regards the departure of the allies as distasteful to Cortés; but we have seen that he did not care at present to encumber himself with too many unruly auxiliaries to prey upon the peaceful provinces. The Tlascaltecs would willingly have remained to share in raiding expeditions.
9. Including 8000 Tezcucans under Chichinquatzin. Ixtlilxochitl, Hor. Crueldades, 15. On March 12th, says Vetancurt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 154.
10. Also known as Chimalhuacan-Chalco, to distinguish it from Chimalhuacan on Tezcuco Lake.
11. Lorenzana inspected the position in later times. Cortés, Hist. N. Esp., 214.
12. 'Que todos los que allí se hallaron afirman.' Cortés, Cartas, 190. The general lauds the achievement with rare fervor for him. Bernal Diaz sneers at the river of blood story; but then he was not present to share the glory. The Roman Mario was less dainty than these Spaniards under a similar circumstance, commemorated by Plutarch; or as Floro more prosaically puts it: 'Ut victor Romanus de cruento flumine non plus aquæ biberit quam sanguinis barbarorum.' Epitome, lib. iii. cap. iii.
13. Fifteen, says Bernal Diaz. Chimalpain, the Chalcan narrator, states that his tribe lost 330 men, but killed 1500 foes, capturing the captain-general, Chimalpopocatzin, a relative of the emperor, who now became a captain among the Tezcucans, and was killed during the siege. Hist. Conq., ii. 34. Some of these facts are evidently not very reliable. He also assumes that Sandoval lost eight soldiers on again returning to Tezcuco.
14. The 'comissario' or clerk in charge of the bulls was Gerónimo Lopez, afterward secretary at Mexico. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 129. This author names several of the arrivals, some of whom became captains of vessels. A number also arrived during the following week, he adds, notably in Juan de Búrgos' vessel, which brought much material.
15. Gomara mentions also Maxcaltzinco as a distant place. Hist. Mex., 186.
16. The chiefs were awaiting orders to appear before Cortés. The general told them to wait till tranquillity was more fully restored. The name of the other soldier was Nicolás. Cortés, Cartas, 203-5. Herrera assumes that Barrientos arrived in camp during the late Tepeaca campaign. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xvii.
17. Of the rank and file none suffered penalty on returning, for captivity was regarded as disgraceful only to a noble. Native Races, ii. 419.
18. Bernal Diaz states that the soldiers were tired of these repeated calls, many being also on the sick-list, but Cortés had now a large fresh force only too eager for a fray attended with spoliation.
19. According to a native painting the army entered here April 5th, which is a day or two too early, and received a reënforcement of 20,000. See copy in Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 523.
20. So says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 130, who names four. Cortés allows only two killed and twenty wounded; how many fatally so, he carefully omits to mention. Cartas, 194.
21. Twenty fell, says Bernal Diaz. He speaks of two futile attempts on the previous evening to scale the central hill. It seems unlikely for soldiers, tired by repulse and march, to undertake so difficult a feat, and that at the least assailable point.
22. Yet Bernal Diaz relates a story to show that the order was a mere pretence.
23. Cartas, 196; Torquemada, i. 536.
24. Some write Xilotepec. Bernal Diaz mentions Tepoxtlan, which may have been visited by a detachment.
25. Place of the Eagle. Corrupted into the present Cuernavaca, which singularly enough means cow's horn.
26. See Native Races, v.
27. Cortés was so captivated by the alluring clime and scenery that he made the town his favorite residence in later years. It was included in the domains granted to him, and descended to his heirs. Madame Calderon speaks of his ruined palace and church. Life in Mexico, ii. 50.
28. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 311. Brasseur de Bourbourg calls him Yaomahuitl.
29. 'El vno se quebró la pierna ... y se me desvanecia la cabeça, y todavia pasè yo, y otros veinte, ô trienta soldados.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 132. Solis misinterprets the passage, and gives this author credit for leading the party. Hist. Mex., ii. 362. Vetancurt calls the district toward this spot Amanalco. Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 155.
30. Cortés, Cartas, 196. Ixtlilxochitl assumes that the submission is tendered through his namesake, as prince of Tezcuco, the only capital of the tripartite empire loyal to the Spaniards. Hor. Crueldades, 17-18.
