History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 2/Chapter 28

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XXVIII.

VICEROY VELASCO'S RULE.

1551-1564.

Arrival of Martin Cortés, Second Marqués del Valle — Visitador Valderrama and His Relations With Cortés — New Policy Regarding Encomiendas — Cortés' Troubles — Threatened Revolt and Velasco's Wise Course — Royal Orders Affecting the Audiencia — The Visitador's Exactions of the Indians — His Efforts to Check Abuses, and Proposed Reforms — His Disagreements with the Viceroy — Condition and Character of Velasco — His Death, Burial, and General Regret — Public Education — Floods in the Mexican Valley — Disastrous Expedition to Florida — Settlements in Zacatecas and Guanajuato — Conquest of the North-western Region — Kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya — Expedition to the Philippines and its Results.

I have stated that Martin Cortés, the lawful heir of Mexico's conqueror, was taken to Spain in 1540, being then eight years of age. After his father's death he came into possession of his title and of its vast estates. He had received a liberal education and had been trained, as became his rank, for the profession of arms; he accompanied Philip to Flanders, where he served with distinction, and also in the famous battle of Saint Quentin, being the first native of Mexico to render service to the Spanish crown in Europe. He likewise was one of Philip's suite when that prince went to England to wed Queen Mary. After the Flanders campaign he married Doña Ana Ramirez de Arellano, his niece,^[1] for which it is presumed he first obtained a special dispensation of the pope.

He now determined to return to his native land. Before leaving Spain, however, he sold to the king his chief house in Mexico, that which has since been the national palace, with the whole block, including the mint, barracks, and other offices. The deed of conveyance, dated January 29, 1562, stipulated that the quarters occupied by the oidores, that is to say, the montepío building of later years, should be surrendered to him.^[2]

About this time was brought to a final decision the suit left pending by the old conqueror at his death on the counting of his vassals. It was against the marquis' claim. The court's rendering was that every house and hereditament should count for one vecino, and young Cortés was condemned to restore to the crown all excess over the 23,000 vassals that Charles had granted his father; also to pay all sums till then collected by his agents from the vassals exceeding that number. This last part of the decision was tantamount to utter ruin for the young marquis. However, Philip, who held in high esteem the great services of the conqueror, and also those of the son, exempted the latter from the payment of the excess above mentioned, and, in the cédula issued at Toledo March 16, 1562, not only confirmed the grant made to his father, but also renewed it without restriction; that is to say, all vecinos of the twenty-three towns, whatsoever their number, were to be reckoned as his vassals. The only exception was the villa and port of Tehuantepec, which the crown reserved for government uses, allowing in compensation therefor the tributes it yielded.

All his affairs being thus advantageously arranged, the marquis, now aged thirty years, embarked for Mexico with his family, excepting his eldest son and heir presumptive, whom he left in Seville, bringing also his half-brothers Martin, Marina's son, and Luis, son of Antonio Hermosilla.^[3] There is nothing to show the date of their embarkation, but in September 1562 they arrived at Campeche in a small ship, during a severe gale, the family having experienced much suffering.^[4] After a sojourn there of two months they continued their journey, and arrived safely in Mexico early in the spring of 1563, there to be received with the great demonstrations due his rank and the memory of his father.^[5]

The marquis' high rank and large income, united to the memory of his father's illustrious deeds and his own honorable services, gave him the most prominent standing in the country, second only to the chief representative of the crown. Indeed, he thought it but due his father's name that the son should set up an establishment on the footing of a prince, where his friends were at all times welcomed and entertained with lavish hospitality. This augmented his influence and made him a power in the land. When he rode out he was followed by a page wearing a steel helmet and carrying a raised lance, the point of which was enclosed in a bag with small silken tassels for closing it; and to attend church he caused his servants to take there for himself and the marchioness two velvet prie-dieux with two cushions and two chairs. This could be done in Spain by persons of rank without exciting comment, but in Mexico it awakened envy, and later was brought forward as a serious charge.

The friends and associates of the young nobleman were among the first families of the city, including the viceroy and his son. Among his most intimate acquaintances were the brothers Gil Gonzalez and Alonso de Ávila, sons of the conqueror Gil Gonzalez de Ávila and his wife Doña Leonor de Alvarado.^[6] Born in Mexico of pure Castilian blood, they were for their high character and agreeable manners generally esteemed. The first named was now twenty-four years of age, a widower, quiet, and grave though affable, and held in encomienda the town of Ixmiquilpan. Alonso was a year younger, handsome, elegant, brave, and jovial, and possessed the valuable encomiendas of Quautitlan, Jaltocan, Zirándaro, and Guaineo, which yielded him a considerable income. His wife, Doña Maria de Sosa, was an estimable young lady. The marquis was often seen in company with the two brothers, and the intimacy brought upon them all great grief, as we shall see.

Society in Mexico had rapidly developed during the last two decades, and was now becoming in many respects individual and pronounced. Upon the Old World manners and customs was cast the New World influence, and the result was an order of things never before witnessed. While holding to ancient traditions, there was less restraint, more freedom of thought, more room for aspiration and respiration in American airs than in European. Side by side were the descendants of the conquerors and the Spanish nobility which constituted the aristocracy. The opening of mines and the slavery system in its several modified forms had brought on flush times. Money was abundant and freely spent.

