History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 1/Chapter 5

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER V.

SAILING OF THE EXPEDITION.

1518-1519.

The Quality of Leader Desired — Instructions Issued to Hernan Cortés, Commander-in-Chief — The Character of Cortés Undergoes a Change — Cost of the Expedition — By whom Borne — Places Established for Enlistment — The Banner — Cortes Puts on the Great Man — More of his Character — The Scene at Santiago Harbor — The Governor's Jester — Dark Suspicions of Velazquez — Departure from Santiago — Cortés at Trinidad — Fresh Recruits — Verdugo Receives Orders to Depose Cortés — The Fleet Proceeds to San Cristóbal, or The Habana — Review at Guaguanico — Speech of Cortés — Organization into Companies — Departure from Cuba.

With relations so lovingly established, and with a personal knowledge of the military genius of Cortés, and the strength and versatility of his character, it would seem that here would be the first instant choice of the governor for the command of the important expedition now in preparation. But' the quality of the man required did not altogether hinge on merit. As we have seen, Velazquez required for his purpose an anomalous creation. He must be able but humble; able to command men, and able likewise to obey his chief; honest to Velazquez, but false, if necessary, to all the world else. It was not an Alexander or an Alcibiades that was wanted; not so much a man as a thing: "Piper, non homo," as Petronius Arbiter said; pungent as pepper, and not a human being.

Be this as it may, the sordid friendship of Láres and Duero prevailed with the governor, and on the 23d of October, 1518, his instructions to Hernan Cortés, commander-in-chief of the expedition, were drawn up before the notary, Alonso de Escalante, in accordance with the permission granted by the authorities at Santo Domingo, which limited the enterprise to exploration; the privilege to colonize depending on royal favor for which Velazquez must sue in Spain.^[1]

One would think that after these twenty-five years of experience there could be found no ecclesiastic or ruler so childish as to expect morality or humanity from the wolves of Spain let loose among the naked and defenceless of America. And yet we find the friars of Española, in pursuance of the devout and high-minded views expressed by Velazquez, subscribing to instructions which enjoin Cortés to observe a conduct befitting a Christian soldier, as if there were any reasonable hope of his doing so. He must prohibit blasphemy, licentiousness, and gambling among his men, and on no account molest the natives, but gently inform them of the glory of God, and of the Catholic king. Possession must be taken in Velazquez' name and the secrets of the country ascertained. Search must be made for Grijalva and Olid, and for the Christian captives supposed to be in Yucatan.

We might again mark the double-dealing of the governor, who discharges Grijalva for not having settled contrary to his instructions, while charging the new commander not to seize the country, yet expecting him to do so.^[2] The instructions consist of thirty clauses, and the document reflects no credit on the scrivener.^[3]

 

Man and his character are subject to environment. Neither is finished until decay has well set in. Long before the receipt of his commission the adolescent Cortés was a creation of the past; even the adult Cortés was a different being before and after his appointment. His action now was the expression of new intuitions. Always under the influence of turbulent emotions, his ambition had suddenly become more aggressive. In pure impulses, in refined feelings, in noble instincts, he was essentially defective. He harbored no ideal of duty, such as we have seen in the mind of Grijalva. His code of ethics was neither broad nor catholic. And notwithstanding his great respect for religion, so great indeed as to excite suspicion that he cared very little for it; notwithstanding his outward piety, and his devotion to the church, the lighter immoralities fitted him with an case and grace that hampered his movements not in the least. Yet for all this the alcalde of Santiago suddenly became a great man, not in name only, but actually; wellnigh revolutionizing the society of which he himself was the product. To him, and to others, his commission was a match applied to explosive material, letting loose the latent force. The leaders of the first gulf-shore expeditions, Córdoba, Grijalva, and Cortés, present themselves before us in relatively increasing proportions. Córdoba, the first, was least, though a most gentlemanly and kind-hearted pirate. Grijalva, though second to Cortés in talents and fame, was far before him in honesty. During the preparations which quickly followed the appointment of Cortés, the inherent qualities of the man developed to a degree alarming alike to friends and enemies, and astonishing to himself. He found his nature a strong one, with magnetic attractions, and an affinity with danger. He found himself possessed of that higher courage of the mind which begets self-confidence, breeds the hero, and ends in the achievement of the uttermost. And genius was there; he began to feel it and to know it: the genius of ambition and egotism, whose central figure was himself, an all-prevailing sentiment, before which right, religion, humanity, and even life itself, must be subservient. His rapidly evolving will was becoming ponderous, overwhelming. Fame was becoming to him what ambition was to Columbus; only he possessed his idea instead of being possessed by it. Sufficiently educated for the purposes of statecraft, opportunity alone was needed to enable him to turn every weapon to the furtherance of his own designs. Without attempting to pry into the occult, he now began to see things with a large and liberal eye. Life was assuming tremendous realities, which bridled impulse; yet it was an ordeal he believed he could face. While in sophistry he found himself equal to Euripides, he began to put on bombast such as Æschylus could not have scorned, and to display an energy as sublime as that of Archilochus; yet all this time his good sense was supplemented by graceful courtesy. All who worship the bright wit and intellectual versatility that flatter ambition and yield unscrupulous success may henceforth bow the knee to Hernan Cortés.

