History of Woman Suffrage/Volume 3/Chapter 56
CHAPTER LVI.
GREAT BRITAIN.
BY CAROLINE ASHURST BIGGS.
In writing a history of the woman suffrage movement, it is difficult to say where one should begin, for although the organized agitation which arose when John Stuart Mill first brought forward his proposal in parliament dates back only eighteen years, the foundations for this demand were laid with the very earliest parliamentary institutions in England. As a nation we are fond of working by precedents, and it is a favorite saying among lawyers that modern English law began with Henry III. In earlier Saxon times women who were freeholders of lands or burgesses in towns had the same electoral rights as men. We have records of the reigns of Mary and Elizabeth, showing that ladies of the manse, in their own right, sent members to parliament. Down to the time of the civil wars women were accustomed to share in the election of "parliament men." In 1640, some women voted in an tion for the county of Suffolk, Sir Simonds d'Ewes being high-sheriff:
The spirit of the Puritans was not favorable to woman's equality; but, though disused, the right was never absolutely taken away by law. In a celebrated trial, Olive vs. Ingram (reign of George II.) the chief-justice gave it as his opinion that "a person paying scot and lot," and therefore qualified to vote, was a description which included women; and all the writs of election down to the time of William IV. were made to "persons" who were freeholders. However, for all purposes of political life this right was as good as dead, being absolutely forgotten. But still the local franchises remained. We have no data to determine whether these were as completely neglected as the parliamentary franchise. Parishioners voted for overseers of the poor and for other local boards; and women were never legally disqualified from voting in these elections. The lowest period in the condition of women appears to have been reached at the end of the last century, though they were not then indifferent to politics. "You cannot," says Miss Edgeworth's Lady Davenant, "satisfy yourself with the common namby-pamby phrase, ' Ladies have nothing to do with politics.' * * * Female influence must exist on political subjects as well as on all others; but this influence should always be domestic not public; the customs of society have so ruled it." This sentence exactly represented ordinary English feeling. It was never considered derogatory to an English lady to take an active part in elections, provided she did so for some member of her family; but of direct responsibility she had none.
In the ferment of opinion which preceded the great Reform bill, woman's claim to participate in it was never heard. The new franchises which were then for the first time created applied exclusively to male persons, but in the old franchises continuing in force, the word "person "alone is strictly used. Mr. Sidney Smith said:
This may have been little more than an oversight, or it may have been that respect for precedent which used to be an inherent quality in English statesmen. But it is curious that the first petition ever, to our knowledge, presented for women's suffrage to the House of Commons should date from this same year. It was presented on August 3, 1832, and is the worthy predecessor of many thousands in later times. Hansard thus describes it:
The following year Sir Robert Peel in opposing vote by ballot said:
But Sir Robert Peel evidently had no idea that a time would come when women would ask this question in downright seriousness. Meanwhile the preference for the words "male person" in the new enactments still continued. It was employed in the Municipal Corporation Reform act, 1835; and in the Irish poor-law act of 1838, women, as well as clergymen, were expressly excluded from election as poor-law guardians. The repeal of the corn-laws brought the political work of women to the front; they formed local committees, collected funds and attended meetings. In a speech on free-trade, delivered in Covent Garden Theater January 15, 1845, Richard Cobden said:
Again in 1848, in supporting a motion of Mr. Joseph Hume in the House of Commons to the effect that the elective franchise should be extended to all householders, Mr. Cobden said:
In 1853, Mr. W. J. Fox, member for Oldham, in acknowledging the presentation to him by the ladies of Oldham of a signet-ring bearing the inscription, '"Education, the birthright of all," spoke strongly in favor of women having a definite share in political life:
Other speakers and writers brought forward the same point. Jeremy Bentham declared he could find no reasons for the exclusion of women, though he laid no stress on the matter; Herbert Spencer in "Social Statics" (1851), Mr. Thomas Hare in his book on "Representation," and Mr. Mill in "Representative Government," all discussed it. In 1843 Mrs. Hugo Reid published an excellent volume, "A Plea for Woman," in which she maintained that "There is no good ground for the assumption that the possession and exercise of political privileges are incompatible with home duties." In 1841 a strong article appeared in the Westminster Review, written by Mrs. Margaret Mylne, a Scotch lady still living. Mrs. Stuart Mill's admirably comprehensive article appeared in the same review in 1851.[1] In 1846, also, Col. T. Perronet Thompson, the well-known anti-cornlaw advocate, wrote:
Among other writers and speakers on the subject, we must also enumerate Anne Knight, an earnest warm-hearted Quaker lady. She sometimes lectured upon it, and many of her letters written to Mrs. Elizabeth Pease Nichol of Edinburgh, Lord Brougham, and others, are still preserved, in which she eagerly advocates the admission of women, to the suffrage. She assisted in founding the Sheffield Female Political Association. On February 26, 1851, this association held a meeting at the Democratic Temperance Hotel, Sheffield, and unanimously adopted an address, which was the first manifesto dealing with the suffrage ever formulated by a meeting of women in England:
These books, speeches and letters though scattered and unconnected, slowly prepared the ground for the organized agitation. Another Reform bill grew into preparation. Men's thoughts were turned again towards the question of representation, and every word spoken on behalf of the enfranchisement of women assumed double force as it drew near to a political issue. The enfranchisement of women advanced from a question of philosophical speculation to actual politics in the election of John Stuart Mill member of parliament for Westminster in 1865. In his election address, Mr. Mill, as previously in his work on representative government, openly avowed this article of political faith. Nevertheless, the first speech of which we have record in the House of Commons plainly vindicating the right of women to the vote, was that of a man who differed from Mr. Mill in every other feature of his political life and creed—Mr. Disraeli. He used almost the same form of argument as Sir Robert Peel had done thirty years before, but unlike the former statesman he backed it up with his vote and personal influence for many succeeding years. It was in 1866 that he spoke these words, long and gratefully remembered by the women of the country:
These words from Disraeli were the spark that fired the train. In answer to a request from Miss Jessie Boucherett, Mrs. Bodichon and Miss Bessie R. Parkes, Mr. Mill replied that if they could find a hundred women who would sign a petition for the franchise, he would present it to the House of Commons. A committee was immediately formed in London, and the petition was' circulated. In two or three weeks it had received 1,499 signatures. Among these were many who in after years took a prominent part, not only in suffrage, but in other movements for the elevation of women. The petition was presented by Mr. Mill in May, 1866, and was received with laughter. He then gave notice of a motion to introduce into the Reform bill a provision to the same effect. The committee [4] immediately began to circulate petitions and pamphlets. Two of these were by Mrs. Bodichon, "Reasons for, and Objections against the Enfranchisement of Women," being the substance of a paper she had read at the Social Science Congress, in October, 1866. We give the text of the petition, as it differed somewhat from those circulated in after years:
To the Honorable, the Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, in Parliament assembled:
The humble petition of the undersigned,—showeth, That your petitioners fulfill the conditions of property or rental prescribed by law as the qualification of the electoral franchise, and exercise in their own names the rights pertaining to such conditions; that the principles in which the government of the United Kingdom is based, imply the representation of all classes and interests in the State; that the reasons alleged for withholding the franchise from certain classes of her majesty's subjects do not apply to your petitioners. Your petitioners therefore humbly pray your honorable House to grant to such persons as fulfill all the conditions which entitle to a vote in the election of members of parliament, excepting only that of sex, the privilege of taking part in the choice of fit persons to represent the people in your honorable House.