Banquets, balls, and other entertainments were of daily occurrence in high circles, all vying with one another in reckless expenditure. Having once placed themselves on the slippery declivity of human folly, it was difficult for the young nobility to stop short of ruin. Most of the first families soon found themselves deeply in debt, and with their property encumbered. A large portion of the debts had been incurred at the gaming-table and by the practice of other vices. The young men were wont to indulge in masked promenades on horseback, and failed not to take advantage of their position and wealth to corrupt women.^[7]

The marqués del Valle, however, seems to have behaved well, never giving himself up to vicious practices. Like his father, he was respectful to the church and its ministers, often dismounting to bend the knee and kiss the friar's hand, which example the natives were not slow to follow.^[8] The friendship between the marquis and the Velascos was not of long duration. The great display of wealth by the former indicated his determination to hold the first position in the country, even overshadowing the viceroy, who, as the monarch's lieutenant, could not brook such pretensions. And when the viceroy showed signs of temper, Cortés arrayed himself in yet greater ostentation. He ordered made for himself a silver seal, somewhat smaller than the one used by the king, on which was engraved the words "Martinus Cortesus primus hujus nominis Dux marchio secundus."^[9] When it was taken to the royal treasury officials to pay the fifth duty, the chief official, Hortuño de Ibarra, considering it too large for a subject to use, delivered it to the viceroy, who being of the same opinion retained the seal, instituted proceedings, and sent them to the king. This action of course displeased Cortés, and widened the breach. Their feud was so warm that on the arrival of the visitador, Valderrama, it broke out disgracefully. For the reception of the visitador the viceroy invited all officials and persons of rank, among them the marquis, who paid no heed to the invitation and resolved not to appear in the viceregal suite. He would go in advance with some friends, and be followed by the page with the lance, his object being to meet the visitador in Cuitlahuac, four leagues out; but he came upon him in fact at Itztapalapa, a league and a half from Mexico.

Valderrama was gratified at this mark of attention, and with the marquis' manner, and together they rode toward the city. Though chagrined, Velasco smothered his resentment as best he was able until he saw the page, when he sent Antonio de Turcios, the secretary of the audiencia, to tell Cortés that he should at once send the fellow away. Such an order, now for the first time given, and in such company, enraged the marquis, who resolved to disregard it. When the viceroy threatened him with arrest, the. marquis turned to the visitador and said, "Your worship has now the evidence of the viceroy's ill-will toward me. I am glad this has occurred that you may form your own judgment." Valderrama, in order to stop the disagreeable scene, supported the viceroy's authority. But not to wound the marquis too deeply, he ordered the page to keep himself at some distance from the suite. This reconciled matters, and the march continued on to the city, where all entered on the 16th of August, 1563. Valderrama became the guest of the marquis, and there was soon an intimate friendship between them.

The marquis shortly afterward caused his intendente to form a general statement of his affairs, from which it appeared that the yearly income from the encomiendas amounted to 150,000 pesos. It reached the ears of the king, who thought the revenue almost too royal for a subject, and directed the solicitor-general to notify Cortés that the crown had been deceived with regard to the value of his encomiendas. Doctor Zurita was consequently deputed by the audiencia to make the count of the Indians, and the report was against the holder.^[10]

The crown then resolved that encomiendas should not be transmissible to the third generation. This measure was deemed unjust by the encomenderos, whose wrath against the king and his advisers became hot.^[11] Among the more violent was Alonso de Ávila, whose income it is said was twenty thousand pesos per annum. With him were his brother and Baltasar de Aguilar, who as they talked of the matter among themselves, and with others, became more and more enraged, and in time it was said that the three were at the head of a conspiracy against the crown, and fast winning to their plans influential men by the offer of honors and offices, of all which the marquis was said to be apprised.^[12] The viceroy hearing of it summoned to his presence the suspected parties, and spoke to them with his customary wisdom and kindness. Little more was heard of it at the time, and it was supposed the affair was at an end.^[13] The encomenderos, however, resolved to bring before the crown the matter of their holdings. Having first obtained leave of the audiencia, on the 4th of February, 1564, they came before the city council of Mexico in a committee composed of Francisco de Velasco, Gonzalo de las Casas, Gonzalo Cerezo, and Rodrigo Maldonado. The council approved of the plan, and chose young Alonso de Ávila, one of its members, to represent the matter in Spain, But afterward, at a meeting held at the house of the marquis, Diego Ferrer, who had been his tutor, was selected for the mission.

The king's instructions to Visitador Valderrama were quite explicit as to the course he was to pursue toward the audiencia. He was to enforce the royal decrees which forbade their engaging in expeditions of discovery or in any business foreign to their official duties. They had, it seems, remonstrated against that strict rule, and their requests had been refused by the crown; it was now notorious that they engaged in unlawful business, and from the profits paid the fines, when they could not escape them.^[14] The viceroy was empowered to try offences of the oidores, who were commanded to testify whenever called upon. The instructions provided that in the event of his death or inability to discharge his duties, the audiencia should rule temporarily. It was certainly well to provide for the succession, but it was not wise to let it fall to corrupt men.