 

No sooner was his commission sealed than Cortés set himself about the task of collecting his many requirements. His own few thousand pesos of ready money were quickly spent; then he mortgaged his estates, and borrowed to the uttermost from his friends. Velazquez was free with everything except his substance; free with his advice and ostentation, free with the ships of others, and willing to sell to the expedition the products of his farm at exorbitant prices. Nevertheless the investment to the governor, as well as to Cortés, was large, the former furnishing some ships of his own and some money, the whole cost of vessels and outfit being about twenty thousand ducats.^[4]

Establishing places of enlistment throughout the island, Cortés roused to action his many friends, both in person and by letter. At principal settlements the expedition was proclaimed about the streets, in the king's name, by the beating of drums and the voice of the crier. One third of the proceeds of the adventure was promised the soldiers and subalterns, two thirds going to the outfitters.^[5] A banner of black taffeta was embroidered with the royal arms in gold, and blue and white flames surrounding a red cross, and round the border it bore the inscription, "Amici sequamur crucem, si nos habuerimus fidem in hoc signo vincemus." Friends, let us follow the cross, and if we have faith under this sign we shall conquer.^[6]

Assuming a dress and bearing more fitting a military commander, Cortés threw open his doors, and by judiciously combining the frank joviality of a soldier with the liberal hospitality of a man of wealth, he rapidly drew to his adventure, all the available men of the island. There were not lacking those to sneer at this assumption of preëminence, which flaunted it so bravely with plume and medal, with martial music and retinue, saying, here was a lord without lands.^[7] But they little knew the strength and firmness of him who, having once put on the great man, would lay the livery down but with his life. This soldierly display, always taking to the Castilian fancy, could scarcely be called affectation, for the genius which commands success was present, and the firmness of resolve was covered with such pleasing affability as to render its presence scarcely suspected. With his fine soldierly qualities were financial and executive ability, and fair common sense, a rare combination in a Spanish cavalier. While loving adventure he did not altogether hate ideas. His world now spread itself before him, as divided into two unequal classes, those that use others, and those that are used by others, and he resolved himself forever into the former category. Like Diogenes, though enslaved at Crete, Cortés felt that if he could do one thing better than another it was to command men. Coupled with this egotism was the sensible intuition that the mastery of others begins with self-mastery. Indeed his command over himself, as well as over others, was most remarkable. "By my conscience!" was a favorite oath, which implies not brutal passion. At times a swelling vein in the forehead, and another in the throat, indicated rising anger, manifested also by a peculiarity of throwing off his cloak; but the voice would remain decorous, and the words seldom passed beyond a "Mal pese á vos!" May it bear heavily upon you. To the insolent soldier, whom we shall often find overstepping the bounds of prudence, he would merely say, "Be silent!" or "Go, in God's name, and be more careful if you would escape punishment." Equally composed in argument, he wielded his persuasive powers to their best advantage. Rio de Avenida, the Rushing River, was at one time a nickname, and later he affected long hair and lawsuits. At the gaming-table, to which he was greatly addicted, he won or lost with equal sang-froid, ever ready with a witticism to smooth the varying course of fortune. Though he did not hesitate as gay Lothario to invade the family of another, most unreasonably he was very jealous lest his own family should be invaded. While liberal to friend or mistress, and ready to sacrifice almost anything to gain an object, he was not always regarded as over-generous by his men, too many of whom were of that class, however, that nothing would satisfy. Although a fair eater, he drank but little, and confined himself to simple diet. This moderation also extended to dress, which, before his elevation, was not only neat but tasteful in its rich simplicity, ornamented with few but choice jewels, and with little diversity. A love of pomp, however, developed with his rising fortunes, more particularly in the way of showy residences and a large retinue, which accorded well with the courtly manners native to the Spaniard claiming noble blood. Cervantes says that in the army even the niggardly become prodigal.

Cortés found the way of throwing into his cause not only himself, but others, in some respects as able as himself. His liberal measures and enthusiasm became infectious, and brought to enrolment wealthy volunteers, who furnished not only their own outfit, but helped to provide others.^[8] Within a short time there joined over three hundred men, among them some high in the service and confidence of the governor — instance, Francisco de Morla his chamberlain, Martin Ramos de Láres a Basque, Pedro Escudero, Juan Ruano, Escobar, and Diego de Ordaz mayordomo of Velazquez, and instructed by him to watch proceedings and secretly report.

The harbor of Santiago at this time presented a busy scene. There were the hurrying to and fro of laborers and recruits, the clang of carpenters' hammers upon ships undergoing repairs, the collecting of goods, and the loading of vessels. Every day the landing was enlivened by the presence of the governor, often arm-in-arm with his most dutiful and compliant captain-general, surrounded by gayly dressed attendants and followed by half the town. On one of these visits of inspection, while engaged in friendly conversation respecting the progress of affairs, the Governor's jester, Francisquillo, who was present, as usual, performing his antics before his master, cried out, "Ah, friend Diego!" Then to Cortés, "And how fares our brave captain, he of Medellin and Estremadura? Be careful, good master, or we shall soon have to beat the bush for this same Cortés." Velazquez laughed heartily, and turning to his conmpanion exclaimed, "Compadre, do you hear this fool?" "What, señor?" replied Cortós, pretending preoccupation. "He says you will run away with our fleet," replied Velazquez. Pay no attention to the knave, your worship; I am very sure these infamous pleasantries never emanated from his mad brain," rejoined Cortés, deeply chagrined. And ere the laugh died away on the lips of the governor his timid breast was chilled by fearful forebodings. What if it were true, thought Velazquez, and this fellow, whom I have lifted from his low estate, should declare for himself on reaching New Spain? Then he called to mind his late quarrel with Cortés, and the courage, energy, and determination displayed by the latter throughout. The governor trembled when he thought of it. About him were enough of the disappointed only too ready to fan these suspicions into a flame.^[9]

I regret having to spoil a good story; but the truth is, the drama reported by Bartolomé Las Casas, and reiterated by Herrera and Prescott, was never performed. It tells how Cortés put to sea, Prescott asserts the very night after the jester's warning; and that in the morning, when the governor, early roused from his bed, rushed down to the landing with all the town at his heels, Cortés returned part way in an armed boat and bandied words with him. Beside being improbable, almost impossible, this version is not sustained by the best authorities.^[10] The fact is, some time elapsed, after the suspicions of the governor had first been aroused, before the sailing of the fleet, during which interval Grijalva with his ships returned.