This form of petition was only signed by unmarried women and widows of full age, holding the legal qualification for voting in either county or borough, but there were other forms for other classes of persons. On March 28, the Right Hon. H. A. Bruce presented a petition from 3,559 persons, mostly women. Mr. Mill, in April, presented one with 3,161 names collected by the Manchester committee, and the Right Hon. Russell Gurney one signed by 1,605 qualified women, i. e., free-holders and house holders who would have had the vote had they been men. In all 13,497 were counted in the parliamentary report this session; among these were many clergymen, barristers, physicians and fellows of colleges.
While we are on the subject of petitions we may as well briefly glance at what was done in this branch of work during succeeding years. [5] No better method could be found of testing public opinion, or of affording scope for quiet, intelligent agitation. Many friends could help by circulating petitions, distributing literature at the same time and arguing away objections. In 1868 there were presented 78 petitions with nearly 50,000 signatures. One of them, headed by Mrs. Somerville and Florence Nightingale, contained 21,000 names, and was a heavy but delightful burden which Mr. Mill could hardly carry to the table. This petition excited great attention. During all these years no petitions were presented against granting the suffrage to women. These numbers were undoubtedly a surprise to many members of parliament who were inclined to look upon woman suffrage as an "impracticable fad," "the fantastic crochet of a few shrieking sisters." But the collection and arrangement of the signatures took up incalculable time, and after a few years this method of agitation was discarded to a great extent in the large political centres. Friends became wearied out with the toilsome process of year by year collecting signatures, which when presented were silently and indifferently dropped into the bag under the table of the House of Commons. But during the early days of the movement these petitions, signed by all classes of men and women, were invaluable in arousing interest in our movement.
In 1867, for the better prosecution of the work, instead of one committee embracing the whole of England, separate associations were formed in London, Manchester and Edinburgh. The London committee consisted of ladies only, Miss Frances Power Cobbe, Mrs. Fawcett, Miss Hampson, Miss Hare, Mrs. Lucas, Mrs. Stansfeld, with Mrs. Taylor as secretary. In the Manchester committee Mr. Jacob Bright, M. P., at once took up the position of leader and advocate which he afterwards so long and nobly maintained in the House of Commons. Miss Becker was appointed secretary. The Edinburgh committee elected Mrs. McLaren[6] for their president. At a special general meeting, November 6, 1867, it was resolved that these three societies should form one national society, thus securing the advantages of coöperation while maintaining freedom of action. The same rule applied to societies in Birmingham, Bristol and other towns.
To return to the debate in the House of Commons on May 20, 1867. on clause 4 of the Representation of the People bill. Mr. Mill moved to leave out the word "man" and insert the word "person." His speech has been too long before the public to need quotation; it is a model of inductive reasoning and masterly eloquence. The debate which followed was very unequal in character, but the division was gratifying, for he received 73 votes (including pairs, 81); 194 voted against him. Mr. Mill wrote afterwards to a friend:
At the election for Manchester, held near the end of 1867 (when Mr. Jacob Bright was elected), Lily Maxwell, whose name had been accidentally left on the parliamentary register, recorded her vote. No objection was taken to it by the returning officer, or by the agents of either candidate. The Times devoted a leading article to it. The circumstance was of no legal value, but it was useful to show that a woman could go through the process of recording a vote in a parliamentary election even before the Ballot act was passed. The idea gained ground that by the new Reform act the right to vote had been secured to women. The Reform act of 1867, sec. 3, declares that:
In the substitution of the word "man" for that of "male person" in the Reform act of 1832, a great difference was already discernable, but this difference was more important when taken into conjunction with what was popularly known as "Lord Romilly's act," an act for shortening the language used in acts of parliament (13 and 14 Vict.). This act provides, "that all words importing the masculine gender shall be deemed and taken to include females, unless the contrary is expressly provided"; and in the Representation of the People act there was no express provision to the contrary. This had been pointed out by one or two members at the time.
Accordingly the several societies united in a systematic endeavor to procure the insertion of women's names on the registers of electors under the new Reform act. A circular respectfully requesting the boards of overseers to insert on the list of voters the names of all persons who had paid their rates, was sent to several hundred boards in different parts of the country. Very few replies were received, but women were placed on the lists in many counties, in Aberdeen, Salford and many small districts in Lancaster, Middlesex, Kent, etc. The overseers of Manchester declined compliance. In that city there were 5,100 women householders who claimed their votes, and when the revision courts were opened in September, this claim came on for consideration. The case was ably argued, but the revising barrister decided against admitting it, granting, however, a case for trial at the Court of Common Pleas. Another case was also granted, being that of Mrs. Kyllman, a free-holder, her claim being under the old free-holding franchise 8 Henry VI., to wit.:
In the majority of districts the revising barristers disallowed the claims; but in four district-revision courts the women's names were admitted. In Finsbury, one of the metropolitan boroughs, Mr. Chisholm Anstey was revising barrister, and he admitted them on account of ancient English law; in Cockermouth, Winterton and two townships of Lancashire, the revising barrister admitted them upon his interpretation of the Reform act taken in conjunction with Lord Romilly's act. In the suffrage report for this year the number of women placed on the electoral roll by these decisions is estimated at about 230, but undoubtedly there were others concerning whom no information was received. In many cases the women voted: 15 did so in Finsbury (not only was there no disturbance, but hardly any remark was made, and they expressed their surprise that it was so easy a thing to do); 12 in Gordon and 10 in Levenshulme, both little districts in Lancashire, and smaller numbers in other places. In Chester the parliament candidate issued his election placards to "Ladies and Gentlemen."
On November 7, the case of the 5,000 Manchester women householders was argued before the Court of Common Pleas, Mr. J. D. Coleridge (now Lord Coleridge, Lord-chief-justice of England) and Dr. Pankhurst were the counsel for the appellants. Mr. John Coleridge in an able argument spoke of the ancient constitutional right of women to take part in elections. He produced copies from the record office of several indentures returning members to parliament, the signatures of which were in the hand-writing of women, or to which women were parties. He argued that the term "man "in the Reform act included woman, not only generally but specifically, under the provisions of Lord Romilly's act. The case was argued before Lord-chief-justice Boville; the decision was given on November 9, and decisively pronounced that the new Reform act had never intended to include women, and that they were incapacitated from voting. This decision did not affect the women who were already on the register, and many voted in the general election which took place afterwards. Thus women have been shut out from electoral rights, not by any decree of parliament, but by this decision of the Court of Common Pleas. However there was no appeal from this Court, except to parliament, and from this time forward the character of the agitation changed. The year 1868 ended with a legal decision which seemed crushing in its finality, while the same year had given the most conclusive proof that women wished to vote, and would do so whenever the opportunity offered.