After the king's envoy had recovered from the effects of his journey, he went to inspect the king's towns. Under the impression that the tribute the natives were paying was too little, he doubled it, including now those who lived in the city of Mexico and had been heretofore exempt from tribute. Under the new law all must pay two pesos instead of one every year. The natives presented a petition to the visitador against the change, but it availed nothing; nor were the viceroy’s representations in their favor more successful, Valderrama's heartlessness and obstinacy disgusted all classes, and won him an unenviable name.^[15]

In his report to the king on judicial matters February 24, 1564, he said that the officials were not as they should be, hinting that the viceroy and his son and brother, as well as the oidores, had too many relatives in the country, all of whom were interested in affairs and aided one another;^[16] hence the quality of justice was not always reputable. He had also concluded upon the retirement of two of the oidores, one of whom was aged and the other deaf; recommending at the same time the appointment of alcaldes to preside over the lower courts of judicature. He hinted that some infamous rascality, without saying what, was practised under cover of authority, which he would in due time expose and punish, and endeavor at the same time to clear the country of such characters as its authors.^[17] His interference was salutary in most instances. In lieu of the tax of two pesos, some paid one peso, and half a fanega of maize, or each paid his proportion on the quantity of land held. A few years later negroes and mulattoes were also required to pay a tribute of two pesos yearly.^[18]

The king's financial affairs were not in a satisfactory condition. Martin Cortés, who had perhaps ceased after his rupture with the Velascos to be an impartial authority, suggested that the counting and taxing of the crown Indians should not be left to the viceroy if his Majesty desired a large revenue from them, but to the visitador should be given the entire control.^[19] He also boldly asserted that there was a manifest lack of integrity in the officials which unfavorably affected the royal treasury. The evidence appeared in the fact that the crown from upwards of 440,000 Indians drew only about 160,000 pesos yearly, and he was sure that more than 300,000 pesos remained in the hands of certain officials. To support this assertion he mentioned a case in point that concerned him personally, by which he lost heavily every year.^[20] Besides the savings from vacant corregimientos there were the quitas, or four months' pay out of every sixteen served, much of which was taken from those who rendered service, to give to others who did nothing. The fund was thus exhausted, and the really needy got no relief The king's orders on the distribution of moneys appropriated by him were not faithfully obeyed, and hence the numerous complaints. Only the old conquerors and their sons received money on the treasury drafts.

Valderrama sought to correct these abuses, and wrote the king, February 24, 1564, of the treasury officials having notified him that the first outgoing fleet would convey to Spain but a small sum of money, and they would have certainly carried out their original intention but for his timely arrival; in consequence of which, it would take away a larger amount than ever before, namely, not less than 40,000 marks of silver.^[21] Nor did the visitador in his reports confine himself to financial matters; he suggested a radical change in the tenure of office. He disliked that public officers should take root in Hew Spain, as if they expected to pass here the rest of their lives. He preferred that the meritorious should have their rewards elsewhere; those who had been neglectful or criminal should be punished. The corregimientos had been often improperly bestowed, and the old settlers thereby much offended. ^[22] It had been provided by royal order of September 4, 1560, that no corregidor appointed by the audiencia for two years

The accounting by viceroys and oidores he recommended to be at short periods, and not as heretofore in many instances at intervals of sixteen or twenty years. They should certainly be held to account before they died. He also rejected to the presidency of the audiencia being vested in the viceroy, instead of in a jurist. The oidores, he said, usually voted as the viceroy desired.^[23]

Velasco was much annoyed at this meddling of Valderrama, as he termed it, with viceregal affairs, and in the midst of the dissensions^[24] which followed, he threatened to throw up the office; but Valderrama dissuaded him, saying that he was simply doing his duty.^[25] Heath, that great comforter and final rest, soon came to the viceroy's relief. He had been ill for some time, when a diseased bladder suddenly terminated his career the 31st of July, 1564.

The funeral was conducted with a pomp such as had never before been seen in Mexico. The remains left the viceregal residence escorted by all the civil and ecclesiastical corporations, directed respectively by the audiencia visitador, archiepiscopal and municipal authorities, and were carried to the Dominican convent on the shoulders of four of the bishops who had come to attend the ecclesiastical synod. The troops organized for the Philippines expedition formed part of the funeral cortége. All classes of the population spontaneously manifested their love by following the remains to their last resting-place. Mourning was both officially and publicly observed for a month.^[26]

His death fell as a bereavement upon the community. However Martin Cortés might scowl, or Valderrama write to the king, the verdict of the people was "El prudentísimo, tutor, padre de la patria," and "Liberatador de los indios." He had been indeed a father to the oppressed, a man conscientious in the discharge of his duties. He was never rich, partly because he did not pilfer from the king's chest, and partly because of improvident and extravagant habits. He had a fondness for entertaining; he was a fine rider, and liked to display his horsemanship, which often led him into undue expense; but all this only added to his popularity among those having similar tastes.^[27]

It was conceded by all that Valderrama had condemned Velasco too severely, and had praised himself too highly in speaking of the royal revenue and other matters. In letters to the crown from the ayuntamiento, the chapter of the archdiocese, and the provincial and council of the Franciscans, full justice is done to the memory of Velasco.^[28] He had undoubtedly promoted the public welfare, and fulfilled his duty to the king by carrying out the policy of Viceroy Mendoza.

One of the viceroy's first acts on assuming office had been to summon the teachers of schools and colleges, and to urge upon them the education of the young, not only in letters, but in morals, meanwhile assuming them of his protection. Shortly after, under royal orders, were established and endowed in the city of Mexico one school for poor girls and another for poor boys; and the authorities were enjoined to watch over and foster them. And still later the site on which had stood the house of Alonso de Ávila was given them. Likewise the higher branches of education no less than Christianity and material improvement had been thought of by the king. In fact, we know from Herrera, that a dozen years previously the court had adopted measures toward that end, which for some reason had not been carried out. Now all former resolves culminated pursuant to three royal orders of September 21, 1551, in the founding of a university in the city of Mexico, together with the appointment of professors and the appropriation of funds for its support, namely, one thousand pesos de oro annually.^[29]

No time was lost in carrying out the project, and the institution was inaugurated with great éclat January 25, 1553, its professors being at the same time formally installed.^[30] The institution being under royal patronage used the arms of the crown of Castile, and, in fact, enjoyed the same privileges and preëminence as the famous university of Salamanca.^[31]