Gomara states that Velazquez sought to break with Cortés and send only Grijalva's vessels, with another commander; but to this Láres and Duero, whose advice was asked by the governor, made strong objection, saying that Cortés and his friends had spent too much money now to abandon the enterprise, which was very true; for like the appetite of Angaston which came with eating, the more Cortés tasted the sweets of popularity and power, the more stomach he had for the business. And the more the suspicions of the governor grew, the greater were the captain-generaľ's assurances of devotion, and the firmer became the determination of Cortés and his followers to prosecute this adventure, in which they had staked their all.^[11]

Warned by Láres and Duero of every plot, Cortés hurried preparations, sending friends to forage, and shipping stores with the utmost despatch, meanwhile giving secret orders for all to be ready to embark at a moment's notice. Finally, the hour having come, on the evening of the 17th of November, with a few trusty adherents, Cortés presented himself before the governor, and politely took his leave. It fell suddenly on Velazquez, in whose eyes all movements relating to the expedition had of late become the manœeuvres of men conspired to overreach him. But having neither the excuse nor the ability to stop the expedition he let the officers depart.

By playing with the devil one soon learns to play the devil. From the governor's house Cortés hastened to the public meat depository, seized and added to his stores the town's next week's supply, and left the keeper, Fernando Alfonso, a gold chain, all he had remaining wherewith to make payment.^[12] It was a dull, dry, gray November morning, the 18th, very early, after mass had been said, when the squadron, consisting of six vessels, sailed out of Santiago harbor amidst the vivas of the populace and the inward cursings of the governor.^[13] But of little avail was Velazquez' remorse; for Cortés carried no Æolian wind-bags to drive him back from his destination.

Despatching one of the vessels to Jamaica^[14] for provisions, Cortés touched at Macaca for further supplies, and thence steered for Trinidad, where he was received with demonstrations of enthusiasm by the alcalde mayor, Francisco Verdugo brother-in-law of Velazquez, and by other hidalgos, who placed their houses at his disposal. Raising his standard before his quarters, he proclaimed the expedition and invited volunteers, as he had done at Santiago. Soon his force was augmented by over one hundred of Grijalva's men. Here also joined several captains and hidalgos, afterward famous in New Spain adventure. There were the five brothers Alvarado, Alonso de Ávila, Gonzalo Mejía afterward treasurer at Mexico, Cristóbal de Olid, Alonzo Hernandez Puertocarrero cousin of the count of Medellin, Gonzalo de Sa val who became so great a friend of Cortés, Juan Velazquez de Leon a relative of the governor, and others.^[15] From the plantations of Santi Espíritu and elsewhere came many. This Cortés beheld with proud satisfaction, and welcomed these important acquisitions with martial music and peals of artillery.

In seeking supplies Cortés paid little heed to rights of property, so long as he obtained what he needed; he was subsequently not a little proud of his success. "By my faith," he boasts in Spain in 1542, "but I did play the corsair genteelly." Among the arbitrary purchases was that of a vessel from Jamaica laden with provisions for the mines, for which the owner might accept promissory notes or nothing.^[16] Another vessel from the same place, on the same mission, Cortés sent Ordaz to seize and convey to Cape San Antonio, or perhaps to San Cristóbal where we afterward find him, there to await the fleet. This captain, it will be remembered, was the spy of Velazquez, and to him, therefore, rather than to another, was given this mission, to prevent his watching proceedings at Trinidad. The commander of the seized vessel was Juan Nuñez Sedeño, who was induced to join the expedition.^[17] Meanwhile in the breast of Velazquez was stirred afresh the poison of jealousy by an astrologer, one Juan Millan, employed by the enemies of Cortés to work on the fears of the governor. The result was the arrival at Trinidad, in hot haste, of two messengers from the governor, with orders for Verdugo to detain the fleet, the command of which had been transferred to Vasco Porcallo. Moreover, all the retainers of Velazquez were called upon to aid in deposing Cortés. It was no difficult matter, however, for Cortés to persuade Verdugo of two things: first, that there were no grounds for Velazquez' fears, and secondly, if there were, force would now avail him nothing. So strong was Cortés in his position that he could easily lay the town in ashes should its authorities attempt to interfere in his purposes. Taking one of the messengers, Pedro Lasso, into his service, by the other Cortés wrote Velazquez, in language most respectful, begging him to believe that he would always be true to his God, his king, and his dear friend and governor. In like notes the robin and the screech-owl muffle their voices when danger is near, so as to conceal the distance, and make themselves seem far away. Thus passed twelve days, according to Bernal Diaz, at Trinidad, when one of the vessels was despatched to the north side of the island for supplies, and the fleet departed for San Cristóbal, then Habana,^[18] while Pedro de Alvarado, with fifty soldiers and all the horses, proceeded thither overland, adding to their number at the plantations on the way.

