History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 3/Chapter 30

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XXX.

COMMERCE.

1500-1800.

The Selfish Policy of Spain — Commercial and Moral Effect in New Spain — Casa de Contratacion and Consulados — Depredations by Hostile Nations and Corsairs — Early Trade with Santo Domingo — Intercolonial Trade with the Philippines — Decadence — Commerce with Peru — Niggardly Regulations — Mexican Highways — The Road from Vera Cruz to the Capital and Acapulco — Stage Lines — Internal Navigation — The Postal Service — Abuses — The Crown Assumes the Management — Internal Trade — Fairs and Markets — Relaxation of Restrictions — Insurance Companies — A Bubble Bank and Gulled Shareholders — Expansion of Commerce under Free Trade.

The jealous and exclusive system adopted by Spain in her colonization of the New World has no parallel in the history of mankind. For three centuries the political and commercial dependence of the colonies upon the mother country was as complete and absolute as selfish policy, rigorous laws, and oppressive government could make it. To drain the Indies of their wealth and draw it to Spain was the sole aim which influenced the Spanish monarchs in legislating for their colonial possessions, and the prohibitive system of commerce pursued by them makes glaringly conspicuous their indifference to the welfare of the transatlantic settlements. The principles of the commercial code promulgated were despotic, and in order to secure a monopoly of trade, certain manufactures and the cultivation of the vine and olive were forbidden. Every European article of necessity or luxury called for by the colonists of New Spain had to be imported from the Peninsula, and trade with foreigners was punishable by death. Even the carrying trade between old and new Spain was forbidden to the settlers, while intercolonial traffic languished under crippling restrictions, or was absolutely prohibited. Foreign articles were imported in such quantities that the demand generally exceeded the supply, thus securing to the shippers enormous prices. Vessels proceeding to and from New Spain were permitted to leave or enter only the port of Seville,^[1] and those clearing for a certain port in the Indies were not allowed to touch at any other. In order further to secure the carrying trade and monopoly of commerce the registry of ships was made imperative,^[2] and only those thus licensed could convey merchandise to and from the colonies. At first commercial communication with Spain was irregular, a fleet being despatched occasionally to Vera Cruz under the protection of convoys, and distinguished by the term flota.^[3]

So closely did the government guard against possible independence of the colonists, in trade that ships' companies were prohibited from purchasing goods of the country, and factors and traders on the fleets were not allowed to remain longer than three years in America.^[4] No foreigner could trade with the colonies, nor was one permitted to enter a port without special license.^[5] In fact both the prices of imports and exports of New Spain, with the exception of the precious metals, were under the arbitrary control of the merchants of Seville, and later of Cádiz. What further increased the drainage of wealth from America was the decadence of manufacturing industries in Spain, owing to the immense influx into the Peninsula of the precious metals. The riches poured into the mother country made labor almost unnecessary; hence a general decline in all kinds of industry, and Spain had to resort to foreign markets, not only to supply home consumption but also the demands of her colonies. Merchandise thus procured could only be exported to the American settlements at rates increased by additional duties and merchants' profits.^[6] The moral effect of such a system upon the community is obvious. Contraband trade—and the consequent corruption of officials—was carried on in the Spanish colonies to a degree unequalled in any age or country, and organized troops of bandits in time infested the internal lines of traffic.^[7]

In order to ensure the carrying-out of the restrictions imposed upon transatlantic commerce the casa de contratacion was established at Seville, with supreme power in all commercial matters, subordinate only to the council of Indies.^[8] Commercial courts called consulados were also established in the colonies, the duties of which were to decide all questions and disputes relating to mercantile affairs, to supervise and administer in all matters affecting trade, such as the repair of ports and highways, and promote and protect commerce.^[9] But apart from the commercial restrictions imposed upon the colonists by the home government, there were other causes, internal and external, which operated disastrously upon trade, and kept it in an almost continual state of depression. Forced loans and demands of the king for money^[10] flooding the market with copper coinage, the interference of the church,^[11] the arbitrary action of civil authorities, and contraband trade, each in greater or less degree had an unfavorable influence on legitimate commerce.

But the blows which were most destructive to commercial prosperity were the losses inflicted by the English, French, and Dutch navies in time of hostilities, and the depredations committed by corsairs alike during war and peace. In time of war commerce with the mother country was reduced to the lowest ebb; European goods were poured into the Spanish colonies by neutrals, and the contraband trade was almost openly carried on. In the general necessity during such periods the authorities and custom-house officers relaxed their strictness; the prohibitive system was widely ignored, and illicit trade carried on in spite of all the measures employed by kings and viceroys to arrest it. With the impetus given to it by hostilities with foreign nations and the fostering influence of a blind policy, smuggling was too firmly grafted to be destroyed.^[12] A few intervals of animation in commerce during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, it is true, are perceptible, but they were but spasmodic revivals of the magnificent trade which Spain had carried on with her colonies in the days when her own industries were flourishing.

During the period immediately succeeding the conquest, the trade of New Spain was carried on almost exclusively with Santo Domingo; but this commercial intercourse soon ceased, by reason of the arbitrary proceedings of Cortés, and the ill-treatment of merchants.^[13] At this time, owing to the scarcity of coin, internal trade was reduced to barter, mantas being the standard of value; but much inconvenience arose from the different prices demanded by the Indians^[14] for the commodities they brought to market. To obviate the want of a convenient currency, the council of the Indies suggested in 1533 that gold and silver be weighed by ounces and traded in that form.^[15]

 

Nor were the regulations which governed intercolonial traffic better devised. The selfish spirit which induced their promulgation led to evils similar to those in regard to commerce with foreign countries. Laws were incessantly violated, and the amount of smuggling on the Pacific coast bore a fair proportion to that carried on at Atlantic ports.

Communication between New Spain and the Philippines existed at an early date, and during the latter part of the sixteenth century a vessel yearly left Acapulco with supplies for those islands.^[16] This opened a way for trade; Chinese silks and goods were brought to New Spain by the returning ships, and an exceedingly thriving commerce might have been developed.^[17] But Spain soon became alarmed at the prospects; traffic with the Philippines rapidly increased and affected Spanish commerce; so a law was passed in 1591 allowing the colonists of the islands to import goods into New Spain, but excluding merchants of the latter country from return traffic with the Philippines.^[18] Moreover, only a limited amount of Asiatic merchandise was permitted to be shipped to Acapulco.^[19] But even this restriction did not satisfy the merchants of Seville, and in 1610 the consulado of that city petitioned the king to close all direct trade between New Spain and the Philippines. Their petition, however, was not granted.^[20]

For more than a century these regulations remained in force, but were as little acceptable to the merchants of the Philippines as to those of New Spain. Disputes as to the valuation of cargoes for the collection of the customs, evasion of the duties, and violation of the law in respect to the quantity of merchandise introduced were the consequence.^[21] Owing to the representations of the Manila merchants a modification of the law was finally effected, and in 1702 merchandise to the value of 300,000 pesos, conveyed in two ships of 500 tons burden, was permitted to enter the port of Acapulco annually.^[22]

The abuses which followed the establishment of these new regulations were extravagant. Residents of both Manila and Mexico contravened the law, and Asiatic goods were landed at Acapulco in such quantities that the return freight amounted to 2,000,000 pesos annually, instead of 600,000. Even the merchants of New Spain were discomfited, and addressed a memorial to the king petitioning for a discontinuance of the annual Manila fleet—for instead of two vessels as permitted by law many were now engaged in this trade. To remedy the evil the king, on the 8th of January 1718, prohibited the importation of silk goods from the Philippines, and issued a final decree on the 20th of June of the same year, extending the prohibition to all Asiatic manufactures,^[23] limiting the imports to raw materials.