A calamity that befell the city of Mexico in 1553 was the occasion of the display of interest, ability, and energy so common with Velasco. A long drought followed by heavy rains lasting twenty-four hours resulted in a flood, attended with great damage to property. It was the first inundation since the Spanish conquest. The Spaniards became greatly alarmed, but the Indians, who were well informed regarding several previous floods, took the matter coolly.^[32] The city was under water three days, according to some authorities, and four, according to others. Canoes were used for transit. As soon as the waters receded the viceroy bestirred himself to prevent, if possible, the recurrence of such a calamity, and with this view he resolved to surround the city with a dike. The caciques of the cities and towns of the valley were summoned to bring their vassals and go to work. All came cheerfully and promptly forward. To avoid confusion they were divided into squads, and placed in charge of skilful foremen. To give prestige and excite enthusiasm during the first day, the viceroy worked like another man, spade in hand; afterward be superintended the operations, though often seen with a mason’s tools in his hands. He frequently visited the field to praise those who worked with alacrity, and to inspire with greater activity the laggard. The work was finished in a few days,^[33] and made more secure by changing the bed of a small river whose current was doing injury.

Early in April 1553 the treasure fleet sailed from Vera Cruz for Spain. When in the Bahama channel the ships were thrown out of their course by the currents and finally experienced heavy gales which drove and stranded most of them upon the Florida reefs. Out of one thousand persons, among them many of high position,^[34] only three hundred reached the shore.

And these may as well have saved themselves the trouble, for after a few days the natives appeared, behaving friendly at first, but soon beginning to kill and rob. Believing Pánuco to be distant only three days' journey, the survivors started thither, but they were mostly massacred or perished on the way.^[35]

The disaster drew the attention of the Spanish monarch to these natives who had hitherto maintained their independence. He now resolved upon their subjugation, and gave orders to Velasco to despatch a force for that purpose. Though disapproving of the measure, Velasco dared not disobey. He accordingly ordered levies; but this was almost an unnecessary measure, as there were at the time in Mexico many who imagined Florida another Potosí. Large numbers tendered their services. Two thousand were enrolled and thoroughly drilled by the end of 1558. One thousand Indian archers were also accepted.

The Spanish force was formed into six squadrons of cavalry, and six companies of infantry. Tristan de Luna y Arellano,^[36] also called Acuña, was given the appointment of governor of Florida and the chief command of the expedition, to which were also attached eight Spaniards who had traversed Florida and acquired the languages. Accompanying the force were a number of Floridan women who had been some time in Mexico, and who now returned to inform their countrymen of the good treatment they had received. Dominican and Franciscan friars went as chaplains. Velasco accompanied the army to Vera Cruz, where he harangued the troops, and directed that mild means should be used before resorting to violence. After seeing the expedition embarked on thirteen ships in June 1559, he returned to Mexico. Arrived at Santa Elena, they suffered from heavy weather at the anchorage; and, on landing, the natives harassed them so that they had to send to Mexico for help. Some companies came, one under Captain Biedna, and another under Ángel Villafañe, whom the viceroy appointed as Luna's successor. But it all proved of no avail. It was impossible for these Spanish soldiers, already becoming effeminate from long inactivity, to maintain any hold on the country, and much less to accomplish its subjugation in the face of the powerful warlike tribes that had banded to defend themselves. The undertaking was consequently abandoned, and the few who had escaped destruction were conveyed to Habana and thence restored to Mexico.^[37]

Nor did Velasco confine his attention within the former limits of New Spain. His term of office was marked by conquest and the opening of rich mines as well as by progress in agriculture, arts, and manufactures. Pursuing the policy of his sovereign, he encouraged and fitted out expeditions for the subjugation of the vast countries then bearing the name of the Gran Chichimeca, and a little later of the territory called at that time Copala. His first measures secured the further pacification of Querétaro, Zacatecas, and Guanajuato, and were followed by the subjection of the whole north-western region.

An account has been already given of the towns of San Felipe and San Miguel. These garrisoned places proved very useful for the protection of travellers, and led to the discovery of rich mines and the foundation of other Spanish settlements. As a matter of fact, the Spaniards became acquainted with the wealth of this part of the country soon after its discovery. The city of Santa Fé de Guanajuato, the veritable Villa Rica of Mexico, had its birth in 1554, and in or about 1558 the Veta Madre was founded.^[38] In the lapse of time that town proved to be the centre of the marvellous deposits on the porphyritic range of the sierra de Santa Rosa, perhaps the richest group of silver mines up to that time discovered, and Guanajuato itself became the most singularly situated of all cities. If the spirit of charity revealed the mines of Espíritu Santo, it might well seem as if the genius of evil had chosen this labyrinth of mountain ravines as its seat. From the extraordinary shapes assumed by the gigantic masses of porphyry in form of ruined fortresses, one might easily imagine this the battle-ground of impalpable intelligences, as though the secret had been wrung from nature at a fearful cost.^[39] In any event, they proved the most important of any found during this first period of discovery of mines, and of immense wealth, yielding large revenues to the crown.

The prior discovery of the mines of San Lúcas, Aviño, Sombrerete, Ranchos, Chalchihuites, Nieves, and others should be awarded to Francisco de Ibarra, a nephew of Diego de Ibarra, son-in-law to Viceroy Velasco, who, starting in 1554 from the mines of Zacatecas with a company of soldiers, all at his own cost, quieted the natives, making it safe for settlers.^[40] But in 1558 the audiencia of Nueva Galicia despatched the alcalde mayor, Martin Perez, at the head of an armed expedition to the same region, who took formal possession of it; hence the claim that he discovered the mines of Fresnillo, San Martin, Sombrerete, and Nieves. Diego García Colio, or Celio, was subsequently made alcalde mayor of the new settlements.