One night during the voyage to San Cristóbal, the flag-ship was separated from the other vessels and stranded on a reef near Isla de Pinos. With skill and promptness Cortés transferred the contents in small boats to the shore, set free the lightened vessel, and, reloading, joined his captains at San Cristóbal. This accident delayed him seven days, during which time there was no small stir among his men at San Cristóbal as to who should command the fleet in case its captain-general failed to appear. Conspicuous among these questioners was Ordaz, who claimed precedence as Velazquez' representative. But the arrival of the commander put an end to the controversy and spread unbounded joy throughout the armada. Landing, he accepted the hospitality of Pedro Barba, lieutenant of Velazquez. Among those who joined him here were Francisco Montejo, the future conqueror of Yucatan, and Diego de Soto, who in Mexico became the mayordomo of Cortés. Again the commander rid himself of Ordaz by sending him with a vessel to the plantations near Cape San Antonio, there to await he fleet. The artillery was landed and cleaned; the cross-bows were tested and the firelocks polished. Cotton armor was secured. More provisions being required, Quesada, the Episcopal tithe-collector, contributed his stock.

Warranted, as he thought, by his success and prospects, and well aware of the effect on the Spanish mind of some degree of ostentation and military display, Cortés put on the paraphernalia of still greater leadership, and appointed a chamberlain, a chief butler, and a mayordomo, in the persons of Rodrigo Rangel, Guzman, and Juan de Cáceres, which pomp he ever after maintained.^[19] Gaspar de Garnica now arrived with letters from Velazquez to Barba, Ordaz, Leon, and others, ordering and entreating them to stop the fleet, arrest Cortés, and send him a prisoner to Santiago. It was of no avail, however. Soldiers, officers, even Barba himself, were enthusiastic for Cortés, who once more wrote the governor, in terms as courteous as they were costless, and shortly afterward, on the 10th of February, 1519, the fleet again set sail.^[20] Guaguanico, on the north side of Cape San Antonio, was the place appointed for muster and apportionment.^[21] Meanwhile Pedro Alvarado was sent forward with sixty soldiers in the San Sebastian to bring Ordaz to the rendezvous, but driven by a gale beyond his goal and near to Yucatan, he thought it useless to return, and so proceeded to Cozumel Island, where he arrived two days before the others. The expedition consisted of twelve vessels, the flag-ship or capitana of one hundred tons, three others of from sixty to eighty tons, and the rest small brigantines and open craft, including a transport commanded by Ginés Nortes. The soldiers numbered five hundred and eight, and the sailors one hundred and nine, including officers and pilots. The priests present were Juan Diaz and Bartolomé de Olmedo, of the Order of Mercy. Under Juan Benitez and Pedro de Guzman were thirty-two crossbowmen; thirteen men only carried firelocks, the rest being armed with swords and spears. The artillery consisted of ten bronzed guns and four falconets, and was in charge of Francisco de Orozco, aided by Mesa Usagre, Arbenga, and others. About two hundred Cuban Indians, together with some native women and negro slaves, were brought for service, despite the prohibitory clause in the instructions. Sixteen horses receive the minute description and glowing encomium of the soldier Diaz, and play an important part in the coming campaign. The supplies included some five thousand tocinos, or pieces of salt pork, six thousand loads of maize and yucca, fowl, vegetables, groceries, and other provisions. For barter were beads, bells, mirrors, needles, ribbons, knives, hatchets, cotton goods, and other articles.^[22]

The force was divided into eleven companies, each under a captain having control on sea and land. The names of the captains were Alonso Hernandez Puertocarrero, Alonso de Ávila, Diego de Ordaz, Francisco de Montejo, Francisco de Morla, Escobar, Juan de Escalante, Juan Velazquez de Leon, Cristóbal de Olid, Pedro de Alvarado, and Cortés, with Anton de Alaminos as chief pilot.^[23]

From this list it will be seen that those but lately regarded as of the Velazquez party received their full share in the command. This cannot be attributed, so much to the captain-general's sense of fairness, which forbade him to take advantage of interests voluntarily intrusted to his care, as to a studied policy whereby he hoped to win for his purposes certain men of influence, whom it would, for that matter, have been dangerous to remove.

Before the review, Cortés addressed his soldiers in a speech as shrewd and stirring as that of Marcius at Corioli. Pointing to the thousands of unbaptized, he awakened their religious zeal; dwelling on the grandeur of the undertaking, he stimulated their ambition; referring to the vast wealth these lands contained, he excited their cupidity. Greater and richer lands than all the Spanish kingdoms, he called them, and inhabited by strange races, only awaiting submission to their invincible arms. Their whole fortune was invested in the fleet that carried them; but who would regret so trifling an expenditure when compared with the glorious results to follow? They were setting out upon a career of conquest in the name of their God, who had always befriended the Spanish nation; and in the name of their emperor, for whom they would achieve greater deeds than any ever performed. Riches lay spread before them; but like good and brave men they must look with him to the higher and nobler reward of glory. "Nevertheless," he archly added, "be true to me, as am I to you, and ere long I will load you with wealth such as you have never dreamed of. I will not say it is to be won without hardships; but who of you are afraid? We are few, but we are brave. Let us therefore on with the work so well begun, joyously and confidently to the end!"^[24] There is no passion so artful as avarice in hiding itself under some virtue. Sometimes it is progress, sometimes patriotism, but its warmest cloak has ever been religion. There is a double profit to the devotee whose religion gratifies his avarice, and whose avarice is made a part of his religion.