A new franchise with increased privileges having been granted in 1734, the Philippine trade flourished till near the close of the century,^[24] the imports into New Spain consisting chiefly of raw silk, colored cotton fabrics, wax, and Chinese earthern ware. By 1794, however, the trade had so greatly decreased that in 1792 and 1793 no fair had been held at Acapulco owing to lack of attendance, and in the following year the fleet did not arrive.^[25] The trade afterward revived considerably, since Humboldt states that the amount of bullion annually shipped averaged 1,000,000 pesos, and often reached 1,300,000.^[26]

Besides the Philippine trade at Acapulco some commerce was also carried on between New Spain and Peru at the same port, but the restrictions put upon it reduced it to a very limited scale. Only two vessels of two hundred tons burden each were permitted annually to visit Acapulco, and the goods they took away paid an export duty of two and a half per cent. But even these niggardly conditions were regarded as too liberal, and the conde de Montesclaros, viceroy of Peru, expressed his opinion to the king that only one ship a year should be allowed to sail to Acapulco, and that the export duty at that port and the import duty at Callao should be made excessive.^[27] Thus the clamp was tightened for the benefit of the Seville merchants, and both Peru and New Spain protested against restrictions which virtually precluded all trade between them. Even the sorry concession that one vessel annually from each port might trade between the two colonies was shackled with restrictions, and in 1634 finally withdrawn.^[28] Yet this ungenerous legislation was not wholly effective, since we learn that Peruvian vessels directed their course from time to time to the port of Acapulco, and that even viceroys were apt to ignore the stringent statutes, whereupon the crown ordered that the penalty of death and confiscation of property should be imposed upon all Peruvian merchants trading with Acapulco.^[29] Happy colonies! Nevertheless during the eighteenth century trade to some extent was reëstablished,^[30] though it was not until 1794 that the eyes of Spain were opened and the monarch decreed free trade between the two colonies.^[31]

The internal commerce of New Spain was conducted for a long time along the routes of the Indian trails: but these narrow lines of communication were soon widened and made practicable for pack trains and wagons,^[32] while additional roads were opened later between important places. The principal routes were those from the capital to Vera Cruz through Puebla and Jalapa; that through Chilpancingo to Acapulco; the one to Guatemala through Oajaca; and that leading northward to Durango and called "el camino de tierra dentro." From these main arteries branches and ramifications extended to all the principal towns.^[33] Many of these roads were dangerous in places, even the best of them, owing to the physical features of the country, presenting difficulties, which taxed severely the traveller s nerves and endurance. Their condition, moreover, down to the beginning of the nineteenth century was rarely satisfactory; and though the viceroys repeatedly exerted themselves to effect improvements, merchandise was more generally transported by beasts of burden than wagons.

 

Of the important highways which led from the capital to Vera Cruz and Acapulco, especial notice must be taken. Along the first of these lines of traffic all European merchandise was introduced into the country, while by the latter Mexican trade' with the Philippines Islands and Peru was carried on. In 1708 the Jesuit, Père Jaillandier, travelled across the continent from the first named port to Acapulco, and has furnished us with a detailed account of his journey. It being the dry season the priest and his party were enabled to follow a route not taken during the rainy season. Having passed through Buena Vista and crossed the river Jamaica eight leagues from the port, they travelled ten leagues farther over uncultivated land, arriving at the river and village of Cotasta. Their road thence led through fertile valleys covered with trees and cornfields to San Lorenzo,^[34] Córdoba, and Orizaba. On the sixth day of their journey Puebla was reached,^[35] after passing through a charming country abounding in fruit and grain. Proceeding to Cholula, and leaving Tlascala four leagues to their left, the party arrived safely at Mexico on the eighth day, having seen snow-capped mountains, and a volcano in a state of eruption. The distance travelled as given by Jaillandier was eighty leagues from Vera Cruz.^[36]

The descent from the capital to the Pacific coast was more gradual than that to Vera Cruz, but at certain seasons presented difficulties which caused more delay and danger. Jaillandier represents the descent from the heights as perilous; and the accounts of both Navarrete and Humboldt prove that for more than a century and a half but little improved facilities for travelling had been effected on this highway. The former thus describes the route: "This road is indeed bad and troublesome; there are mountains that reach up to the clouds, and as uncouth as may be; mighty rivers, and the summer then beginning, high swoln. Bridges there are none, but abundance of musqueto's, or gnats, that sting cruelly.^[37] Passing through Cuernavaca and crossing the Rio de las Balsas in the primitive method employed before the conquest,^[38] the party arrived at Chilpancingo, at that time a town of four hundred families. Thence they travelled over a mountain range, continually ascending and descending, and reached Acapulco after ten days of fatiguing journey.

Since these travellers crossed Mexico from ocean to ocean, great improvements of the highways have been effected. Under the administrations of the viceroys Bucareli, Re villa Gigedo, and Iturrigaray,the most important lines of traffic were placed in tolerable condition and stage lines established.^[39] The exertions of the latter ruler were particularly successful, and to him are the Mexicans indebted for the splendid Jalapa highway to Vera Cruz, the construction of which had cost nearly 3,000,000 pesos in 1812.^[40]

Although the physical formation generally is unfavorable to river and canal navigation, such is not the case in the valley of Mexico, and thousands of canoes yearly conveyed grain into the capital by the lakes Tezcuco and San Cristóbal, which were connected by a narrow canal, or rather dike. Communication with Lake Chalco, and throughout the extent of the valley, might have been easily effected at an early date, and freight charges greatly reduced, but the government opposed all such projects until the time of Iturrigaray, who ordered the opening of the Tezcuco canal.^[41] For many years after the conquest, postal communication with Spain was infrequent and irregular; nor was the system by which the mail service was conducted such as to secure secrecy or even safe delivery, At first all correspondence, including royal despatches, was ordered to be conveyed to its destination free of charge, and be punctually delivered; but during the last half of the sixteenth century a postal service was established by the crown, which being made salable to the highest bidder^[42] was not only ill conducted, but opened a way to dishonesty and treachery. Correspondents whether political or commercial could seldom feel confident that their letters would reach their destination, or escape being tampered with by ecclesiastics or inimical secular authorities.^[43] Nor did the Indian mail-carriers escape abuses, and from time to time laws were passed for the purpose of insuring to them payment for their hard services and relief from ill-treatment.^[44] Even the natives trafficking on the mail routes suffered, their beasts of burden being taken from them and their cargoes cast down on the road side.^[45]

During the seventeenth century the postal communication both internal and trans-oceanic was greatly increased, and in 1659 Viceroy Alburquerque ordered a mail vessel to be despatched every four months to Spain, touching at Habana to take on board Cuban correspondence.^[46] From this time knavish mismanagement kept pace with the increase of public requirement and yielded corresponding profits. The eyes of viceroys, both good and bad, were not closed to this state of affairs, and in 1765 the crown assumed the administration of the mail service,^[47] and greatly increased its facilities.^[48]

 

Having presented a general sketch of the external commerce of New Spain, it remains to give some account of the methods of conducting internal traffic. Trade in the interior was facilitated by the establishment of fairs held at certain seasons of the year at various trading centres. Notable among these assemblages for the purposes of traffic were the fairs held at Acapulco, Jalapa, and San Juan de los Lagos.^[49] Activity in trade was and still is greatly stimulated by the irregularity of the maize crops, and consequent exchange of productions in different provinces, the prices of maize often varying in neighboring districts in the proportion of nine to twenty-two.^[50] In certain parts the consumption of commodities at the mines was the main support of commerce.^[51] In every town a daily market was held in the public square; and in the capital itself, besides the general one in the plaza del Volador, there were various others assigned for the sale of special articles, such as that in the plaza de Jesus, where building materials only were sold, the plaza de la Paja or hay-market, and the alhóndiga where grain and flour were sold.^[52] Notable also was The baratillo, a place where second-hand goods were bought and sold, and which was the thieves' emporium, since stolen articles could always be disposed of in that mart.