According to Beaumont the mines of San Martin were discovered toward the end of 1558, and so named because found on the day of that saint. The discoveries brought many laborers of various races and colors; on their way they came upon El Fresnillo, but hastened forward. So many Spaniards about that time were rushing to the mines that soon were found the deposits of Chalchihuites, Sombrerete, Sabino, Santiago, and Nieves, over which the alcalde mayor of Zacatecas assumed authority.^[41] But if the claim of Ibarra is disputed in some instances it is certain that he was the first discoverer of many of those mines whose rich deposits so quickly depopulated not only the city of Compostela, but the mining district of Zecatecas. To maintain continuous possession of the mines was, however, a difficult matter, owing to the frequent attacks of hostile bands from the Mixton and Zacatecas mountains. The settlements to the east and south of Zacatecas seem to have fared better, protected as they were by the haciendas in that vicinity, which soon became thickly populated.

As it was impossible for the foreign inhabitants of New Galicia to hold in subjugation all its new territories, Velasco resolved in 1558 to take the matter into his own hands. First he thought of sending an expedition under Ibarra, from the mines of Zacatecas to pacify Copala.^[42]

This was a favorite project of the king's, but Florida affairs prevented it for a time. Meanwhile the viceroy concluded to send three Franciscan friars to the mines of San Martin, which were between those of Zacatecas and the province to be brought under rule. The friars were to engage in missionary work, ascertain all they could about the coveted province, and prepare the field; his intention being to despatch thither a small expedition, at little expense to the crown, to occupy the country and make Spanish settlements. It was expected to find valuable mines in that region. When the time arrived for military operations, the Franciscans had made considerable progress in their labors. Francisco de Ibarra was then commissioned as the governor, captain-general of the so-called province of Copala, to which he gave the name of Reino de la Nueva Vizcaya, and which embraced the country lying to the east and north of existing settlements, though he did not confine himself to that region. His efforts proved successful, as he established friendly relations with the several native nations, seldom having to resort to force. He founded the villas of Nombre de Dios, Durango, San Juan de Sinaloa, and others, and discovered many mines and agricultural tracts on which he established permanent settlements of Spaniards, a full account of which is found in my History of the North Mexican States. In his famous expeditions he visited Durango, Sinaloa, Sonora, and Chihuahua; and on his return, availing himself of the powers granted him to bring into his government all towns that were not provided with a church and missionary, he despoiled many encomenderos, and seized their holdings. The terrible hardships Ibarra was called on to endure brought on consumption, to which he succumbed some time after 1570, though the date and place of his death do not appear in the records. His remains found their last resting-place in the city of Durango. From all accounts his services were never rewarded; his estate dwindled away, and after his death hardly yielded enough to pay off the large debts he had contracted in fitting out and supporting his great enterprises.

The Philippine Islands had now been in the hands of the Spaniards for more than ten years. Acting on the glowing accounts of Andrés de Urbaneta, a soldier and a famous navigator and cosmographer, who had been with García de Loaisa, and of his companions, García de Escalante and Guido de Labazares, who had visited those parts, the Spanish sovereign directed Velasco to fit out an expedition for the Philippines, with the view of making settlements there, to which were to be sent as many colonists as could be procured.^[43] In 1563 the expedition was ready to depart the following year.^[44] After consultation with Urdaneta, the command was given to Miguel Gomez de Legazpi, a resident of Mexico, who made Mateo de Saúz his maestre de campo, and the young Basque Juan de Lezcano, his secretary. Guido de Labazares was appointed the king's factor. The missionary part of the adventure was placed in charge of the Austin order, and six fathers were chosen.^[45]

The fleet consisted of four ships, and lay at Navidad, in Colima, ready for sea, when the viceroy fell ill, which caused further delay. Finally on the 21st of November, 1564, the squadron sailed, and after a prosperous voyage reached Luzon, where Legazpi founded the city of Manila, which in after years became one of the great emporiums of the east.^[46] The audiencia's orders required that as soon as a settlement was effected the commander should try to discover a practicable route back to America. Wherefore the flag-ship San Pedro, Captain Salcedo, sailed from Zebú, June 1, 1565, having on board fathers Urdaneta and Aguirre. After going eastward to the Ladrones the course was north to Japan, and still northward to latitude 38°, whence the prevailing winds bore her across to New Spain. The voyage was a long and severe one. She had started short of men; the master and pilot died early in the voyage, and fourteen others before it ended. Urdaneta and his companion had to sail the ship, to look after the sick, and to prepare a chart. On their arrival at Acapulco they had not men enough to cast anchor.

Captain Alonso de Arellano with the San Lúcas had deserted, and sailed from the Philippines to the latitude of Cape Mendocino, arriving at Acapulco three months before Urdaneta. The two men met at court in Spain. Arellano had reported the rest of the fleet as lost, and was claiming the reward offered for the shortest route; but instead of receiving it he was sent back to Mexico to be subjected to a court-martial for his desertion. Urdaneta's chart was used by the Manila galleons for many years. The route was tedious in one part and cold in another, but without great difficulty or danger save from scurvy, scanty stores, and a little later, from corsairs. Each year after this the rich products of the east were received in Mexico in one or more ships, but there is no record extant,^[47] for the government loved to shroud her commerce in mystery, which course was, indeed, to some extent justified, as subsequent events made apparent. Expeditions on private account for the discovery of new countries, whether by land or sea, were now forbidden by royal cédula of July 13, 1573, unless by express permission of the sovereign.