The next year, 1869, gave another convincing proof that women were eager to vote, and brought us the most substantial triumph yet obtained, due to the wisdom and skilful tactics of Mr. Jacob Bright, member of parliament for Manchester. This victory was the municipal franchise for women. Early in 1869 Mr. Hibbert introduced a bill to regulate the conditions of the municipal franchise. By the Municipal Corporation Amendment act, passed in 1835, male persons only were authorized to vote. The present bill was to amend that. Mr. Jacob Bright, seconded by Sir Charles Dilke and Mr. Peter Rylands, proposed the omission of the word "male" from the bill, and the insertion of a clause se-curing to women the right of voting in municipal elections. Mr. Hibbert concurred in the introduction of these amendments, though he did not anticipate they would lead to any result beyond a discussion. A circular containing full information upon the ancient and existing rights of women to vote in local affairs was sent to each member of parliament by the Manchester committee. It showed that before the passing of the Municipal Corporation act of 1835, women rate-payers had rights similar to those of men in all matters pertaining to local government and expenditure; and that in non-corporate districts they still exercised such rights, under the provisions of the Public Health act, and other statutes guarding the electoral privileges of the whole body of rate-payers. But when any district was incorporated into a municipal borough, the women rate-payers were disfranchised, although those not included within its boundaries remained possessed of votes. It showed also that women can vote in parochial matters,and take part in vestry meetings, called for various purposes, such as the election of church-wardens and way-wardens, the appointment of overseers, the sale of parish property, and, formerly, the levying of church-rates; also that they can vote in the election of poor-law guardians—that in fact, in none of those ancient voting customs, was the sex of the ratepayers taken into consideration as either a qualification or disqualification. We quote from the Manchester society:
Mr. Jacob Bright's motion, which he supported with all the tact, earnestness and judgment of which he afterwards gave such repeated proofs in bringing forward his Women's Disabilities bill, was seconded by Mr. Rylands. Mr. Bruce (the home secretary) said he had shown conclusively that this proposition was no novelty, and that women were allowed to vote in every form of local government, except under the Municipal Corporations act. The clause introduced no anomaly, and he should give it his cordial support. Mr. Hibbert also supported the clause, which was agreed to amid cheers, and it was passed without a dissentient word or the faintest shadow of opposition, as was also the proposal of Sir Charles Dilke, to leave out the word "male" in the first clause.
In the House of Lords an attempt was made by Lord Redesdale to reverse the decision of the House of Commons, but the proposal found no seconder, and therefore fell to the ground. The Earl of Kimberley, on behalf of the government, supported the proposition, as did also Lord Cairns, from the opposition benches. The Municipal Franchise bill became law in August, 1869. One well-known statesman said at the time, "This is a revolution; this vote means still another, and there never was so great a revolution so speedily accomplished." In 1869 the Ballot act had not been passed; this was in the days of open voting. It was therefore possible to ascertain with accuracy in how large a proportion the women householders availed themselves of their restored right to vote whenever a contested election took place. On the following November a letter of inquiry was sent to the town clerk of every municipal borough in England and Wales, and by their courtesy in replying it was ascertained that the women voted in very large numbers. In our municipal towns the average ratio of women householders to men householders is about one to seven. This varies greatly in different localities. In Tewkesbury, for instance, there was only one woman householder to twenty-three men householders, while in Bath the proportion had risen as high as one to three. The women voters were in about the same proportion. In the larger boroughs the proportion was especially good, while there were cases in which the polling of the women exceeded that of the men. In Bodmin, Cornwall, two women voted, one of whom was 92 and the other 94 years of age.
The first public meeting in connection with women's suffrage was held in Manchester, April 14, 1868, in the assembly room of the Free Trade Hall. The occasion was one of great interest. Mr. Henry D. Pochin, the mayor of Salford (which adjoins Manchester), took the chair, and the first resolution was moved by Miss Becker, seconded by the venerable Arch-deacon Sandford, and supported by Mr. T. B. Potter, M. P.:
The other resolutions were spoken to by Dr. Pankhurst, Mrs. Pochin (who had also written a very exhaustive pamphlet on "The Claim of Woman to the Elective Franchise," signed, Justitia), Mr. Chisholm Anstey, Mr. Jacob Bright, M. P., Miss Annie Robertson of Dublin, Mr. F. W. Myers, fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, and Mr. J. W. Edwards. This meeting, and the one which followed in Birmingham, May 6, are fair types of those which have followed by thousands. With few exceptions they have been addressed by men and women jointly; the resolutions passed have generally been of a directly practical and political character. They have been presided over, whenever possible, by the chief magistrate, or some other well-known man in the locality; in comparatively few cases have women presided, and very seldom, indeed, strangers. Thus they have been modeled closely on the ordinary English political meeting; and this form, quite apart from the principles discussed at the meetings, has done much to identify women's suffrage with the practical politics of the day. The first meeting ever held in London (July, 1869,) excited much attention. Admittance here was by ticket. Mrs. Peter A. Taylor took the chair; Miss Biggs read the report, and a noble array of speakers followed.[7]
The principle of women's suffrage was unhesitatingly conceded by the passing of the Municipal Amendment act of 1869. The time was come to demand its application in parliamentary elections. Moreover, the decision of the Court of Common Pleas had left no mode of action possible except for parliament to reverse that decision. Mr. Jacob Bright, therefore, on the first day of the session gave notice of his intention to introduce a bill to remove the electoral disabilities of women. Sir Charles Dilke, a Liberal, and Mr. E. B. Eastwick, a Conservative, also gave their names on the back of the bill Be it enacted by the Queen's most excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords, spiritual and temporal, and Commons in this present parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, as follows:
First—That in all acts relating to the qualification and registration of voters or persons entitled or claiming to be registered and to vote in the election of members of parliament, wherever words occur which import the masculine gender, the same shall be held to include females for all purposes connected with, and having reference to the right to be registered as voters, and to vote in such elections, any law or usage to the contrary notwithstanding.
On February 16, the bill was read for the first time, and on May 4, it came on for its second reading. Mr. Jacob Bright earnestly appealed to the House to grant this measure of justice:
The result of the division surprised and cheered all the supporters of the measure. The government was neutral, and members of the cabinet voted on either side according to their own opinions. The second reading was carried by a vote of 124 to 91, being a majority in its favor of 33. Those who witnessed that division will never forget the grateful enthusiasm with which Mr. Jacob Bright was received when he came up to the ladies' gallery, with his wife leaning upon his arm. But our triumph was short-lived. Before the bill went into committee, a week later, it became known that the government intended to depart from its attitude of neutrality. A strong pressure was exercised to crush the bill, and the contest of course became hopeless. On the division for going into committee 220 votes were counted against 94 in its favor.