The great commercial gatherings at the fairs were, however, the events which marked the activity developed at the different centers of periodical trading. Wherever a fair was held, thither thronged the merchant with silks and foreign staples, the petty dealer and huckster, the gambler, and the thief The day was passed in close dealing and cheating, and the night in gambling, fandangos, and carousal, the assassin's knife being thrust ever and anon between a victim's shoulder-blades. At these fairs a great proportion of the commerce of the country was carried on. Cacao, cochineal, indigo, sugar, flour, sarsaparilla, vanilla, tanned hides, jalap, soap, dye-woods, and peppers brought thither were purchased by exporting merchants, and conveyed by long trains of pack-mules to Vera Cruz for shipment to Spain. In turn these traders sold their own commodities at a profit that would stagger the merchants of modern days. Gaudy linen and cotton goods, wines and oil, cheap trinkets, and trumpery were disposed of at enormous prices. The Indian and the country Spaniard alike paid exorbitant rates, whether the purchase consisted of a string of glass beads, or of an expensive costume.

 

It was late before Spain recognized that restrictions on commerce did not conduce to either her own prosperity or to that of her colonies. In 1765 the crown relaxed somewhat the prohibitions, and opened a number of ports in Spain to trade with certain colonies,'^[53] and in 1778 extended the privilege to all the Indies.^[54] These liberal measures of Cárlos III. gave a great impulse to commerce; the port of Campeche and others were opened to trade,^[55] the system of the fleets was forever abolished,^[56] and in 1799, owing to the war between Spain and England, neutral vessels were allowed to trade directly between the Peninsula and the colonies.^[57] Meanwhile the system of insurance developed and several companies were formed. Mercantile adventures were covered by insurance policies at an early date, and Philip II. in the years 155G, 1587, and 1588 issued a number of laws regulating such transactions and the action of underwriters. This business, however, was confined to Spanish shippers and insurers, the policies issued by the latter being subject to the approval of the consulado in Seville.^[58] But the stimulus given to commerce by the removal of restrictions in 1778 induced the merchants of Vera Cruz to establish a marine insurance company in 1789,^[59] which was to last for five years, and again in 1802 a second one was formed on a larger scale, thus indicating the increase in commercial operations.^[60]

In 1781 the conde de Cabarrus, who enjoyed a high reputation in matters of finance, addressed a memorial to the king of Spain advocating the establishment of a national bank. The proposal being supported by the minister Jovellanos, the king by cédula of the 26th of June 1782 authorized the creation of a joint stock banking company with the title of Banco de San Cárlos. The number of shares was fixed at one hundred and fifty thousand, open to all purchasers, and the capital at fifteen million pesos fuertes.^[61]

On the 18th of June 1783 subscriptions were opened in Mexico by decree of the viceroy, and not only were private individuals solicited to purchase shares, but even the municipalities of Indian towns and villages.^[62] The consequence was that a large number of shares was sold, the people and municipalities in different parts of New Spain alone purchasing nearly one hundred and fifteen thousand pesos' worth of the scrip.^[63] It turned out to be only a commercial bubble, however, which floated for a time, when Anally there came a crash which brought ruin to thousands.

Nevertheless, in spite of occasional disastrous speculations the commerce of New Spain expanded actively and surely under the more liberal system. Statistics of the earlier trading operations are wanting, but a fair estimate of the impulse given to commerce by the so-called free trading laws may be gathered from documents which supply us with the tonnage of the fleets which arrived at Vera Cruz during the eighteenth century. During the period from 1706 to 1776 this varied from 1,202 to 8,492 tons,^[64] and the value of return cargoes from ten million pesos to more than twenty-seven million in bullion and productions. Again between 1728 and 1739 not more than one hundred and sixty-four vessels, besides fifty-eight which composed the three fleets that visited New, Spain during those twelve years, entered the port of Vera Cruz, whereas during the period from 1784 to 1795 no less than 1,142 ships arrived from the different ports opened in the Peninsula and the colonies.^[65] According to the calculations of Humboldt, the total amount of bullion exported during the thirteen years from 1779 to 1791 amounted to $224,052,025, while in the preceding thirteen years it was only $155,160,564.^[66]

But a trying period of intestine strife awaited the colony of New Spain, and during the death struggle for release from the fetters with which she had been shackled for three centuries by the mother country, commerce again declined, until independence gave to Mexico free action and insured corresponding progress.

During the earlier period of the commercial history of New Spain, statistics showing the actual amount of trade carried on are meagre; of its limitations, however, a correct idea can be obtained from multitudinous royal cédulas and ordinances which exhibit thoroughly Spain's policy. The correspondence of viceroys also affords considerable information as to the fluctuating condition of trade and the prosperity of the country. Still more valuable in this respect are the reports of such rulers to their successors, among which especial mention may be made of Mancera, Instruccion, in Doc. Inéd., xxi.; Linares, Instruccion, MS., and Revilla Gigedo, Instruccion Reservada. This last work exhibits not only close observation on the author's part, but a more liberal tendency than might be expected in a viceroy of New Spain; for though he was somewhat biassed by the spirit of the government at that time, his views were singularly correct, and his administration just. The Instruccion Reservada was not published in Mexico before 1831. It supplies in 353 pages a complete account of every branch of the government, and was deemed so important that in the following year the supreme government ordered the publication of an index to it, which, however, not being alphabetically arranged, is of little service. Probably the most valuable contribution to information on commerce is Linage's Norte de la contratacion, in two books of 299 and 264 pages respectively, published in Seville in 1672, a work which describes fully the laws, customs, and practices which pertained to trade between Spain and her American colonies. Joseph de Veitia Linage was a knight of the order of Santiago, a member of the king's council, and treasurer and juez oficial of the casa de contratacion. He was thus fully competent to compile a work which for completeness can challenge any preceding publication of the kind. Not only does it include information upon commerce, but much relating to the revenue and assaying departments. The author in his preface informs his readers of the sources from which he made his compilation and drew his results. Naturally they were principally official documents, including royal cédulas and instructions, the correspondence of officers of the crown, the members of the council of the Indies and of the casa de contratacion. But besides these authorities he did not omit to consult the historians of his time. With regard to the title of the book he alleges reasons for his selection of it. As mariners direct their course across the ocean by observing the polar star, so may his readers, he hopes, be guided through the intricacies of commerce by the perusal of his work; and as the needle by pointing to the same quarter instructs the mariner, so may his book instruct the readers of it. The edition contains a curious wood-cut frontispiece representing in the upper portion 'D. Ferdinandus & Elisabet' enthroned on the left, and 'D. Carolus II. & Regina Mater' on the right, supported by two columns on either side. In niches between the pairs of columns are full-length figures of 'Colon' and 'Cortés.' A representation of the ocean with galleons sailing on it occupies the center. Numerous scrolls with Latin inscriptions are scattered on the wood-cut. In 1702 this work was 'Made English by Capt. John Stevens,who added 'Two Compleat Lists: One of the Goods Transported out of Europe to the Spanish West-Indies, the other of commodities brought from those Parts into Europe.' A comprehensive history of the Philippine trade is to be found in Extrncto Historial Del Expediente Que Pende En El Consejo Real, Y Supremo De Las Indias, A Instancia De La Ciudad De Manila, Y Demás De Las Islas Philipinas, published in Madrid by order of the king in 1736, and containing 324 folios. This work comprises a large number of royal and other official documents, from early times, bearing upon commerce between the Philippine Islands and China and New Spain. The injury done to Spanish commerce by the introduction of Chinese silk fabrics into Acapulco, is especially entered into, and the restrictions which were imposed upon such articles induced the king, on the representations of Manila merchants, to cause a complete investigation to be made. Among modern authorities on the commerce of New Spain, Lerdo de Tejada may be mentioned as one conspicuous for research and with a correct judgment of causes and effects. His Apuntes Historicos De La Heróica Ciudad de Vera-Cruz was published in Mexico in 1850, and besides furnishing a general review of commerce from the conquest until after the independence, contains a historical sketch of events from the history of Columbus, and a description of Vera Cruz and the port of San Juan de Ulúa. In 1853 Lerdo de Tejada published another work on Mexico, entitled Commercio Esterior de Mexico, which contains tabular forms exhibiting the number of vessels entering Mexican ports during the period from 1728 to 1795, besides other information. The writings of this author are an important addition to the literature of Mexico.