 

 

1. Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 236.
2. The property so conveyed the viceroy and audiencia removed to in 1562. It was destroyed June 8, 1692, by a conflagration during the riots. The old palace was also situated on the plaza, and bounded by the streets of Tacuba, Plateros, La Profesa, and San José el Real, and served for government purposes till given up.
3. Martin had been taken to Spain in 1528. Charles V. made him a knight of Santiago; and when old enough to enter the military profession he served in the campaigns of Algiers and Germany, distinguishing himself and receiving several wounds. His fortune was scanty, and it may be said that he derived his support almost entirely from his brother, the marquis. He married an estimable lady. Doña Bernardina de Porras.
4. The alcalde mayor and the bishop visited them and rendered all the aid in their power. The marchioness there gave birth to a boy. Quixada, Carta al Rey (March 15, 1563), in Cartas de Indias, 385. The boy was christened Gerónimo. Peralta, Not. Hist., 146-7, 187, 340-1.
5. Everywhere on the route the marquis was greeted with marks of affection. The capital gave him an enthusiastic welcome. Upwards of 300 magnificently attired and mounted gentlemen escorted him into the city; another body of 2,000 horsemen with black cloaks followed in the procession. After promenading the streets, cheered by the people and greeted with the smiles of the first ladies of the country, the marquis and his friends visited Viceroy Velasco, who gave him a hearty welcome. Peralta, Not. Hist., 191-2.
6. Alaman, Disert., ii. 142, and others say they were the sons of Alonso de Ávila.
7. Viceroy Velasco tried to check it, but met with poor success. Peralta, Not. Hist., 193.
8. When asked who taught them to kneel and kiss the priest's hand, they would answer, 'El gran capitan Don Martin Cortés.' Zevallos, Hist. y Viage, 361-32.
9. Martin Cortés, first captain (or duke) and second marquis of his name. Orozco y Berra, Not. Hist., 79.
10. Cortés complained that the computation had been purposely excessive, not so much to injure him as to blind the king. Carta (Oct. 10, 1563), in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iv. 460-1. The viceroy on June 22, 1564, reported his towns to have upward of 60,000 natives that must have yielded 84,387 pesos annually, that is to say, a population of 47,000 and an income of over 47,000 pesos in excess of the original grant to his father. Orozco y Berra, Not. Hist., 29.
11. Many of them in their excitement threatened to repudiate the king's authority in these dominions. Peralta, Not. Hist., 195.
12. 'Se habló, que hazian ya maese de campo y oficiales, y titulos en los pueblos, de duques y condes; y puesto ya todo en platica, dieron parte dello al marqués.' Peralta, Not. Hist., 196.
13. Velasco, notwithstanding, represented the marquis' conduct in dark colors; he could not avoid inflicting some punishment on his enemy.
14. The warning to be given them by the visitador was that such offences would be punished with dismissal from office, forfeiture of estate, and a fine of 1,000 ducats; and persons acting in copartnership with them would also be subjected to confiscation of their estates. The visitador himself was forbidden to send any relative to visit provinces in his name. He was to make the visits in person. Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 172-3.
15. That of 'afligidor de los indios.' Torquemada, i. 624-5; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 174.
16. Valderrama even represented Velasco as an incompetent, who, together with his favored Dominicans, had brought the country to the brink of ruin. The Dominicans, a little later, took sides in the troubles with the audiencia and its faction, whilst the Franciscans, their rivals, for a time favored the Cortés clique.
17. 'Aqui hay escribanos y testigos para lo que los quisieren.' Valderrama, Cartas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iv. 355-7, 368-9. His undoubted zeal and ability, however, were of little avail against the power and influence of the oidores and the force of long-established usage.
18. If married within their own class; if single, one peso. A female negro or mulatto married to a Spaniard was exempt; if to an Indian, the husband's rate was paid. The offspring of a negro and an Indian paid as an Indian. Montemaior, Autos Acord., 148-9; Zamora, Bib. Leg. Ult., iv. 461-2.
19. Of course he gave plausible reasons, to wit: the viceroy had so much to attend to in governmental, judicial, and other affairs, that he could not bestow the proper care on the finances. Cortés, Cartas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iv. 452, 461-2.
20. Detecting in one of his towns a deficit of about 8,000 pesos a year, he inquired into the matter, and learned that 400 or 500 pesos had gone to the friars, and the remainder had been consumed in drinking by chiefs, alcaldes, and regidores. Id., 441-2. The veedor, Santander, had in 1557 reported that the revenue was defrauded to the amount of 1,000,000 pesos, and that another million went abroad, carried away by foreigners. Santander, Carta, in Col. Doc. Inéd., xxvi. 343.
21. In this connection he urged the prompt remittance of quicksilver, which was much needed to keep the mines productive; then money would circulate, tributes would be collected, and the treasury benefited accordingly. Valderrama, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iv. 366-7.
22. should have another term without having first been subjected to a residencia and come out of it with a clean ecord. Puga, Cedulario, 210.
23. 'Dá á parientes, amigos y criados de Oidores, y ansí todos le han menester. Y es cosa recia votar un Oidor contra lo que el Virey quierey dice.' Valderrama, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iv. 357-9, 364. The appointment of a jurist to preside over the court became the practice some years later.
24. On announcing to the crown the visitador's arrival he spoke of him as a 'persona de tanta calidad, letras, y conçençia.' Carta, in Cartas de Indias, 276.