It became evident that we were in for a long contest, which would require not only patience, courage and determination, but a high degree of political sagacity. Organizations had to be perfected, and additional societies established; meetings had to be called, and lectures given to explain the question. In March of this year the Women's Suffrage Journal was established in Manchester. Miss Becker has conducted this monthly from the beginning with great talent and spirit; it is frequently quoted by the ordinary press, and its pages contain the best record extant of the movement. This same year of 1870, which witnessed our first parliamentary defeat, brought compensation also of such magnitude as to outweigh the temporary overthrow of the franchise bill. This was the Elementary Education act, by which women were not only admitted to vote for school-board candidates, but expressly enabled to sit on these boards, and thus exercise not only elective, but legislative functions of the most important character. The election clause reads thus:
In London, with the sole exception of the city, the persons who elect the vestries, i. e. the rate-payers, are the electors—this includes women as a matter of course. In the city only, the electors were to be the same persons who elected common-council-men, and as these included men only, women are thus excluded from voting in the school-board election, though even here it may be observed they are eligible to sit on the board. Thus, within the space of two years, two important measures were extended unexpectedly.
In 1871 Mr. Jacob Bright again introduced the Women's Disabilities Removal bill, and it was also supported by Mr. Eastwick and Dr. Lyon Playfair. It was thrown out in the division upon the second reading on May 3, by a majority of 69; 151 (including tellers and pairs 159) voting for it, and 220 (including tellers and pairs 228) voting against it. The most remarkable feature of the debate was a speech made by Mr. Gladstone, which certainly justified the confidence that women have subsequently entertained that the great minister was willing to see justice done to them:
In another portion of his speech Mr. Gladstone said that the personal attendance of women in election proceedings, until the principle of secret voting should be adopted, was in his eyes an objection of the greatest force—thus giving reason to believe that as soon as vote by ballot was secured, this objection would be removed. Mr. Gladstone did not on this occasion vote against the bill, but left the House without voting.
In 1872, our indefatigable leader again moved the second reading of the bill on the 4th of May. His speech was calm and masterly, and he was ably supported, but the division remained much the same; 143 for the bill and 222 against it. This year the Scotch Education bill was passed, which extended the voting of women and their election on school-boards to Scotland; thus the principle of direct representation on a matter so important as national education was recognized. The Ballot act also, which at once rendered elections orderly and safe, henceforth gave increased security and comfort to women who were voting in municipal elections.
In this year a new committee was established in London called the Central committee, to which all other branches of the society had the right of appointing delegates, and the movement received thereby a considerable increase of strength and solidity.[8]
Meantime each branch of the society was working away indefatigably. During 1871, the Suffrage Journal recorded 135 public meetings, and during 1872, 104 in England and 63 in Scotland, The work in Scotland was chiefly carried on in the way of lectures by Miss Jane Taylour, who during these early years of the movement was an untiring and spirited pioneer, Miss Agnes McLaren often accompanying her and helping her to organize the meetings.
We must not omit to mention Mary Burton (sister of John Hill Burton the historiographer of Scotland), who was also one of the most energetic workers of the Edinburgh committee, especially in the north of Scotland; and Mrs. Dick Lauder who had the courage to free herself from the opinions in which she had been educated, and with much sacrifice devoted herself to the work. Space fails us fitly to record the indomitable efforts of Eliza Wigham, one of the honorable secretaries of the Edinburgh committee. In England, Mrs. Ronniger organized and spoke at many meetings, as did Mrs. Fawcett, Miss Rhoda Garrett, Miss Becker, Miss Craigen and, less frequently, Mrs. Josephine Butler, Lady Amberley, Miss Annie Young and others. Mrs. Grote, wife of the historian and herself a well-known author, took part in one meeting held in Hanover Square rooms, London, on March 26, 1870. Mrs. Grote was then upwards of seventy years of age. Rising with great majesty, she spoke with all the weight that age, ability and experience could give, greatly impressing her audience. Miss Helen Taylor, step-daughter of John Stuart Mill, also made her maiden speech at this meeting; it was delivered with much grace, excellent in thought as in manner.
Many additional local committees were established, and good work was done by familiarizing the public mind with the principles of the association. Ward meetings were held in which the women burgesses and municipal voters were assembled, and while the responsibilities of the vote they already possessed were pointed out to them, attention was called to the prior importance of the vote which was withheld from them.
In 1873, for the fourth time, our unwearied champion, Mr. Jacob Bright, brought forward his bill. This time the second reading was fixed for April 30. He was supported in the debate by Mr. Eastwick, Sergeant Sherlock, Lord John Manners, Mr. Fawcett, Mr. Heron, Mr. Henley, and Sir J. Trelawny. While all these gentlemen deserved our thanks for the able assistance they rendered the cause, the speech of Mr. Henley, Conservative member for Oxfordshire, so old a member that he was styled the "Father of the House," excited special attention. He said he had once felt considerable doubt and dislike of the measure, but after careful watching of the way in which women gave the local votes, he had come to the conclusion that an extension of the principle would be useful. The votes in favor of the bill increased at this debate to 155 (with tellers and pairs 172), a larger number than had ever before been obtained, while the opposition remained stationary.
Along with the petitions of this year were two memorials signed by upwards of 11,000 women, and presented to Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Disraeli. Every English county, with the exception of the smallest, Rutland, and most large towns sent representative signatures. An effort was made this session by Mr. William Johnston, the member for Belfast, to introduce amendments into the Irish Municipal bill, which would have had the effect of extending the municipal franchise to Irish women householders. But the bill was withdrawn, and similar efforts made in subsequent years have met with the like fate.
This year the death of Mr. John Stuart Mill saddened the hearts of all. He will never be forgotten as the first man who carried this question into the arena of practical politics and gave it the weight of an honored name. The strength and vitality of the movement were further tested by a disaster which threatened to do it a lasting injury. The general election took place early in the spring of 1874, and to the regret and consternation of the friends of equal suffrage, their able and devoted leader, Mr. Jacob Bright, lost his seat for Manchester—a loss in a great degree attributable to his unshrinking advocacy of an unpopular question. Never did his clients, for whom he had sacrificed so much, feel so deeply the need of the power which the franchise would have given them to keep so good a friend in the House of Commons. Not only was Mr. Bright defeated, but Mr. Eastwick, the friend who had always seconded the bill, also lost his seat with about seventy others of our supporters. We were thus compelled to look around for fresh leaders. The task of bringing in a bill was accepted by Mr. Forsyth, the Conservative member for Marylebone, one of the London boroughs; with him were associated Mr. Stansfeld, Mr. Russell Gurney and Sir R. Anstruther, men differing widely on matters of party politics. The bill was introduced early in the session, but no day was found for it, and in the middle of July it was withdrawn. Considerable discussion was excited by the unexpected action of Mr. Forsyth, who on his own responsibility inserted in the bill an additional clause by which married women were especially excluded from its operation. Although the insertion of this clause would probably have made no difference, the bulk of legal opinion being that under the law of coverture, married women even when possessed of property are not "qualified persons," yet the society joined in requesting that this additional clause should be dropped and the original form of the bill adhered to.