On the morning of February 18th mass was said, the campaign standard blessed, and Saint Peter invoked, whereupon the prows were pointed toward the islands of the west. All the vessels were to follow the flagship, whose light should be their guide by night; in case of separation they were to steer for Cape Catoche and thence proceed to Cozumel.^[25]

 

 

1. Fray Luys de Figueroa, fray Alonso de santo Domingo, y fray Bernaldino Māçenedo, q͏̄ eran los gouernadores, dieron la licencia para Fernando Cortés como capitan y armador cõ Diego Velazquez.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 12. The Fathers no doubt required to know the name of the commander. His litteris Cortesius confirmatus,' is the statement in De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 344, in reference to their permit. This authority intimates that Salcedo, at a later date probably, obtained license from the Fathers for warfare in Yucatan and for the settlement of the mainland, but this is not confirmed anywhere. Id., 350.
2. Evidently Velazquez desired his captains to disobey instructions and colonize. He could not officially authorize them to do so, not having as yet received permission from Spain. Neither Velazquez nor Cortés had any intention in this instance of confining this enterprise to trade, or protecting the natives, or imposing morality upon the men. It was well understood by all that licentiousness and plunder were to be the reward for perils to be undergone. 'Atque etiam quod Grijalvae prætentâ causa auxilii ferendi quod Alvaradus postulabat, ire licebat,' is the pointed observation in De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 343-4. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 13, refers to promises of Indian repartimientos in the new regions as an inducement for volunteers. Cortés' statement at Vera Cruz, that he had no order to settle, means nothing in view of the motives then actuating him. Secret agreements between governors and lieutenants for defrauding the crown and promoting their own aims were only too common; and this is overlooked by those who trust merely to the instructions for arguments on this point.
3. The full text of the instructions is to be found in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 225-46; Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 385, 406; Alaman, Disert, i. App. ii. 1-27, with notes, reproduced in Zamacios, Hist. Méj., ii. 791-815. The Muñoz copy, given in Prescott's Mex., iii. 434-9, preserved the original spelling in the preamble, but the clauses are abbreviated, though Prescott does not appear to be aware of it.
4. The ownership of the expedition has been a moot question, some authors regarding it as pertaining chiefly to Velazquez, while others accord it wholly to Cortés and his friends. According to Gomara, after receiving the vessel brought by Alvarado, and another provided by Velazquez, Cortés, aided by his friends, bought two large and two small vessels before leaving Santiago; and at least two more were bought after this with bills forced upon the owners. The rest of the fleet appears to have been made up from the transport spoken of and from Grijalva's vessels. The latter is to be regarded as Velazquez' contribution, for in the testimony before the royal council in Spain, Montejo, the trusted friend of the commander, declares that on delivering them over to the governor he received the order to join Cortés, with the vessels, of course. His statements, and those of the captain Puertocarrero, confirmed by the letter of the ayuntamiento of Villa Rica to the emperor, agree that, from their own observations and the accounts given by others, Cortés must have contributed not only seven vessels, but expended over 5000 castellanos on the outfit, beside procuring goods and provisions, while Velazquez furnished only one third, chiefly in clothes, provisions, wines, and other effects, which he sold through an agent to the company, the witnesses included, at exorbitant prices. Montejo had heard that Velazquez contributed three vessels, but whether these were exclusive of Grijalva's fleet is not clear. He is also supposed to have lent Cortés 2000 castellanos, and to have given twelve or thirteen hundred loads of bread, and 300 tocinos, beside 1800 castellanos in goods, to be sold to the party at high prices. Every other supply was furnished by Cortés, who maintained the whole force without touching the ship's stores, while remaining in Cuba, no doubt. Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 487-90. Puertocarrero adds that Cortés' liberality to men in advancing means and outfits was generally admitted. He himself had received a horse from the commander. He gives a list of the outrageously high prices charged by Velazquez for his supplies. Id., 491-5. Another member of the expedition states that Cortés furnished seven vessels, and Velazquez three, two more belonging to the latter joining the fleet afterward. Cortés paid for all the outfit. Extract appended to Carta del Ayunt. de V. Cruz, in Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 419-20: 'Casi las dos partes ... á su (Cortés) costa, asi en navios como en bastimentos de mar.' 'Todo el concierto de la dicha armada se hizo á voluntad de dicho Diego Velazquez, aunque ni puso ni gastó él mas de la tercia parte de ella. ... La mayor parte de la dicha tercia parte ... fué emplear sus dineros en vinos y en ropas y en otras cosas de poco valor para nos lo vender acá (V. Cruz) en mucha mas cantidad de lo que á él le costó.' Carta de la Justicia de Veracruz, 10 de julio, 1519, in Cortés, Cartas, 8; Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 37. Claiming to have no ready money of his own, Velazquez took for the expedition 1000 castellanos from the estate of Narvaez in his charge. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 12-13. 'Salió de la Isla de Cuba... con quince naviós suyos.' Cortés, Memorial, 1542, in Cortés, Escritos Sueltos, 310. Peter Martyr assumes that Cuban colonists furnished the fleet with the governor's consent, and elected Cortés commander. Dec. iv. cap. vi. Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 61, considers that Velazquez held only a minor share in the expedition. Montejo stated in a general way that he spent all his fortune on joining the expedition. Cen. Am., 1554-55, 127-30, in Squiers MS. In De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii it is asserted that Cortés expended 6000 pesos of his own, and 6000 ducats borrowed money, beside what Velazquez lent him; his expenditures being in all 15,000 pesos. Velazquez gave not one real, but merely sold goods at exorbitant figures, or made advances at a high interest, even the vessels provided by him being transferred to the commander under an expensive charter. 