The researches of Humboldt which embrace commercial matters may be considered defective and occasionally inaccurate. Embracing in his calculations the commerce of all the Spanish American colonies, and basing them more particularly upon the exports of the precious metals, his deductions are too general to afford information in detail relative to the earlier trade of New Spain. From the commencement of free trade, however, he has made valuable calculations and supplied figures setting forth the values of exports and imports, with comparative tables exhibiting the increase of commerce since the removal of the restrictions. Essai Polit., ii. 733-8. In his description of the highways and roads of Mexico he shows excellent observation and supplies good suggestions for improvement.

Correo Mereantil de España y sus Indias, Madrid, 1792-4, in 4 vols. This work is a commercial monthly periodical, and contains information upon the commerce of Spain and her western colonies, together with the condition of her trade with the principal cities of Europe. Prices-current, rates of exchange, and shipping business appear regularly in the volumes. The most important information which it affords with regard to Mexico is that relating to the freedom of the ports, and the shipping business at Vera Cruz. Mention is also made of the agricultural condition of various parts of the country, and of the culture of certain valuable productions. The rapid development of commerce had opened a new literary field which demanded a special treatment not unworthy of the highest order of ability. Bishop Huet had in common with other learned investigators given a dissertation on the trade of the ancients, in which the middle ages found an exponent in Ioannis Angelii a Werdenhagen de Rebuspublicis Hansaticis Tractcus; but these failed to meet the wants of the practical merchant. The well arranged maritime history of Morisot was more to his taste, but it was insufficient, and had to yield to Richard, Traité Général du Commerce. A still more practical work, and the most valuable so far issued, is An Historical and Chronological Deduction of the Origin of Commerce, London, 1704, 2 vols, 4to, by Adam Anderson, a clerk of the South Sea Company for above forty years. Its success caused the issue of a new edition in 1787, enlarged to four volumes quarto, republished in 1801. 'Beginning with the earliest records of the Jews and Greeks, the development of industrial arts and sciences is reviewed in connection with trade, migration, and colonization, at first by centuries, but soon year by year. Legislative measures, finance, treaties, naval operations, and other projects affecting trade are also included. The first volume closes with the fifteenth century: the second with the seventeenth; the third with 1762; the latter containing to a great extent the personal observations of the author while connected with mercantile affairs. The fourth volume is a continuation by the publishers for the period 1762-88, bristling with details and statistics. The work is evidently the result of years of labor, and research into obscure as well as standard authorities. The earlier period indicates less judgment and completeness, but afterward it improves greatly, and shows more originality. The want of critical skill is a serious fault, and objections may be made to the abundance of statistical and unessential details in the text, and to the compilatory form, combined with a stilted, prosy style. England is of course the main object of the work, particularly in the later portions, wherein the spirit of national prejudice becomes rather glaring.

The success of Anderson's work, perhaps, rather than its faults, induced David Macpherson in 1805 to issue the Annals of Commerce, Manufactures, Fisheries, and Navigation, 4 vols, 4to, wherein he claims to present a complete revision of the former. He recognizes the care bestowed by Anderson upon the period after the discovery of America, and presumes only to prune it of cumbrous details and odd words, adding his own comments in notes; but the earlier period he found it necessary to rewrite. Somewhat over two volumes are devoted to the revision, and the remainder to a history of the last forty years, formed entirely by himself from official papers and public reports, and ignoring altogether the continuation by the publishers of the original work. If Macpherson's endeavor to build up a reputation upon an esteemed standard work does not exactly inspire confidence, yet it must be admitted that the material he offers is not without value, and that his pruning has been of use; but other expected improvements of method and of style are by no means apparent. Altogether it remains a question whether the result warranted so bulky an issue.

The number of books on trade and industries increased rapidly in various forms, including not only works on special branches, but cyclopedias, as McCulloch's, and the Dictionnaire du Commercant; periodical reviews, as Annuaire de Commerce Maritime; and general statistical reviews, as Dieterici, Statistics of the Zollverein. One of the most thorough books of the latter class, comprising the varied phases of industries and resources of every country is, John Macgregor's Commercial Statistics. London, 1844-50, 5 vols, 4to. As secretary to the English board of trade, of extensive travel, and intimate with the leading men and institutions of more than one country, he had every facility for obtaining the necessary material and aid for his work, and he has certainly shown his ability to make good use thereof. A sketch of physical geography precedes the review ot resources and industries for each country, and a series of commercial treatises is appended. The importance of the New World, and the want perceptible in even its most complete histories of a statistical report on the growth of the various states, induced Macgregor to publish a special, ponderous set on The Progress of America. London, 1847, 2 vols, 4to. In order to present a thorough and satisfactory work he added historic and geographic material to the industrial reviews which form the main object. The United States, as the most important section, occupies the whole of volume II, forming one third of the whole text, while the ten books of volume I are pretty evenly distributed. The first book gives a review of the discovery, conquest, and settlement of America in general; IV-VI cover Mexico and Central America; and the remainder. South America, the Antilles, and the British possessions, including a review of English trade generally with the new world. Macgregor published several other works on this subject, chiefly relating to America.

In contrast to the practical English treatises on commerce we now turn to a work which in devoting itself to the development of trade with distant regions, ventured upon the innovation of allying philosophy and speculative thought to so material a subject. But it was the era of revolution, and before the author lay the flattering hope of becoming another Thucydides, the leader in a new literary-field. Its fulfilment lies before us in the Histoire Philosophique et Politique des Établissemens et du Commerce des Européens dans les deux Indes; par Guillaume Thomas Raynal; first issued at Genève, 1780, in 5 vols, 4to, and 10 vols, 8vo. The revised edition, Paris, 1820-1, was increased to 12 vols, 8vo, from the author's manuscripts, and from the review by Penchet on the progress of the colonies since Raynal's time. It opens with the Portuguese discovery of the sea route to the East Indies, and proceeds with the operations of other nations and the growth of trade in this region, including Africa and China. In livre VI is related the discovery of America, the conquest of Mexico, and the trade resources of New Spain, and in the following parts the progress of conquest and commerce in other portions of America, particularly in the West Indies and the United States. In the nineteenth livre, forming volume X, Raynal concludes his own writing with a review of the development of institutions, moral and social, political and industrial, in both hemispheres, and their influence upon culture.