Memorials signed by upwards of 18,000 women headed by Florence Nightingale, Harriet Martineau, Lady Anna Gore Langton (sister of the Duke of Buckingham), Frances Power Cobbe, Anna Swanwick, were again this year forwarded to Mr. Disraeli and Mr. Gladstone. An important memorial was also forwarded from a large conference held in Birmingham in January, which represents very accurately the special aspects of the question in England. The president of the conference was Mrs. William Taylor, sister-in-law of Mr. Peter A. Taylor, M. P.:
The memorial of members and friends of the National Society for Women's Suffrage, in conference assembled at Birmingham, January 22, 1874, showeth, that your memorialists earnestly desire to urge on the attention of her majesty's government the justice and expediency of abolishing the disability which precludes women, otherwise legally qualified, from voting in the election of members of parliament.
They submit that the disability is anomalous, inasmuch as it exists only in respect to the parliamentary franchise. The electoral rights of women have been from time immemorial equal and similar to those of men in parochial and other ancient franchises, and in the year 1869 a measure was passed, with the sanction of the administration of which you are the head, restoring and confirming the rights of women ratepayers to the exercise of the municipal franchise.
The electoral disability is further anomalous, because by the law and constitution of this realm, women are not disabled from the exercise of political power. Writs, returning members to serve in the House of Commons, signed by women as electors or returning officers, are now in existence, and the validity of such returns has never been disputed. Women who were heirs to peerages and other dignities exercised judicial jurisdiction and enjoyed other privileges appertaining to such offices and lordships without disability of sex. The highest political function known to the constitution may be exercised by a woman. The principle that women may have political power is coëval with the British constitution. On the other hand the practice of women taking part in voting at popular elections is equally ancient in date, and has been restored and extended by the action of the present parliament. Your memorialists therefore submit that to bring the existing principle and practice into harmony by removing the disability which prevents women who vote in local elections from voting in the election of members of parliament, would be a step in the natural process of development by which institutions, while retaining the strength and authority derived from the traditions of the past, and preserving the continuity of the national life, continually undergo such modifications as are needed in order to adapt them to the exigencies of the age and the changed conditions of modern life.
They also submit that the old laws regulating the qualifications of electors do not limit the franchise to male persons; that the laws under which women exercised the parochial franchise were couched in the same general terms as those regulating the parliamentary suffrage, and that while the latter were not expressly limited to men, the former were not expressly extended to women. There is, therefore, a strong presumption that the exclusion of women from the parliamentary suffrage was an infringement on their ancient constitutional rights, rendered possible in a barbarous age by the comparative weakness and smallness of the number of persons affected by it, and continued until the exclusion had become customary. The franchise of women in local elections has been from time to time under judicial consideration, and their right to take part in such elections has been repeatedly confirmed by the judges. During the arguments in these cases, the question of their right to vote in the election of members of parliament was frequently mooted and conflicting opinions thereon incidently expressed by various judges, but the matter was never judicially decided, and no authoritative judgment was ever given against the right until the year 1868, after the passing of two modern acts of parliament in 1832 and 1867, the former of which for the first time in English history, in terms, limited the franchise created by it to every "male person," and the latter to every "man" qualified under its provisions. Your memorialists submit that had the question of the right of women to vote in the election of members of parliament been raised in the law courts under the old statutes which contain no reference to sex, and before the passing of the limiting acts of 1832 and 1867, that the precedents which had determined the right in their favor in the construction of the law as to local government must have been held to apply to the case of qualified freeholders or others who claimed the right as regards parliamentary government.
They submit also, that even after these limiting acts, women had reasonable grounds for claiming the suffrage under the existing law. There is an act of parliament which declares that "in all acts, words importing the masculine gender shall be deemed and taken to include females, . . . unless the contrary is expressly provided." The act of 1867 contained clauses imposing personal liabilities and pecuniary burdens on certain classes of ratepayers. In these clauses, as in the enfranchising clauses, and throughout the act, words importing the masculine gender were alone used. No provision was made that these words should not include females. Accordingly in enforcing the act the extra liabilities and burdens were imposed on women ratepayers, to many of whom they caused grievous hardship. There was, therefore, reason to expect that the enfranchising clauses would bear the same interpretation, inasmuch as they were confessedly offered as an equivalent for the increased liabilities. But when the women who had been subjected to the liabilities claimed their votes, they found that words importing the masculine gender were held to include women in the clauses imposing burdens, and to exclude them in the clauses conferring privileges, in one and the same act of parliament.
This kind of injustice was shown in a marked manner in the case of certain women ratepayers of Bridgewater, who, in a memorial addressed to you in 1871, set forth the grievance of most heavy and unjust taxation which was levied on them, in common with the other householders of that disfranchised borough, for the payment of a prolonged commission respecting political bribery. The memorialists felt it to be unjust and oppressive, inasmuch as, not exercising the franchise nor being in any way directly or indirectly concerned in the malpractices which led to the commision, they were nevertheless required to pay not less than three shillings in the pound according to their rental. To that memorial you caused a reply to be sent through Mr. Secretary Bruce, stating that "it was not in the power of the secretary of State to exempt women owning or occupying property from the local and imperial taxation to which that property is liable." While fully admitting this, your memorialists beg to represent that it is in the power of the legislature to secure to women the vote which their property would confer, along with its liability to local and imperial taxation, were it owned or occupied by men.
They submit that this concession has recently been granted in respect to local taxation, and that if justice demands that women should have a voice in controlling the municipal expenditure to which their property contributes, justice yet more urgently demands that they should have a voice in controlling the imperial expenditure to which the same property.
is liable. The local expenditure of the country amounts to about £30,000,000, the imperial expenditure to about £70,000,000 annually; if, therefore, the matter be regarded as one of taxation only, the latter vote is of more importance than the former. Local government deals with men and women alike, and knows no distinction between male and female ratepayers. But imperial government deals with men and women on different principles, and in such a manner that whenever there is any distinction made in the rights, privileges and protection accorded to them respectively, the difference is always against women and in favor of men. They believe this state of things is a natural result of the exclusion of women from representation, and it will be found impracticable to amend it until women are admitted to a share in controlling the legislature.
By the deprivation of the parliamentary vote, women, in the purchase or renting of property, obtain less for their money than men. In a bill which passed the House of Commons last session, provision was made for the amalgamation in one list of the municipal and parliamentary registers of electors. In that list it appeared that the same house, the same rent and the same taxes conferred on a man the double vote in municipal and parliamentary government, and on a woman the single vote only, and that the less honorable and important one. When the occupation of a house is transferred from a man to a woman, say to the widow of the former owner, that home loses the privilege of representation in the imperial government, though its relations with the tax-gatherer continue unaltered. There have been various societies formed with a view to enable persons to acquire portions of landed or real property, partly for the sake of the vote attached to such property. Should a woman purchase or inherit such an estate, the vote, which has been one important consideration in determining the value, would be lost through her legal disability to exercise it.