25. The old man was poor and overburdened with debt. A letter from him in his son's handwriting, of August 1, 1562, to the king's secretary, Francisco de Eraso, shows how depressed he was: 'estoy viejo y pobre, y con poca salud, y quan olvidado me tiene S. M. para no me hazer merçed ni a mis hijos, y que la muerte está cerca.' In Id., 275.
26. Some years later his son Luis became viceroy, and the new church of the Dominicans being finished, he had his father's bones transferred to a beautiful sepulchre built expressly to receive them. Lorenzana, in Hist. N. Esp., 14, 15; Torquemada, i. 626-7; Cavo, Tres Siglos, 1. 175; Beaumont, Crón. Mich., v. 142-3, 558-9.
27. Peralta speaks glowingly of him, and of the enthusiasm he awakened whenever he took part in the games: 'Era muy lindo hombre de á caballo. Yo conosçi caballerous andar, quando sabian que el virrey abia de jugar las cañas, echando mil terçeros para que los metiesen en el regozijo; y el que entraba, le pareçia tener un ábito en los pechos segun quedaba onrrado.' It had been remarked that were Velasco to take away all the towns and encomiendas, he could still make the proprietors forget their loss by causing his horse to sound a breast-strap of bells in the street, so great was the craze for this species of amusement. Peralta, Not. Hist., pp. xiii.-xiv. 175-6. See, also, Torquemada, 1. 623-4; Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., 1. 33-4.
28. This last memorial, dated August 28, 1566, tells the king he would soon miss the wise rule of Velasco in New Spain. His son was strongly brought forward for preferment. Torquemada, 1. 627-8; Peralta, Not. Hist., 380-1; Franciscanos, Abandono, in Prov. del S. Evang., MS., No. 12, 172; Beaumont, Crón. Mich., v. 538.
29. Philip II. confirmed it Oct. 4, 1570, and decreed an increase of 3,000 pesos June 25, 1597. Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, iv. 207. The foundation of a university had been decreed by the king as early as 1539. Herrera, dec. vi. lib. vii. cap. vi.
30. The site fixed upon was the houses of Catalina de Montejo. Grijalua, Cron. S. August. 80-1. In 1584 the rector, Doctor Sanchez de Paredes, an oidor, being authorized to select a suitable building for the university, chose the property of the marqués del Valle in the plazuela del Volador, and seized it at the price fixed by appraisers. Notwithstanding much opposition on the part of the owner's attorney, Guillen Peraza de Ayala, a building was erected upon the ground, and the university brought to it. The suit was continued and decisions issued from the supreme government in favor of the marquis; but the viceroy, Villamanrique, for divers reasons, ordered the construction to go on, and the university to hold possession. However, on the 9th of July, 1589, the edifice fell to the ground. The rector. Dr Sancho Sanchez de Muñon, then applied to the audiencia for a new building, and the house of the marqués del Valle, on Empedradillo street, was taken at the valuation of 9,000 pesos. In the course of time a second story was added, the sala del general was adorned in the reign of Cárlos II., and nearly the whole edifice renovated in that of Cárlos III. Alaman, Disert., ii. 216-20, 261.
31. The rector or president had judicial authority over the doctors and alumni in light offences, and in all matters strictly within its province. The alumni were exempt from personal service, and had the privileges of the nobility. The title of Pontificia was conferred some years later by the pope. At the time of its foundation the university had seven endowed chairs, the appointments to which were made by the viceroy. The classes were of grammar, Latin and Greek, philosophy, rhetoric, theology, and law in all its branches, mathematics, astronomy, physic and medicine; the Otomí and Mexican languages were also taught. The first rector or president was the oidor Dr Antonio Rodriguez de Quesada. The chairs of civil law and Greek were placed in charge of Dr Frias; the others had the following teachers: holy scriptures, the Austin friar, Alonso de la Veracruz; theology, the Dominican, Fr Pedro Peña; mathematics, Juan Negrete; canon law. Doctor Marrones; grammar, Juan Bustamante. The other branches were also committed to competent men. It is said there was also a chair of Mexican antiquities. During the remainder of this century several laws were enacted affecting the university and its professors and officers. Recop. de Indias, 191-5, 201, 204; Puga, Cedulario, 137-8; Zamora, Bib. Leg. Ult., vi. 106-12; Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 32-3; Calle, Mem. y Not., 51-2; Órdenes de la Corona, MS., ii. 109; Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., passim; Montemayor, Svmarios, 61-3; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 194-5; Salazar, Méx. en 1554, 1-17; Cavo, Tres Siglos, 159-61.
32. Three are recorded: one in 1419, during the reign of the first Montezuma; the second in 1500, in the reign of Ahuitzotl; and the third in 1509, Montezuma II. then ruling the Aztec empire. For full particulars on these inundations and the measures that were adopted, see Native Races, v., this series, 412-13, 453-4, 468; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 435; Inundaciones, in Col. de Diarios, Not. y Var. Pap., MS., 356.
33. Torquemada, i. 618-19; Cepeda, Rel., 4-6; Panes, Vireyes, in Monum. Dom. Esp., MS., 82.
34. One was the general of the fleet; another, the handsome and rich Doña Catalina Ponce de Leon, who was on her way to Spain, as some say, under sentence of banishment; according to others, to clear herself of an accusation by a negro, the sole witness, of having aided Bernardino Bocanegra to murder her husband. There is some discrepancy in the accounts of various authors about the loss of the fleet and other particulars. One says that three of the larger and a few of the smaller vessels escaped shipwreck, mentioning only two friars, Mendez and Cruz, as among the passengers, and asserting in general terms that every person who got on shore afterward was massacred. This version of the total destruction of life seems to be the generally accepted one. Torquemada, i. 620. A second states that the 'Navio del Corzo do Sevilla, que partia con N. P. S. Francisco de las ganancias,' and two other vessels escaped shipwreck. Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 8.