The departure implied in this work had more than a literary significance; it meant a warfare against social intolerance; and this required courage, particularly in a man moving in the supercilious, frivolous circles open to Raynal. It required also ability to face the learned hosts before him; and it demanded both qualities to undertake researches for so varied a field. The result was manifested alike by the applause of philosophers and practical men, and by the condemnation of the church and the government, which forced him into exile. An acknowledgment of its beauties was conveyed in the very charge that Diderot's hand was manifest therein; but there is no doubt that, whatever the work may owe to his advice, the elaboration is entirely by Raynal. It exhibits a not uneven form, and a sustained nobility' of thought and style, which is never obscure, and always attractive. When principles, when human rights are the theme, then alone he breaks somewhat the bounds of calm review, and rising into the dramatic be discloses the Voltairian influence which has encompassed him, and shows himself the champion also of the negro slave.

Trained a Jesnit and later made an abbé, Raynal had amid his multifarious studies imbibed the teachings of Montaigne and Bayle. Becoming a writer from choice as much as from necessity, he at once attracted the attention of critics by the Histoire da Stathoudérat, wherein he rose as one of the first to combat the prejudice of the age against trade as a profession, to point out its glories in the Queen of the Adriatic, in the Medici family, and to demonstrate its influence and power in Holland, in raising a downtrodden people to a leading nation, while for England it was about to create empires. The researches for this subject, and the duties in editing for Le Mercure, chained him more and more to commercial interests, while the companionship of Rousseau and kindred spirits raised him above the rank of mere narrator, and instilled a philosophic spirit which soon evolved the Histoire Philosophique. Before fleeing from Paris to Genoa he had three copies of it printed, to be submitted to friends and critics for suggestions and improvements. The perfecting process occupied him after its publication till his death in 1796, at the age of about 83. England showed her appreciation of the work by a translation, in 1783, which was several times republished. Raynal left among other notes a Histoire Philosophique, etc., des établissements dans l'Afrique Septentrionale, which Penchet enlarged and issued in 1826, in 2 vols. 8vo; and which should form a part of the greater work.

 

A fuller list of authorities consulted is the following: Ordenes de la Corona, MS., iii. 45-8; vi. 34, 64-5, 79-85; Cedulario, MS., i. 155-6, 246-8; iii. 62-3, 176; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., 548-51; Calle, Mem. y Not., 36-8, 160-1, 183; Azanza Ynstruccion, MS., 71-5, 112-14, 141-57; Villa-Señor, Theatro, i. 49-50; Revilla Gigedo, Instruc., MS., i. 119-44, 321-64; ii. 354-60, 486-7; Id., Bandos, nos. xv. xix. xli.-lxxi.; Puga, Cedulario, 10, 113-14, 175-6, 195-6; Vireyes de Mex., Instruc., MS., 5; Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 92, 107-8; Concilio Prov. Mex., MS., i. 108-17, 341-60; Providencias Reales, MS., 30-40, 89, 102-5, 212-14, 244-7, 288-90; Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., V. 421; vi. 298-314,343; xii. 142-51; xiii. 200-1; Reales Ordenes, iii. 73-432; iv. 1-56, 377-9; vi. 88-116; viii. 190-1, 295-,328; x. 315-16; Panex, Extension V. Cruz, MS., 211-61; Ejídos de Mexico, MS., 78; Col. Doc. Inéd., xxi. 467-9, 488-9, 502-4; Branciforte, Instruc., MS., 9-10; Linares, Instruc., M.S., 8-12; Philipinas, Exto. Hist. Comer., 15-29, 123-.328; Payno, Rentas Generales, pp. vii.-x. 206-311; Recop. de Indias, i. ii. iii., passim; Reales, Cédulas, MS., i. 83-8, 100, 172; ii. 44-50, 123-30; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., iii. 556; Montemayor, Sumarios, 35, 12.5-49; Villarroel, Justa Repulsa, MS., 1-216; Certificacion de las Mercedes, MS., 90-1; Cancelada, Ruina de N. Esp., 14, passim; Robles, Diario, i. ii., passim; America, Descrip., MS., 141-205, 162-.3; Ternaux-Compans, série i. tom. x. 451-70; série ii. tom. v. 191-2, 237-44, 329; Guijo, i., passim; Soc.-Mex. Geog., Boletin, ii. 17, 23-31; iii. 325-38; iv. 18; ix. 89; Id., 3ra ep. i. 254-5, 788-94; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 144, 184-6; Id., Gobernantes de Mex., i. 99, 137, 140, passim; Gaz. Mex., i. ii. iii., passim; iv. 410, 428-9; v. 10 et seq.; vi., passim; ix., 10-42, 161-300; x. 125, 354-78; xi. 39, 97 et seq.; xii.-xiv., passim; Disposiciones Varias, MS., i. 18-40, 77; ii. 1-4; iii. 42-5, 97; Antunez, Mem. Comercio, 21-27, 36-330; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, 230, 249-50, 260-74; ii. 98; Correo Merc. Esp., i. 50-1; ii. 6, 15, 96-7, 14.3-4; iii. 5, 11-12, 35-7; iv. 3.32-3, 445, 598, 621-2; Beleña, Recop., i. 111 et seq.; ii. 64, 71-86, 153-62; Noticioso Gen., 17 Nov. 1817, 2-3; Lerdo de Tejada, Comercio Est., 12-15, passim; Sanchez, Pueb. Sagrad. Prof., 41-6.3; Barbachano, Mem. Camp., 12-13; Ward's Mex., i. 63, 130-32; ii. 10, 15, 49; Arrillaga, Recop. 1829, 378-428, 534-92; Id., Informe., 12; Zamora, Bib. Leg. Vet., ii. 432, 528-33; v. 21-35, 306-13, 394; Calvo, Annules Hist., i. 131; ii. 205-9; Orozco y Berra, Cartog. Mex., 180-1; Viagero Universal, xxvii. 5, 67, 206-12, 243-6; Salmon's Modern Hist., iii. 216-19; Wapp, Mex. ami Cent. Am., 95-116; West Indies, Geog. and Hist., 136-7; Pike's Exploratory Trav., 375-6; Ortez, Yrades Mex., 376-7; Id., Resumen Estad., 79-86; Walton's Spanish Colonies, ii. 174; Id., Exposé, 428; Diario Mex., i. 19-20, 40, 250-1, 348; ii. 99-100; iv. 1.30, 219, 275-87; v. 1-2, 214, 274-86; vi. 344; vii. 87-94, 262; ^^ii. 40, 136, 531-3; x. 624; xi. 647-50; xii. 483; Mex. Legisl. Mej., 1851, 231-4; Spanish Empire in Am., 118-26, 279-336; Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 28 et seq.; iii. 32-38; Willie, Noticia Hac., 2, 9-19; Cortez. Diario Exp. 1820, i. .346; iii. 6, 11-12; iv. 291; Método para despachar Galeon Felipinas, i. 259; Pap. Var., xxxi. 3; li. 3; clxiv. 97-104, 134; clxxxvi. 15-17; ccxv. 3; Zamacois, Hist. Mej., v. 41.3 et seq.; vi. 130, 180; vii. 149; x. 1290; Mora, Revue Mex., 182-4, 214-41,.387; Id., Obras Sueltos, i. 90-2; Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 15, 120, 231, 24.3; ii. 425, 449, 663-773, 826, 849-66; Id., Tablets Estad., MS., 42-6; Id., Versuch, iv. 256-430; v. 116-20; Id., New Spain, iv. 138, 281, 363-9; Dicc. Univ., i. 53; v. 206-14; viii. 624-8, 666-7; x. 731-2, 812-14, 1014-25; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., iv. 67-76; Pinkerton's Modern Geog., iii. 211-12, 224-9; Id., Coll. Voy., v. 470-81, 490-4; xiii. 858-9; Young's Hist. Mex., 62; Carranza, Geog. Descrip., 12-17, 23; Burney's Discov. South Sea, ii. 346-9; Dillon's Hist. Mex., 109-10; Larenaudière, Mex. et Guat. 259-64; Dublan y Lozano, Leg. Mex., i. 36, 67; Ogilby's America, 283; Democratic Review, i. 268; De Bercy, L'Europe, i. 141-3; Langsdorff, Voy., ii. 208; El Tiempo, 199; Palafox y Mendoza, Venerab. Señor, 4, 5; Fonseca y Urrutia, Real Hac., i. 313 et seq.; Frisch, Staaten von Mex., 5; Galvan, Tierras, 47-8; Lacunza, Discursos Hist., xxxvi. 529; Ocios Espan. Emigrad., vi. 340; Bourbourg, L'Isthme Teh., 8; Conder's Mex. and Guat., 51, 138; Nueva Espania, Acuerdos, MS., 260-1; Gazeta, Gob. Mex., 122 et seq.; Guthrie's Univ. Geog., 395; Alvaren, Estudios, iii. 437; Burke's Europ. Settle., i. 232-8; Guia de Hac., ii. 69-108; Wilson's Mex., 19-20; Winterbotham's Hist, of U. S., iv. 112-13; Guerra, Rev. N. Esp., i. 177-8; ii. 625-9; Macpherson's Annals of Com., i. 674-7; iii. 402; Diario Mercantil de Vera Cruz, 50.3-620; Müller, Reisen in Mex., iii. 437-44, 720-37; Squier's MSS., xxii. 84; Zavala, Rev. Mex., 27-67: Linage's Spanish Rule of Trade, 227, 266-7; Bidwell's Panamá, 68, 72.