The deprivation of the vote is a serious disadvantage to women in the competition for farms. A case is recorded of one estate in Suffolk from which seven widows have been ejected, who, if they had possesed votes, would have been continued as tenants. A sudden ejection often means ruin to a family that has sunk capital in the land, and it is only too probable that no day passes without the occurence of some such calamity to some unhappy widow, who, but for the electoral disability, might have retained the home and the occupation by which she could have brought up her family in comfort and independence.
Besides this definite manner in which the electoral disability injures women farmers, it has a more or less directly injurious influence on all self-dependent women who maintain themselves and their families by other than domestic labor. A disability, the basis of which is the presumed mental or moral incapacity of the subject of it to form a rational judgment on matters within the ordinary ken of human intelligence, carries with it a stigma of inferiority calculated to cause impediment to the entrance on or successful prosecution of any pursuit demanding recognized ability and energy. This presumed incapacity is probably the origin of the general neglect of the education of women, which is only now beginning to be acknowledged, and the absence of political power in the neglected class renders it difficult if not impossible to obtain an adequate share for girls in the application of educational funds and endowments. So long as women are specifically excluded from control over their parliamentary representatives, so long will their interests be postponed to claims of those who have votes to give; and while parliament shall continue to declare that the voices of women are unfit to be taken into account in choosing members of the legislature, the masses of men will continue to act as if their wishes, opinions and interests were undeserving of serious consideration.
It is now nearly two years since you, in your place in the House of Commons, said that the number of absolutely self-dependent women is increasing from year to year, and that the progressive increase in the number of such women is a very serious fact, because those women are assuming the burdens that belong to men; and you stated your belief that when they are called upon to assume those burdens, and to undertake the responsibility of providing for their own subsistence, they approach the task under greater difficulties than attach to their more powerful competitors. Your memorialists therefore ask you to aid women in overcoming these difficulties, by assisting to place them, politically at least, on a level with those whom you designate as "their more powerful competitors."
One of the greatest hindrances in the path of self-dependent women is the opposition shown by members of many trades and professions to women who attempt to engage in them. The medical and academical authorities of the University of Edinburgh have successfully crushed the attempt of a small band of female students to qualify themselves for the medical profession, and the same spirit of "trades unionism "is rife in the industrial community. A few months ago the printers of Manchester, learning that a few girls were practicing type-setting, and endeavoring to earn a little money thereby, instantly passed a rule ordaining a strike in the shop of any master printer who should allow type set up by women to be sent to his machines to be worked. At the present time, in a manufacturing district in Yorkshire where there are "broad" and "narrow" looms, at the former of which much more money can be earned, the men refuse to allow women to work at the broad looms, though they are quite able to manage them, because the work is considered too remunerative for women. At Nottingham there is a particular machine at which very high wages can be earned, at which women now work, and the men, in order to drive them out of such profitable employment, have insisted on the masters taking no more women on, but as those at present employed leave, supplying their places by men. A master manufacturer reports: 'We have machines which women can manage quite as well or better than men, yet are they not permitted by a selfish combination of the strong against the weak." These are only samples of the cases that are constantly occurring of successful attempts to drive women out of remunerative occupations. Your memorialists submit that women would be more able to resist such attempts if they had the protection of the suffrage; and that men would be less likely to be thus aggressive and oppressive if they had learned to regard women as their political equals.
Besides the restrictions on the industrial liberties of women effected by combinations of men, there are existing and proposed legislative restrictions from which men are exempt, and which exercise a powerful influence on the market for their labor. For the coming session we have the proposal further to limit their hours of paid labor in factories, and to place other restrictions on their labor in shops; also a proposition to place married women on the footing of half-timers. Without here expressing any opinion as to the wisdom of these proposals, we urge that members of the House of Commons would be more capable of dealing with them in a just and appreciative spirit if they were responsible for their votes to the persons whose interests are directly concerned and whose liberties they are asked to curtail; and, further, that it is a grave question how far it is safe to trust the industrial interests of women, as a class, to the irresponsible control of the men who have manifested to individuals and to sections of working women the spirit indicated by the examples we have cited.
In the same speech you spoke of a state of the law in which the balance is generally cast too much against women and too much in favor of men. Since you directed your attention to this matter, you have not been able either to introduce or to assist others who have introduced measures to ameliorate the state of the law respecting women, and such proposals have been unable to win consideration from parliament. Your memorialists cannot believe that this neglect has arisen from want of a desire on your part to deal with the grievances under which you have admitted that your countrywomen suffer; they are therefore led to the conclusion that you have been unable to take into consideration the affairs of an unrepresented class, owing to the preoccupation of parliament with the concerns of those to whom it is directly responsible.
You stated that “the question was, to devise a method of enabling women to exercise a sensible influence, without undertaking personal functions and exposing themselves to personal obligations inconsistent with the fundamental particulars of their condition as women,” and that the objection to the personal attendance of women at elections was in your mind an objection of the greatest force. They respectfully submit that the exercise of the municipal franchise involves the personal attendance of women at the polls, and that since your words were uttered changes have been effected which render the process of voting absolutely identical for municipal and parliamentary elections, and the whole proceeding perfectly decorous and orderly. Experience has proved that women can vote at municipal elections without prejudice to the fundamental particulars of their condition as women, whatever these may be; and this experience shows that they may vote in parliamentary elections without the smallest personal prejudice or inconvenience. The school-board elections have also shown that women can appeal to large constituencies and go through the ordeal of public meetings, addresses and questions from electors, to which men must submit who seek the suffrages of a great community, without any sacrifice of womanly dignity, or of the respect and consideration accorded to their position and their sex. They therefore submit that events have obviated the objections you entertained in 1871 to the proposal to give representation to women, and that the course taken by the administration over which you preside in assenting to the extension of the municipal and school-board franchise to them; in calling them to the public functions of candidates and members of school-boards ; and lastly, of securing the passing of a law which renders the process of voting silent and secret, have taken away all reasonable grounds for objecting on the score of practical inconvenience to the admission of women to the exercise of a vote, which they would have to give in precisely the same manner, but not nearly so often, as those votes which they already deliver.
It has been said that there is neither desire nor demand for the measure, and further, that women do not care for and would not use the suffrage if they possessed it. But the demand for the parliamentary franchise is enormously greater than was the demand for the municipal franchise, and for the school-board franchise there was no apparent call. Yet these two measures were passed purely on their own merits, and it was not held to be necessary to impose on their promoters, over and above the obligation to make out their case, the condition that a majority of the women of England or of a particular district should petition for the proposed boon. Experience proved the wisdom and justice of this course, for although women throughout the country had taken no active part in agitating for the municipal franchise, no sooner was the privilege accorded than they freely availed themselves of it, and statistics obtained from some of the largest boroughs in the kingdom show that from the first year that women possessed the suffrage, they have voted in about equal proportion with men to the number of each on the register. The parliamentary vote is more honorable and important than the municipal vote; it is, therefore, safe to conclude that women who value and use the latter will appreciate and exercise the former as soon as it shall be bestowed upon them. Your memorialists submit that great injustice and injury are done by debarring these women from a voting power which there is such strong presumptive ground for believing that they would freely exercise but for the legal restraint.