'Sunt pretereà multi Hispani viri boni qui et nunc vivunt, et qui cum ea classis de qua agimus, apparabatur, aderant. Hi in hujus causæ defensione, cujus apud Consilium Regium Indicum Cortesius est accusatus, testes jurati asserant Velazquium nihil omnino ex propriâ facultate in Cortesii classem impendisse.' This would indicate that Montejo and Puertocarrero's testimony was confirmed by many others. The agent, Juan Diaz, who attended to the sale of the goods and the collection of the advances, fell in the retreat from Mexico, and his money was lost. Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 345-9. This testimony by members of the expedition merits the foremost attention in the question, particularly since the fewer statements on the other side are based wholly on supposition. It is somewhat qualified, however, by the consideration that both Montejo and Puertocarrero were stanch friends of Cortés, and that the letter of the ayuntamiento was prepared in his presence. It must also be borne in mind that a goodly proportion of the share attributed to him consisted of vessels and effects obtained upon his credit as captain-general of the fleet, and also in a semi-piratical manner. The statements in Cortés, Memorial, and in De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, indicate, beside, a hardly warranted attempt to regard Velazquez' contribution chiefly as a loan to the commander or to the party, his vessels being spoken of as chartered. Another proportion belonged to wealthy volunteers. On the whole, however, it may be concluded that Cortés could lay claim to a larger share in the expedition than Velazquez; but the latter possessed the title of being not only the discoverer, through his captains, of the regions to be conquered, but the projector of the expedition. Oviedo, while believing that the fleet belonged with more right to the governor, feels no pity for the treatment he received, in view of his own conduct to Diego Colon. Complacently, he cites the proverb: 'Matarás y matarte han: y matarán quien te matare.' As you do unto others, so shall be done unto you. Oviedo asserts that he has seen testimony showing that Cortés and his men did not sail at their own expense, but from his own statement it appears that the instructions of Velazquez, wherein he speaks of the expedition as sent in his name, is the chief feature in this so-called testimony; i. 538-9. Las Casas naturally sides with Velazquez, and estimates that he expended over 20,000 castellanos; he had no need for, nor would he have stooped to a partnership, at least with a man like Cortés. Hist. Ind., iv. 448. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. xi., copies this, and Torquemada, i. 359, reverses this figure in favor of Cortés.
5. Testimonio de Puertocarrero, in Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 491. 'Mãdo dar pregones, y tocar susatambores, y trompetas en nombre de su Magestad, y en su Real nombre por Diego Velazquez para que qualesquier personas que quisiessen ir en su compañia à las tierras nuevamente descubiertas â los conquistar y doblar, les darian sus partes del oro plata, y joyas que se huviesse, y encomiendas de Indios despues de pacificada.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 13. Mark here the promise of encomiendas to the volunteers. The word 'doblar' doubtless meant to explore or to sail round the new islands. Bernal Diaz does not fail to observe that the royal license had not yet arrived to warrant these proclamations.
6. See Landa, Rel. de Yuc., 23; Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 554; Fancourt, Hist. Yuc., 27, leaves out the middle sentence; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 15; Torquemada, i. 364, and others give only the Spanish translation. Prescott says the flag was of velvet, and attributes the sign to the labarum of Constantine, which, to say the least, is somewhat far-fetched. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 13, places the motto upon 'estandartes, y vanderas labradas de oro cõ las armas Reales, y una Cruz de cada parte, juntamente con las armas de nuostro Rey.'
7. 'Se puso vn penacho de plumas con su medalla de oro.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 13. 'Tomo casa. Hizo Mesa. Y començo a yr con armas, y mucha compañia. De que muchos murmurauan, diziendo que tenia estado sin señorio.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 13.
8. Cortés himself was very liberal in advancing money or necessaries. Puertocarrero, loc. cit. This cavalier received a horse which Cortés bought at Trinidad with gold fringes taken from his mantle. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 14. 'Dio a muchos soldados ... dineros con obligació de man comun.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 12.
9. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 450-1; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. xi. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 13, relates the incident as having occurred on the way to Sunday mass. The fool, whom he calls Cervantes, was walking in front of his master and Cortés, uttering nonsense in prose and rhyme; finally he said in a louder voice, 'By my faith, master Diego, a nice captain have you chosen: one who will run away with the fleet, I warrant, for he has courage and enterprise.' Duero, who walked close by, sought to check his tongue by striking at him and by shouting, 'Silence, fool! Don't be knavish as well,Hist. Verdad for we know that this pretended jest is not of thyself.' But the jester persisted in calling out, Hail to my master Diego and his valiant captain! I swear to thee, my master, that rather than see thee grievously regret this foolish step I would hie me with Cortés to those rich lands.' It was supposed that Velazquez' relatives had induced the man to make these remarks.
10. Prescott states that Las Casas was on the island at the time. In this he is mistaken. On the other hand, Bernal Diaz was an eye-witness, and tells a very different story. But the tale of the soldier is not so striking as that of the priest, who writes from the statements of Velazquez' friends, colored by time and distance. The final words which passed between the governor and Cortés, according to Las Casas, in effect were these: "Compadre, is this the way you are going? A nice manner, truly, of taking leave! 'To which Cortés makes answer, 'Pardon me, sir; there are things which must be carried out before they are considered. I wait your worship's orders.' Hist. Ind., iv. 451-2; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. xii.