 

 

1. In 1720 Cádiz, as being more convenient, was made the exclusive port for trade with America.
2. In 1675 a vessel from the West Indies, freighted with wine, cocao, and Spanish goods, but with no register from the Habana, arrived at Vera Cruz. The captain was arrested for want of formality. Robles, Diario, ii. 184.
3. During the period from 1565 to 1777 I find that the fleets arrived at Vera Cruz at intervals varying from one to five years. In the 18th century, however, a number of vessels annually entered that port independent of the flota. Lerdo de Tejada, Comer. Enter., Doe., nos. 1, 12.
4. Reales Cédulas, MS., i. 100, 171.
5. Recop. de Ind., iii. 326-8.
6. English goods shipped through Cádiz to the Spanish colonies have been estimated at one hundred per cent higher in price than if they had been shipped direct from an English port. North Amer. Rev., xix. 178.
7. 'Profanando los templos, y robando los vasos con las formas consagradas; habiendo llegado el caso de no poderse transitar los caminos, ni continuar el comercio.' Diar., Mex., iv. 275, 286-7. This occurred during the administration of Viceroy Valero from 1716 to 1722. Very active measures were taken by him to suppress brigandage, and numbers of bandits were executed.
8. A description of the composition of this board of trade, its powers and duties, can be found in Hist. Central Amer., i. 282-3, this series.
9. The first tribunal del consulado in New Spain was established in the capital by order of Philip II. who confirmed the action of Viceroy Velasco in the matter by cédula of December 9, 1593. In 1795 similar tribunals were established in Vera Cruz and Guadalajara, and the extent of their jurisdictions defined. Those courts were composed of a prior, two consuls, an assessor—or counsellor—a syndic, and nine voting members, called consimliarios. Attached to each court were also a secretary, auditor, and treasurer. The court in the city of Mexico occasionally felt the power of the viceroy. In 1653 the members were imprisoned and their property confiscated 'hasta que exhibiesen un grueso alcance que al consulado hizo el visitador.' Guijo, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., série i., i. 266. In 1663 the viceroy called upon the consulado for 200,000 pesos in two days' time to be collected from the merchants, and in spite of the prior's claim that such a proceeding was not within the court's prerogatives, the viceroy insisted upon the demand being carried out: 'Prosigue el virey eu que los entere.' Id., 507-8. On February 4, 1757, a decree was passed forbidding the usurpation of this tribunal's powers by the viceroy. Providencias Reales, MS., 46-0. Consult Recop. de Ind., iii. 540-62; Reales Cédulas, MS., i. 83, 88; V. Cruz, Esposic., in Pap. Var., 15, 17; Cedulario, MS., iii. 176; Guadalajara, Real Céd. Erec. Consulado; Lerdo de Tejada, Apunt. Hist., no. v. 326-37, 390; Humboldt, Essai Pol., ii. 708-9.
10. The king made a forced loan of one eighth of the gold and silver shipped on the fleet which arrived at Seville in 1620. Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cérdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 215-16. In 1662 the crown demanded 200,000 pesos, and the merchandise embargoed till the owners paid the sum. Guijo, Diario, 495. Like demands were repeatedly made.
11. Felipe IV. in March and April 1660 issued edicts requiring the archbishop and bishops to avoid the use of anathemas on the subject of privileged merchandise, pulque, and miscarried letters, as the management of such matters pertained to the viceroy, audiencia, and secular authorities. Montemayor, Sumarios, 35.
12. Humboldt considered that in time of peace this fraudulent traffic absorbed probably from 4,000,000 to 5,000,000 pesos annually; and in time of war from 6,000,000 to 7,000,000 pesos without doubt. Essai Polit., ii. 730-1. Consult Beleña, Recop., i. pt. iii. 129-34; Providencias Reales, MS., 102-5; Disposic. Var., i. 26-7, 44, 77; Ordenes de la Corona, MS., vi. 79-80.
13. On one occasion Cortés seized the tackle of some carabelas from Santo Domingo to fit out the fleet which he despatched against Olid. The gold also which was paid to the merchants proved to be only of twelve carats, though set down at twenty, Hond., Relac., in Doc. Inéd., i. 524r-5; Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 43.
14. Salmeron, in Id., xiii. 200-1. On the 25th of June 1530 the king issued a cédula ordering the authorities in New Spain to allow merchants to sell their goods where they wished, and to regulate their own prices. Puga, Cedulario, 10.
15. Mex. Parecer, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 141.
16. Mancera, Instruc., in Doc. Ined., xxi. 488-9.
17. The colonists of the Philippine Islands were allowed to trade with China and Japan.
18. Recop. de Ind., iii. 522-3.
19. The Manila merchants were allowed to send annually only two ships, of 400 tons each. The value of the merchandise with which they were freighted was limited to 250,000 pesos, the returns of which, principal and profit, were not to exceed 500,000 pesos in specie. Id., 524, 526; Descrip, de Amer., MS., 106. The arrival of these vessels was attended with great activity. At Acapulco a great fair was held, to which flocked merchants and traders from all parts of New Spain. All this has before been noticed in another connection.
20. The king consulted the conde de Montesclaros, viceroy of Peru, who advised his Majesty against the measure. Montesclaros, Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, vi. 298-314.
21. Philipinas, Hist. Com., 28-9. The law was repeated in 1697. In 1635 the merchants of the Philippines petitioned the king to remit certain duties on the imported goods. Grau y Monfalcon, in Id., 345-64.
22. The value taken back to Manila was 600,000 pesos in specie, less duties and expenses. The duties amounted to 17 per cent ad valorem. Philipinas, Hist. Com., 29-33. The specie which was sent from Manila to China for the purchase of goods never returned from that country. Descripcion de Amer., MS., 196. The Philippine galleon usually arrived at Acapulco in the months of December and January, and left during the month of March; delay after the 1st of April would make it liable to miss the favorable breezes on leaving port, and expose it to contrary winds on reaching the Mariana Islands. Jaillandier. Extrait d'une Lettre, 1711, MS., 10-11.
23. Linares, Instruc., MS., 63; Philipinas, Hist. Com., 31-7. The importation of silk fabrics was, however, conditionally permitted again by royal decree of Aprils, 1734. Providencias Reales, MS.,.30-41. On the same date permission was granted to import into New Spain merchandise to the amount of 500,000 pesos, and return with 1,000,000 pesos. Reales Cédulas, MS., ii. 127.