Your memorialists are especially moved to call your attention to the urgency of the claim at the present time, when a bill extending the application of the principle of household suffrage is about to be proposed to parliament, which bill received last year such expressions of approval from members of her majesty's government as to lead to the belief that they are willing to take the proposal into serious consideration. They submit that the claim and the need for representation of women householders are even more pressing than that of agricultural laborers. The grievances under which women suffer are equally great, and the demand for the franchise has been pressed by a much greater number of women and for a much longer period of time than in the case of county householders now excluded. The number of persons who petitioned last session for the County Franchise bill and for the Women's Disabilities bill respectively were, for the former, 1,889, and for the latter, 329,206. The latter bill has received most influential support from both sides of the House, and more votes have been recorded in its favor than have been given for any bill not directly supported as a party measure by one or other of the great parties in the State. Under these circumstances your memorialists earnestly request that you will use your influence as leader of the House of Commons and of the government to secure the passing of the bill introduced by Mr. Jacob Bright, either as a substantive enactment, or as an integral portion of the next measure that shall be passed dealing with the question of the representation of the people.
Signed on behalf of the conference,
The first vote that was given by the new parliament was on April 7, 1875, Mr. Forsyth having moved the second reading in an able speech. It at once became manifest that the question had made great progress in the country. In spite of the loss of the seventy friends at the preceding general election, our strength in the new parliament had greatly increased. Including tellers and pairs, 170 voted for the bill, and only 250 against. This result appears to have alarmed our opponents, who proceeded to form an association of peers, members of parliament and other influential persons, to resist the claims of women to the suffrage. They issued a circular which will be read by future generations with a smile of amazement.[9]
It may have been partly owing to the influence of this association that the next year, when Mr. Forsyth again brought forward his bill, April 26, 1876, although the numbers of our friends and supporters remained undiminished, the opponents had considerably increased. This was due, also, no doubt, in great degree to the unexpected attitude taken on this question by the Right Hon. John Bright, the most powerful living advocate for freedom and representative government. In Mr. Mill's division of 1867, Mr. Bright had voted in favor of the measure, and while his brother had charge of the bill, he had never opposed it. His opposition speech in this debate, therefore, caused extreme disappointment and discouragement. It had little of the force which had always characterized his pleas for political justice. The most eloquent voice in the House of Commons lost its magic power when no longer inspired by truth. The women in the gallery listened with sorrowful hearts. Though they knew Mr. Bright's opinion could not block the wheels of progress, yet they felt intense regret that so honored a friend to freedom should abandon his most cherished principles when applied to women.
The parliamentary history of the next few years may be very briefly recorded. In 1877 the bill had again passed into the hands of our beloved leader, Mr. Jacob Bright, who had resumed his place in the House of Commons, as member of parliament for Manchester. After a debate of great interest, and while our advocate, Mr. Leonard Courtney, was speaking, the opponents of the measure burst into a tumultuous uproar, which effectually drowned his voice. This new method of setting up shouts and howls in place of arguments, has since been brought to bear on more than one public question, but it was then comparatively novel. Mr. Courtney, nothing daunted, would not give way, and when six o'clock, which is the hour for closing the debates on Wednesday, struck, it was no longer possible to take a division.
The following year, 1878, Mr. Jacob Bright was unable from failing health to continue in charge of the bill in the House of Commons, and a deputation of members from each society waited on Mr. Courtney and placed it in his hands. June 19, was set for the second reading. In his speech Mr. Courtney dwelt on the benefits that may accrue to women from representation. He added:
The bill was again lost by 219 votes against 140, thus showing a smaller adverse majority than on the last division. This year Mr. Russell Gurney died. His name will always be associated with the women's suffrage movement, which he had supported ever since Mr. Mill's division in 1867. The death of Lady Anna Gore Langton about this time was also a severe loss.
The last time that the question was brought before that parliament was the following summer, 1870. Mr. Courtney, after taking counsel with his parliamentary friends, made an important change in the conduct of his measure. It had hitherto been brought forward as a bill, which, if passed, would have made the actual change desired in the law; as the parliament was now verging towards its close, it was thought wiser to test the opinion of the House by bringing the question forward in the form of a resolution. Two purposes were served by this change: one was that many men who were in favor of the principle of women's suffrage had objected to it when brought forward as an isolated measure of reform involving a large addition to the constituency, and possibly therefore a new election; the other was, that the time for discussion of a private member's bill is very limited. On Wednesdays, when such bills come on, the House only sits in the morning, and the debate must be concluded at a quarter before six, while the forms of the House afford greater facilities for discussing and voting upon motions. Mr. Courtney in a clear and exhaustive speech moved his resolution as follows:The debate was animated, but the result on division was much the same as before: 113 (including tellers and pairs, 144) voting for it, and 217 (with tellers and pairs, 248) against it. Thus closed the ninth parliament of Victoria, as far as women's suffrage was concerned.
The steady perseverance and unflagging courage of the devoted band of men and women had achieved victories at many points along the line of attack.[10] Every suffrage meeting was the means of gaining converts. The agitation for the suffrage kept the memory of women's wrongs and grievances fresh before the public mind. These years saw the medical profession legally thrown open to women, and facilities given them in school and hospital for obtaining that education which had been hitherto sought abroad. Pharmacy no longer excluded them. London University opened its gates. The Irish Intermediate Education bill, in 1878, which was originally introduced for boys only, was, after several energetic discussions, widened, so as to include girls. Women began to be elected as poor-law guardians. A Scotch Married Women's Property bill was passed, which was a great improvement on the former law. A Matrimonial Causes Amendment act was also carried, which enables magistrates to grant a judicial separation to wives who are brutally treated, along with a maintenance for their children. Some of our friends regretted that these side issues should absorb the time of those who might otherwise have been working exclusively for suffrage; but this was a short-sighted fear. By broadening the basis of work, by asking simultaneously for better laws, better education, better employments and wider fields of usefulness, the sympathies of more women were engaged; while underlying and supporting all was the steady agitation for the suffrage with its compact organization of committees, meetings, publications and petitions which kept parliament awake to the fact that though still disfranchised, women had claims which it could not afford to ignore.
This was a time when the agitation for the suffrage had apparently reached a stationary condition, neither advancing nor receding, in which it was destined to remain for some years longer. Other causes, as the abolition of West Indian slavery and the corn laws, have had a similar period of apparent torpor succeeding the first activity. Justin McCarthy in his "History of our own Times," says:
During the year of 1879, it was thought desirable to ascertain by some practical test what were the various reasons which caused thinking women to wish for the suffrage; and letters were addressed to ladies who were eminent either in literature or art, or who were following scientific or professional careers, or were engaged in any form of philanthropic work. The answers that were returned were collected into a pamphlet of exceeding interest, which was sent to each member before the debate, and it was amazing to watch from the gallery how the little green pamphlet was consulted and quoted from, in the most opposite quarters of the House, by friends who sought fresh arguments from it or by enemies who were looking for some sentence on which to base a sarcasm.[11]
As a specimen of these letters Miss Frances Power Cobbe said:
The production of this pamphlet marked an era in women's suffrage literature. It was impossible after this to doubt that a large body of thinking women, not the queens of society, but the women who wrote, read, thought, or worked, were in favor of having full admission to political rights and responsibilities.