11. Testimonio de Montejo, in Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 437. No le pudo estoruar la yda porq͏̄ todos le siguian: los q͏̄ alli estauã, como los q͏̄ venian con Grijalua. Ca si lo tentara con rigor vuiera rebuelta en la ciudad, y aun muertes. Y como no era párte dissimulo.' Cortés cven announced that he was going on his own account, and that the soldiers had nothing to do with Velazquez. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 13. But this highly improbable. According to De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, Cortés spread insinuations against Velazquez' greed and selfishness, commented upon his own liberality and upon the rich prospects before them, and thus gained the voice of his followers, so that the former dared not attempt any overt acts. Loricâ ab eo tempore sub veste munitus, stipatusque armatis militibus, quos spe sibi fidos amicos fecerat.' Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 346-9; Cortés, Memorial, 1542, in Cortés, Escritos Sueltos, 310. Las Casas repeats his condemnation of Gomara, as a man who wrote only what he was told by his master. He scouts the idea of the powerful Velazquez either needing Cortés' pecuniary aid or not being able to dispose of his fleet as he wished. A humble squire, indeed, to raise his voice against the great Velazquez, who could have taken his bread and life at any moment! Hist. Ind., iv. 448-9.
12. In his memorial to the emperor in 1542, Cortés relates this enforced transaction quite at length. Learning that his stock of the week had been seized, Hernan Dalonso seeks Cortés and complains, with tears in his eyes, whereupon he receives the gold chain, 'de unos abrojos.' Cortés, Escritos Sueltos, 310-11; Col. Doc. Inéd., iv. 221.
13. Bernal Diaz asserts that Duero and Láres were present at the parting, and that Velazquez and Cortés several times embraced cach other and vowed eternal friendlship. 'Habuit Cortesius cùm e Sancti Jacobi urbe et portu solvit, naves sex; aliâ, nam septem habuit, in portu, ut sarciretur reficereturque, relictà.' De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 348. This authority believes that one of the reasons for Cortés' hurried departure was a fear that Grijalva's vessels might turn up; but they had already arrived, as we have seen. The seventh vessel, a caravel, joined Cortés at Trinidad, with nine horses and eighty volunteers, under Francisco de Salcedo. Id., 354. 'Partio se de Santiago Barucoa. . . . en seys nauios.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 13.
14. Pedro Juarez Gallinato de Porra was sent with a caravel under orders to take the cargo of supplies to Cabo Corrientes or Punta de Santanton, and there await the fleet. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 13. In De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, loc. cit., the captain is called Pedro Gonzalez de Trujillo. He brings 1500 tocinas (salt pork), and 2000 loads cassava. 'Mil cargas de pan cazavi, y dos mil tocinos y muchos fasoles y aves y otras cosas.' Cortés, Memorial, 1542, in id., Escritos Sueltos, 311.
15. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 14, mentions several more names, with occasional remarks on wealth and standing. Puertocarrero is also written Puerto Carrero, and in the modern form of Portocarrero. Torquemada and Oviedo, passim.
16. This appears to be the same vessel referred to by Gomara as Alonso Guillen's, bought at Trinidad, though nothing is of course said about the mode of payment. Hist. Mex., 13. Prescott mistakes in making Sedeño the master of this vessel.
17. Ordaz proceeded on his mission in the caravel El Guerho, and returned to Trinidad in the vessel of Sedeño, who received two thousand and more castellanos in gold fringes, the only treasure on hand. Cortés, Memorial, 1542, in id., Escritos Sueltos, 312. 'Quatro mil arrouas de ran, mil y quinientos toçinos y muchas gallinas.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 14. Bernal Diaz intimates that Sedeño came into port of his own accord, and was induced to sell ships and cargo. Hist. Verdad., 14. He was reputed the richest man in the party. Ib.; Las Casas, Hist. Ind., ii. 455-6; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. xii. 'De una hacienda de V. M. compró al mayordomo de clla quinientas é tantas cargas (pan)'. Cortés, Memorial, 1542, loc. cit. The Probanza por Lejalde, in Icazbalreta, Col. Doc., i. 411, contains interesting testimony as to what goods were obtained, and how.
18. The Habana was then situated on the south side of the island, not on the north side, where the appellation now obtains. Prescott and others fall into numerous blunders by supposing the Habana of to-day to be identical with the Habana of three hundred years ago, sending a whole fleet far out of its way for no other purpose than to collect provisions, which one vessel would accomplish as well.
19. Començó Cortés â poner casa, y â tratarse como señor: y el primer Maestresala q͏̄ tuvo, fue vn Guzmă que luego se muriò, ò mataron Indios.' A different man from the later mayordomo, Čristóbal de Guzman, who captured Quauhtemotzin during the siege of Mexico. Caceres . . . . fue despues de ganado Mexico, hombre rico. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 15-16.
20. Bernal Diaz says that Barba was one of the most devoted to Cortés. See, also, Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii., cap. xiii. Solis details at length a public gathering, in which the members of the expedition became highly excited over Velazquez' efforts to stop Cortés, and threatened to destroy the town. He adds that a rumor of Velazquez' coming in person to enforce his order created another excitement. Hist. Mex., i. 63-6; Robertson, Hist. Am., ii. S, follows him; also Prescott. According to Las Casas, Velazquez sends a letter to Cortés, asking him to wait for an important communication, which he will bring in person or send by messenger. At the same time come letters for Ordaz and others, requesting them to seize the commander. Ordaz accordingly invites him to a banquet on board his vessel, with the intent of carrying him off to Santiago; but Cortés perceives the snare and retires under pretence of indisposition. The good bishop observes that he never knew Velazquez evince so little sagacity as on this occasion; nor did Ordaz behave any better. Hist. Ind., iv. 456-7. Gomara has the same account, but adds that the messenger from Velazquez came in a caravel, together with Alvarado, Olid, Ávila, Montejo, and others of Grijalva's party, who had just arrived from an interview with the governor. Hist. Mex., 14. He is evidently mixed. Torquemada, who quotes both versions from Herrera and Gomara, places the occurrence at Trinidad, and considers that Cortés was capable of and right in foiling Velazquez. Bernal Diaz scouts Gomara's story, which is repeated in De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 355-6. Peralta claims that his father, Suarez, pursued and slew the Indian courier sent with orders for Luis de Medina, then with the fleet, to assume the command. He thereupon brought the papers to Cortés and warned him to sail away. Nat. Hist., 62-4. Peralta evidently upholds all his father told him.