31. Also one old Spaniard, believes Bernal Diaz, who relates his own sufferings minutely, and how he followed some mounted scouts in search of water, which he found, bringing a supply to Cortés. Hist. Verdad., 133. Vetancurt names this watering-place Topilejo, now San Miguel. Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 155. Chimalpain mentions Quauhxômolco, just before. Hist. Conq., ii. 40.
32. See Native Races, ii., 345.
33. Lorenzana, in Cortés, Hist. N. Esp., 225.
34. Six, says Cortés.
35. Bernal Diaz states that a soldier named Olea was the main instrument in saving Cortés, Hist. Verdad., 133; but Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 311, gives the credit to the Tlascaltec lord Chichimecatl, and Chimalpain to a noble named Ocelotzin. Hist. Conq., ii. 41. Cortés says: 'Un indio de los de Tlascaltecal,' Cartas, 199, who could not be found the next day, and Cortés accordingly attributed the aid, writes Herrera, to St Peter. dec. iii. lib. i. cap. viii.
36. Followed by other bodies. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 134; Torquemada, i. 537.
37. Cortés leaves the impression that the foremost division of six horse defeated the foe. Both Gomara and Herrera are confused, and Prescott and others are led into several mistakes.
38. Bernal Diaz names two of them.
39. He even willed that his bones should there be entombed, a request which was not carried out.
40. 'No eran cosas de hombres humanos . . . que ayan hecho ningunos vasallos tan grandes servicios a su Rey . . . y dello harian relacion a su Magestad.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 135.
41. At the junctions of the causeways which led from the different shores to the southern avenue of Mexico. The place is also known as Acachinanco.
42. Bernal Diaz states that Cortés was preparing an ambuscade with ten horse and four equerries when he fell into one himself and lost the two, whom be names. Alarmed at his delay, Alvarado went back to look for him. loc. cit. This is less likely than the version of Cortés.
43. Nobles they are termed, and Herrera doubles the number.
44. Prescott and others intimate that they passed between the lakes, from Quauhtitlan to Acolman, but Cortés mentions Zilotepec, which may be identical with Citlaltepec, as mentioned by Herrera, or Xilotzinco, about two leagues eastward, as given by Ixtlilxochitl. Bernal Diaz also appears to indicate the northern route.
45. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 129.
46. Bernal Diaz assumes that more than one captain-general was to be appointed. 'Para boluerse a Cuba, y deshazer a Cortes,' is all the explanation given by Gomara, Hist. Mex., 178.
47. Such are in substance the words used by Cortés in his relation to the emperor. 'E cómo yo vi que se me habia revelado tan gran traicion, dí gracias á nuestro Señor, porque en aquello consistia el remedio.' Cartas, 269.
48. So Cortés intimates, while Herrera states that Villafañe hastened to devour the paper. His throat being pressed, about half of it was rescued. dec. iii. lib. i. cap. i. He further says that Sandoval was sent to make the arrest; but Bernal Diaz asserts that Cortés went in person, which is likely under the circumstances, and took from Villafañe's breast the paper. Finding thereon so many names of quality he caused it to be rumored that the man had eaten it, or part of it. Hist. Verdad., 136-7. Clavigero assumes that the culprit revealed the names, and that Cortés preferred not to believe him. Storia Mess., iii. 191. Torture failed to extort any names from him, writes Torquemada, i. 528, and those on the list he declared to be merely of men whom he intended to sound.
49. 'Un alcalde y yo lo condenamos á muerte.' Cortés, Cartas, 269.
50. Bernal Diaz states that he frightened many by having them arrested and threatened with trial; probably those seized with Villafañe. Oviedo, iii. 515, mentions Escudero as executed for plotting; but this is doubtful. As for Verdugo, he became regidor of Mexico, and in 1529 alcalde. He afterward joined Guzman's expedition and settled at Tonalá in Jalisco. Razon, in Cortés, Residencia, i. 363.
51. This was Cortés' own idea, says Bernal Diaz, and he appealed to us to guard him. Hist. Verdad., 137. Quiñones was succeeded by Francisco de Tenesas [Terrazas]. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 313.