35. One small craft returned to Vera Cruz with the sad news; the friar Márcos de Mena, who had been left for dead by the Indians, recovered, and reached Tampico and Mexico. Dávila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd., 272-90; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 161-2.
36. Had been a captain under Vasquez de Coronado in the expedition to the valley of los Corazones in Sonora. Beaumont, Crón, Mich., v. 491.
37. A letter of Velasco to the king, of March 1559, speaks of 500 men — 250 horsemen and 250 foot — as accompanying Luna to his government. All other authorities who mention numbers are agreed upon those given in the text. Velasco, Carta, in Cartas de Indias, 272; Velasco, Relacion, in Florida, Col. Doc., i. 10-13; Id., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iv. 136-40; Valderrama. Cartas, in Id., iv. 363; Torquemada, i. 620-1; Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 9; Lorenzana, in Cortés, Hist. N. Esp., 15; Dávila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd., 177-8, 189-229; Panes, Vireyes, in Monum. Dom. Esp., MS., 82.
38. Records of exact dates are very meagre and conflicting in this and the following decade. The founding has been placed even as early as 1545 and 1548. It is said that some muleteers discovered the mine of San Bernabé on the Cubilete hill in 1548, and the place was called Real de Minas, and later Santa Fé, but retained the Indian appellation of Guanajuato. Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, ix. 92-3. The growth was slow. Its title of a villa was not confirmed till 1679. Medina, Chrón. San Diego, 258. The first shafts were sunk in that lode in April 1558, but it does not seem to have been worked to advantage till 1760. Humboldt, Essai Pol., ii. 499; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 164; Geiger's Peep at Mex., 201-2.
39. Humboldt estimated, in 1820, that the Veta Madre of Guanajuato had yielded more than a fourth part of the silver of Mexico, and a sixth part of the produce of all America. The production in later years has been something truly wonderful. As they have sunk deeper the lode of ore has become richer.
40. He claimed it in a representation to the king, asserting that no Spaniard had set foot in those regions till he went there. Ibarra, Rel., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 463; Datos Biog., in Cartas de Indias, 779. The honor of being the first settler of Sombrerete, San Martin, and surrounding country has been awarded, however, to Juan de Tolosa, one of the conquerors and founders of Zacatecas, aided by Cristóbal de Oñate, captain-general of Nueva Galicia, and settler of Zacatecas.
41. Beaumont, Crón. Mich., v. 481-2.
42. The departure of the expedition was suspended by a viceregal order in September of the same year, as a more pressing one had to be fitted out for Santa Elena in Florida. This explains the change of plan above stated. Velasco, Carta al Rey, in Squier's MSS., x. 4, 5.
43. The captain was now Friar Andrés de Urdaneta. Viceroy Mendoza had tendered him the command of Alvarado's fleet, but he declined it, and soon afterward, tiring of the world, joined the Austin order in Mexico; and yet he went to the Philippines as a missionary with much alacrity. Grijalua, Crón. S. August., 109-12.
44. There has been some discrepancy as to the strength of the military force, which is stated by one at 600 men, by another at 700, by a third at 450, and by a fourth at 400. The crews are also given at various figures. Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 176; Grijalua, Crón. S. August., 109-20; Burney's Hist. Discov. South Sea, i. 250, 272. 'La grita era que yban á la China ... y que allí abian de enrriqueçer, y así se hizo muy buena armada.' Peralta, Not. Hist., 185-7, 346.
45. Fathers Urdaneta, Martin de Rada, Diego de Herrera, Andrés de Aguirre, Lorenzo Jimenez, and Pedro de Gamboa. Jimenez died before the embarkation. Lezcano, the secretary, in later years became a Franciscan in Mexico, and rose to the head of the order in his province. Torquemada, i. 621; Calle, Mem. y Not., 133-4.
46. According to Visitador Valderrama 300,000 pesos were expended in Mexico on the Philippines expeditions during the last six years, besides the expenditure at Seville for arms. Writing before the sailing, in 1564, he thought if it were not to cost above 100,000 pesos more it would be well. He strongly objected to the selection for maestre de campo of Saúz or Saz, whom he called a pardoned traitor. Cartas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iv. 363. 'Fué muy costosa.' Mendoza, Hist. China, 132-3. See, also, Medina, Chrón. S. Diego, Mex., 8-10; Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 9; Mofras, Explor., i. 97.
47. The San Gerónimo is mentioned as having sailed for the Philippines in 1566; the San Juan for New Spain in 1567; the arrival of two vessels from New Spain the same year, and others in 1572 to take a course farther north than usual for purpose of exploration. Burney's Hist. Discov. South Sea, i. 271-2. The ship Espiritu Santo from Acapulco for the Western Islands with 11 friars, Diego de Herrera at their head, and some soldiers on board, sailed January 6, 1676, and arrived there April 25th; about 100 miles from Manila she was wrecked; those who reached the shore were slain by the natives. One Indian boy was the only person left with life. The number lost, passengers, officers, and crew, exceeded 100. Enriquez, Carta al Rey, Oct. 31, 1576, in Cartas de Indias, 328. In the spring of 1568 arrived in Mexico Álvaro de Mendano, who had been despatched in 1567 by the viceroy of Peru to discover the Solomon Islands near New Guinea; he returned to Mexico by way of Lower California, and anchored near Cedros Island in December.