24. In 1785 Cárlos III. established a trading company in Spain under the title of Real Compania de Pilipinas with a capital of 8,000,000 pesos sencillos divided into 32,000 shares, open to purchase by any subject of whatever class in the Indies and Philippine Islands, except ecclesiastics. Extensive privileges were granted the company, which was to carry on trade between Spain and the Philippine Islands. It was, however, prohibited from interfering with the internal commerce of the islands, and that with China and Acapulco. Reales Ordenes, vi. 88-116; ix. 137-40.
25. 'Se noticia que iba á salir, y no se puede atribuir su falta, sino á una desgracia.' Revilla Gigedo, Instruc., 104. Viceroy Linares attributed the decadence to the depreciation of prices caused by the progress made in the manufacture of fabrics in Europe, and also to the extensive operations of the Compañia de las Filipinas, which introduced into New Spain great quantities of Asiatic goods via Vera Cruz. Id., 104-5.
26. Numerous passengers, among whom were many monks, always sailed with the fleet. In 1804 75 monks left Acapulco on the galleon which the Mexicans humorously described as being freighted with 'plata y frayles.' Essai Polit., ii. 718-20.
27. 'Cargando mucho los derechos de la salida de Acapulco y de la entrada del Callao.' Montesclaros complains in 1612, that in spite of prohibitions four or five ships had arrived that year from Acapulco under various pretexts, such as stress of weather, conveyance of despatches from the government of New Spain, and like excuses. Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., vi. 342-4 and 304.
28. The vessel which left Callao was permitted to take 200,000 ducados to invest in produce or manufactures of New Spain, but nothing else, not even goods from Spain. Heavy penalties were enforced in cases of violation of these rules. Grau y Monfalcon, in Id., 447-8.
29. Robles, Diario, i. 212, 241; Descrip. de Amer., MS., 196-8. Viceroy Linares with more liberal views suggested to the king the advisability of reopening trade with Peru, but his majesty disregarded this advice, and by cédula of July 3, 1712, peremptorily forbade all traffic between the ports of New Spain and that colony. Reales Cedulas, MS., i. 74.
30. Revilla Gigedo, Instruc., 105-6.
31. Gaz. Mex. (1800-1), x. 125.
32. Salmeron stated in 1531 that work had been begun on these native roads. Ternaux-Compans, serie ii. tom. v. 191-2.
33. Humboldt, Essai Polit., ii. 682-8. The different halting-places were provided with mesones and posadas, and the justices were ordered by the king to see that travellers were supplied with provisions and other necessaries for the road at fair prices, 'y que no se les hagan extorsioues.' Recop. de Ind., ii. 56.
34. Inhabited by negroes. Extrait d'une Lettre, MS., 1-4.
35. Padre Navarrete made the journey from Vera Cruz to the capital in 1646 and says: 'We pass'd through places infested with mosquito's' or gnats. . . but met not with those uncouth roads, or mighty cold, which others who travelled the same way the next year so mightily magnified.' Churchill's Col. Voy., i. 208.
36. In Humboldt's time the road led from the capital to Perote 2,500 feet above sea-level; the descent thence to the ravine of Plan del Rio was very rapid. The latter roads leading to the coast were generally very difficult, and Humboldt called the attention of the government to the necessity of improvement. He includes among these routes 'que j'appelle transversales' those leading from Zacatecas to Nuevo Santander; from Guadalajara to San Bias; from Valladolid to Port Colima, and from Durango to Mazatlan. Essai Polit., ii. 683-4.
37. Churchill's Col. Voy., i. 209.
38. Navarrete crossed this river in a similar manner 60 years before Jaillandier: 'people pass over it on canes, which are supported by only four calabashes they are fastened to; at first it is frightful to see so ridiculous and weak an invention; an Indian lays hold of one end of it, and the passenger being upon it with his mules and furniture, he swims, and draws it over after him.' Ibid. This river is the same as the Mescala, so called by Humboldt, who crossed it in the same manner. He describes it as being nearly as dangerous as the Papagayo, which frequently increased from a width of 65 feet to that of 300, cargo-trains being compelled to wait seven or eight days before being able to cross. An attempt had been made to erect a bridge across it, but the massive piers were washed away before its completion. In 1803 the government appropriated 100,000 pesos to construct a second. Humboldt, Essai Polit., ii. 684-5.
39. A stage ran in 1791 from the capital to Puebla, thence te San Andrés, the limit of the line, towards Oajaca, 'por no poder seguir carruage.' Gaz. Mex., iv. 347. In 1793 six coaches called the 'coches de Providencia,' plied the streets of Mexico, the drivers dressed in livery. Id., v. 419-23, 472. To the proprietors of these latter vehicles the concession was granted in 1794 to open a passenger line between the city of Mexico and Guadalajara, through Querétero, and also to Perote. The stages were to run weekly or monthly, and carry only four passengers. Should there be only one passenger to Guadalajara his fare was $200; two passengers paid $105 each; three $75, and four $62.50. The return fares were at half price. To Perote the prices paid were, for one person, $70; for two $76; for three, $82; and for four passengers, $90. An amount of freight in decreasing proportion to the greater number of passengers was allowed to be carried. Id., vi. 51-6.
40. Lerdo de Tejada, Comerc. Exterior, 43. This work was commenced in 1803, and the expenses were defrayed by the consulado of Vera Cruz. Id., 22. A traveller in 1805 describes the principal roads as excellent, and expresses the hope that others will be made equally good, adding, 'pues he visto muchos que han muerto desbarrancados, {{SIC|ssi]] eclesiasticos. . ., como arrieros.' Diar. Mex., i. 348. Consult also Azanza, Instruc., 71-5; Panes, Extension, V. Cruz,' MS, 211-61; V. Cruz, Esposic., 15-17; Revilla Gigedo, Instruc., MS., i. 1 19-44. Opposing interests for many years delayed the construction of the Jalapa road, the merchants of the capital desiring that the proposed new road should pass Orizaba, while those of Vera Cruz were in favor of it being conducted through Jalapa. The old route led through the plain of Apa without touching Puebla. Humboldt, Essai Polit., ii. 685-6.
41. Humboldt, Essai Polit., i. 231. In 1715 a memorial was addressed to the viceroy petitioning for the formation of a canal from the Goazocalco River to Oajaca via Sarabia. The memorial was filed among the secret archives of Madrid, and an order was sent from the court to the memorialists forbidding them ever to refer to the subject again. Nouv. Annales, Voy., cliii. 8.
42. The right to transmit mails was made 'vendible y renunciable' that is transferable by the purchaser of the contract to another. When the management of the service was assumed by the crown in 1765, the sum of $61,770 was paid to Antonio Mendez Prieto to extinguish his right. Galvez, Informe, Marqués de Sonora, 55.