21. So affirms Tapia, one of the party. Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 555; and this is the view of most writers. Bernal Diaz states that the review was held at Cozumel, which may also have been the case; but he was not present at San Antonio. A review must have been held before the fleet set out on its voyage, in order that captains might be appointed and receive apportionments of men and supplies. Zamacois, Hist. Méj., ii. 292-3, assumes that, owing to Alvarado's absence, the muster was reserved for Cozumel.
22. 'Tomo [Cortés] fiada de Diego Sanz tendero, vna tieda de bohoneria en sietecietos pesos de oro.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 12, 14-15. This was at Santiago. This author, who, together with Diaz, forms the main authority for the above list, mentions only eleven vessels, but does not include Alvarado's. He places the Spanish force at 550 men, but, by adding to this the sixty and odd men absent with Alvarado from the review, the number would agree with Bernal Diaz' figures. Thirteen vessels, two having joined at Habana as transports; 530 infantry; twenty-four horses; 5000 loads of maize and cassava; 2000 tocinos. De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 356. Twelve vessels and 500 men. Carta del Ayunt, de V. Cruz, in Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 419-20. Fifteen vessels and 500 men, without any Indians or negroes, says Cortés, in his Memorial, 1542, not venturing to admit that he had disobeyed the royal order and his instructions in taking Cuban Indians. Cortés, Escritos Sueltos, 310; Col. Doc. Inéd., iv. 220. Seven navios, three bergantines. Oviedo, i. 539. Nine vessels, 550 Spaniards, two to three hundred Indians. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 446, 457. Eleven vessels of thirty to one hundred tons, 663 Spaniards, including thirty men with firearms. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 54; Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 19; Vetancvrt, Teatro Ecles., pt. ii. 100-11; Fancourt's Hist. Yuc, 26-7; Zamacois, Hist. Méj., ii. 290. Thirteen vessels, 560 persons, thirteen horses. Tapia, Relacion, in Icazbalceta. Col. Doc., ii. 558; Prescott, Mex., i. 262, follows both Bernal Diaz and Gomara, but without seeking to account for their differences, and thus allows himself to exceed every other authentic estimate for the number of the men.
23. Torquemada, i. 364; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 14, gives the same names, except that Francisco de Salcedo stands in the place of Alvarado. Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 66, mentions eleven, including Salcedo and Nortes; Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 453, names eight, as appointed by Velazquez. Zamacois, Hist. Méj., ii. 287, leaves out Ávila, which is certainly a mistake, based on Bernal Diaz, who includes Ginés Nortes, the captain merely of a transport. Salcedo joined later, at Villa Rica.
24. Such is in substance the speech prepared by Gomara, Hist. Mex., 15-16, well suited for the enterprise, yet not exactly in accord with the pretended mission of peaceful trade and exploration. Torquemada, i. 364-5, gives it nearly in the same form, while Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 71-3, elaborates to suit himself.
25. 25 The date of departure is generally admitted to be February 18th, but in Cortés, Memorial, 1542, is written 'tardó en esto [fitting out] desde dieciocho dias del mes de Octubre . . . hasta dieciocho dias del mes de Enero, del año de diez y nueve que acabó de salir de la dicha Isla de Cuba, del cabo de Corrientes.' Cortés, Escritos Sueltos, 313. This is wrong, however, for the fleet could not have left Santiago before the date of the instructions; yet it confirms the fact that three months were spent, after leaving Santiago, before the fleet finally left the island. Some of the authors indicate a portion of this time, showing that eight days were spent at Macăco and twelve at Trinidad, leaving seventy-two days for the brief passages along the south coast of Cuba and for the stay at San Cristóbal. De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, or, as the Spanish translator entitles it, Vida de Hernan Cortés, giving the fullest but also the most partial account of Cortés up to this time, is an anonymous manuscript in Latin, of eleven folio leaves, deposited in the Simancas archives, whence Muñoz obtained a copy, published by Icazbalceta in his Coleccion de Documentos, i. 309-57. It is in a clear hand, with corrections and marginals, evidently by the author. Several points indicate that it formed part of De Orbe Noro, a history of America, written apparently in a series of biographies, to judge from the reference made to a preceding part relating to Columbus, and to later parts on the conquest of Mexico. Muñoz expresses the opinion that the author may be Calvet de Estrella, chronicler of the Indies, mentioned by Nic. Antonio as the writer of the manuscripts De Rebus Gestis Vaccæe Castri, in the Colegio del Sacro Monte de Granada. This title induced him to name the present document De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii. The supposition is warranted by the style and by the evident date; for references indicate that it was written during the lifetime of several companions of Cortés. The fragment begins with the hero's birth and ends at his departure with the fleet from Cuba. Although the facts related conform, as a rule, to Gomara's version, a number of authorities have been consulted, some of them no longer extant, chiefly with a view to extol the character and career of the hero, and to elaborate incidents into tiresome prolixity.