43. In 1592 a royal order was issued prohibiting ecclesiastics and secular persons from opening or detaining correspondence either official or private. Recop. de Ind., i. 655. From a cédula promulgated in 1662 it is known that letters were frequently opened and detained. Id., 656. Postmasters were ordered to give receipts for the correspondence intrusted to them by tribunals. Id., 659.
44. Id., 660, 658.
45. The contractor, called the correo mayor, failed to place post horses at the proper places, and those of the Indians were pressed into the service without their owners being remunerated: 'veianse obligados los indios á ir á pié tras el correo para volver con sus caballos, que les eran quitados por fuerza en los caminos tirándoles la carga que dejaban abandonada.' Rivera, Gob. de Mex., i. 231.
46. These despatch boats were small vessels which had no connection with the annual fleets, and were called 'avisos.' Such barks sailed to and from the Peninsula before the system of fleets was established and were allowed to carry a small quantity of merchandise. At first they were only despatched biennally, but ultimately every month, 'debiendo arrojarla'—i. e. the correspondence—'al agualuego que apareciera un peligro.' Id., 99, 203-4; Lerdo de Tejada, Apunt. Hist., no. v. 301-2.
47. Decrees were issued on the 27th of November and the 21st of December, and put in force on the 1st of July 1706. Mex., Vandos, in Cedulario, i. no. i. 155-6. In the year 1765 the receipts of the post-office were 121,1791/2 reales de plata, the expenses being 64,460 reales, leaving net proceeds 56,7191/2 reales or 7,090 pesos. Soc. Mex. Geo., 2a ep. iii. 45. A list of postal towns and their distances will be found in Id., i. 788-94. Times of departure and arrival in Zuñiga y O. Calend., 143-6.
48. Till late in the eighteenth century the arrival of the mail from Spain was the occasion of rejoicing and celebration. The church bells were rung, 'cuyo estruendo es tan grande y molesto, que es menester hablar á voces para entenderse.' On the following day the viceroy and audiencia attended mass and offered thanksgiving in the cathedral. Not even the news of a Spanish monarch's death interrupted the ringing of the bells: 'y concluido este, se empieza á tocar á muerto.' Estalla., xxvi. 297. Mailcarriers were infected with the prevailing weakness, and among other fraudulent practices were addicted to smuggling. They were prohibited from carrying packages or freight. Revilla Gigedo, Bandos, nos. lxi. and lxxi.
49. The latter fair had a religious origin. Multitudes of pilgrims from the year 1623 annually visited the town in order to venerate an image of the virgin. This attracted merchants and traders. In 1797 Cárlos IV. appointed the fair to be held during the first 15 days of December. It is estimated that 100,000 persons collected from all parts of Mexico at this time. Soc. Mex. Geog., vi. 310-11; Disposic. Var., i. 40, 52; Gaz. Mex., x. 230.
50. Humboldt, Essai Polit., ii. 689.
51. Humboldt mentions a curious system of traffic with the wild Indians in the north. The natives were accustomed to place small crosses on the road from Chihuahua to Santa Fé. A piece of deer-meat in a leathern bag was hung on a cross, and a buffalo hide spread at its foot. This indicated that the Indians wished to trade with the worshippers of the cross, and offered skins for provisions. The soldiers of the presidios took the hides and left salt meat in payment. This barter was carried on without the parties seeing each other: 'un système de commerce qui indique un mélange extraordinaire de bonne foi et de méfiance.' Essai Polit., i. 304-5.
52. The regulations by which these markets in the capital were conducted were strict. Producers could sell their articles only in the respective places of sale. Wholesale business was carried on by auction, under the direction of a corregidor. All cereals had to be delivered and sold at the alhóndiga, or corn-market. Retail shopkeepers could sell provisions of every kind. Prices in some instances were regulated by law, as those of poultry. Montemayor, Sumario, iii. 3-8, 43-4, 56-9; Recop. de Ind., ii. 48-53. Over the markets a juez de plaza presided, who daily attended office in the plaza del Volador and verbally decided disputes. In cases of rascality the culprits were sent by him to prison to be tried. Revilla Gigedo, Bandos, ii. no. xv. 30.
53. Trade with the principal islands of the West Indies w as opened at the ports of Cádiz, Seville, Alicante, Cartagena, Malaga, Barcelona, Santander, Coruña, and Guijon, 'aboliendo los derechos de palmeo, tonelades, extrangería, seminario de S. Telmo, visitas, habilitaciones, y licencias.' Antunez, Mem. Hist. Com., 36-7.
54. The additional ports of Almeria, Alfaques de Tortosa, Palma in Majorca, and Santa Cruz in the island of Tenerife were opened. Id., 37; Lerdo de Tejada, Comer. Ester., 19-20. This famous act of Cárlos III. was issued on the 12th of October, 1778, and was styled the 'Ordenanza ó pragmática del comercio libre.' Ibid.
55. Corr. Merc. Esp. Ind., ii. 6.
56. The last fleet sailed from Spain in the year 1776, and left Vera Cruz on the 16th of January, 1778. Lerdo de Tejada, Comer. Ester., docs. nos. 10, 11.
57. This permission was soon afterward abrogated, Disposic. Varias, iii. 45, and again granted from 1805 to 1809, when it was withdrawn by cédulas of the 17th of May and 27th of July. Concessions were, however, granted to certain merchants allowing them to introduce into colonial ports goods proceeding directly from foreign ports. The mercantile monopoly of Vera Cruz received its final blow in 1820, when a number of ports on both the Atlantic and Pacific shores of New Spain were opened to foreign trade. Lento de Tejada, Comer. Ester., 20-1. Consult, also, Reglamento y Aranceles Reales, Comer. Libre, 1-262; Ordenes de la Corona, MS., iii. 45-8, and vi. 82-5; Azanza, instruc., MS., 141-57.
58. Recop. de Ind., iii. 474-90. In 1773 a royal cédula was issued correcting various abuses prevailing in the insurance business. Rescriptos Reales Ecles., MS., 23-6.
59. With a capital of $230,000 divided into 46 shares at $5,000 each. Lerdo de Tejada, Apunt. Hist., v. 311.
60. The capital of the second company was 400,000 pesos fuertes divided into 80 shares, 58 of which were immediately taken up by merchants of Vera Cruz. A list of the shareholders and a copy of the by-laws will be found in Gaz. Mex. (1802-3), xi. 97-101.
61. Reales Ordenes, iv. 1-56.
62. 'Queriendo S. M. que este beneficio comprehenda no solo á los Particulares, sino tambien á los Cuerpos de Ciudades, Villas y Pueblos, ha expedido su Real penniso para que estos se interesen con sus haberes propios y comunes.' Disposic. Varias, iii. f. 97.
63. Gaz. Mex., ii. 235-6 et seq.
64. The fleet corresponding with the latter figures sailed in 1760 commanded by Carlos Reggio. It took back a return cargo in precious metals and productions of the country to the amount of $9,811,243, of which $7,459,803 belonged to private individuals, and the balance to the king. Lerdo de Tejada, Comer. Ester., doc. nos. 2, 3.
65. Id., doc. nos. 12, 13.
66. Essai Pol., ii. 734-7.