The chief work of the society had now crystallized into five or six great centres. Edinburgh, under the presidency of Mrs. McLaren, assisted by Miss Wigham and Miss Kirkland, treasurer and secretary, was the recognized centre of activity for Scotland. In Ireland there was a committee in Dublin, of which Mrs. Haslam is the most active member; and the North of Ireland Committee, led by Miss Isabella Tod.[12] The three principal associations in England were those of London,[13] including the east and north-east counties; Manchester,[14] taking charge of the north of England and Wales, and Bristol[15] looking after the West. The officers of the several committees of the three kingdoms form a National Central Committee which has its headquarters in London and superintends all of the work bearing specially upon the action of parliament.
Petitions were still sent in, but no longer in such enormous numbers. It had become evident that parliament cared little for along roll of names from the unrepresented classes; they were now chiefly collected as a means of discovering how public opinion stood in any particular district. For instance, in 1879, a petition was sent from 1,447 women householders of Leicester. The total number of women householders in this town was 2,610, of 'whom only 1,991 could be applied to, and there is no reason to suppose that public opinion was more advanced in Leicester than in the majority of large manufacturing towns. The municipal elections occur in England every November, and our custom in some towns was to call meetings of the women householders in every ward in which there was a contest, to explain to them the responsibilities resting upon the voters, and after an earnest address from some one of the ladies, to invite the respective candidates to speak. By these means not only was the interest of the women awakened in local politics, but the candidates themselves were reminded of the interests of an important section of their constituencies.
With the beginning of 1880, came again the promise of a reform bill, The majority of the Liberal members of the House of Commons had pledged themselves to their constituents in its favor. But as our enemies were still reiterating that women themselves did not care for the franchise, some further proof of their sympathy was in order. The first great demonstration in favor of women was held in Free Trade Hall, Manchester, which seats about 5,000 people, February 3, where women were admitted free, and seats reserved for men in the gallery at 2s. 6d. each. This arrangement was adopted to make it a meeting of women. One hundred gentlemen were present besides the reporters.
The purpose of the demonstration had been explained at preliminary ward meetings to which men and women came in crowds. On the night in question the scene exceeded the most sanguine expectations. Those who had witnessed the great free trade gatherings which assembled to hear Charles Villiers, Richard Cobden and John Bright, never saw a more enthusiastic audience. Mrs. Duncan McLaren of Edinburgh, who had been invited to preside, took her seat followed by an array of distinguished women, such as had never before graced any platform in the history of the three kingdoms, while the vast area and galleries were crowded with women of wealth and culture; factory women, shop-keepers and hard toilers of every station were also there. Some had walked twenty miles to attend that great meeting. They sat on the steps of the platform, climbed on every coigne of vantage, stood in dense masses in every aisle and corner. A large over-flow meeting was also held in the neighboring Memorial Hall over which Mrs. Lucas presided, but even this could not accommodate all who came, and thousands went away disappointed. It was truly a marvelous meeting, grand in its numbers, grand in the enthusiasm which had brought so many thousands together unattracted by the names of any distinguished speakers, to sympathize with each other in a great national movement, and to proclaim unity of action until it was gained; and it was grand also in the impressiveness of the words that were uttered. The president in her clear grave tones which were heard in the breathless stillness over that large assembly, said:
When Mrs. McLaren had concluded, one speaker after another, gave her special testimony in favor of the necessity of obtaining representation. The number was so great that no one was allowed more than ten minutes.[16]
This demonstration was quickly followed by others that were every way as successful. In connection with one at St James' Hall, London, over which Viscountess Harberton presided, a procession of working women marched through the streets with a banner on which was inscribed "We're far too low to vote the tax; we're not too low to pay." Here also an overflow meeting was held to accommodate the numbers that could not be admitted into the hall. On November 4, the same scene was repeated at the Colston Hall, Bristol, and Mrs. Beddoe, the wile of a popular physician in that city presided, and on November 11, the last demonstration of that year was convened in the Albert Hall, Nottingham, where Mrs. Lucas took the chair. The following year saw no relaxation in these efforts. The Birmingham demonstration took place on February 22, 1881. It was a most inclement night and great fears had been entertained that it would prove a failure, but nothing had power to keep the crowds of women away or to lessen their enthusiasm. Mrs. Crosskey, the wife of Dr. Crosskey, one of the most respected of the Birmingham Liberal leaders, presided. The next was in St. George's Hall, Bradford, on November 22, and here again Mrs. McLaren took the chair, and said:
We are here to-night in the spirit of self-sacrifice. We have had our sorrows in working on this question. We are here because we know there are on our statute books unjust laws which subject many women to sorrow and suffering, and the fact that we have worked our way to such a platform proves that women are capable of holding a political position, and ought to have a voice in our national affairs. We cannot rest contented under the consciousness of injustice because there are women who accept it as their natural condition. We feel it our duty to arouse our sex everywhere to a sense of their high destiny. The inspiration for this work has come from a higher source than ourselves, and we have had often to feel that God does not leave his children to fight their battles alone.
In 1882 there were two more demonstrations. The first was in Albert Hall, Sheffield, on February 27, Lady Harberton presiding, and it was crowded to overflowing with women of all ranks and conditions of society. The demonstration at Glasgow was on November 3, and no way inferior to the other in brilliancy and interest.[17]
These demonstrations conclusively proved that the suffrage is desired, not only by a few educated women, the leaders of the movement, but by the great masses of the hard-working women. They proved also woman's political capacity and organizing power. No body of persons could possibly do more to manifest their desire for political liberty than the women who have organized and attended these demonstrations. So far as I am aware no such meetings have been attempted by the agricultural laborers over whose enfranchisement the House of Commons has been so deeply exercised, and though the absence of interest which these classes of men have as a whole shown in the question of the franchise is no argument for depriving them of it, the political knowledge and aspirations that women have shown for more than fifteen years ought to count for something in establishing their claim. .
The session of 1880 was broken, and the dissolution of parliament in March, the general election which followed, the change in the government and the consequent press of public affairs, made it impossible to bring forward any measure for the suffrage, but the principle was most splendidly and triumphantly vindicated in the ancient kingdom of the Isle of Man which has an independent government dating from the time of its first colonization under the vikings. It has in modern times its elective house which is called the House of Keys and is equivalent to the Commons. Its Upper House consists of the attorney-general, the clerk of the rolls, the bishop, two judges (or deemsters) and other officials. It enacts its own laws and imposes its own taxes, but is subject to imperial control by requiring the sanction of the queen before any law can come into effect. Some few years ago the franchise was felt to be too restricted, and a movement was set on foot which culminated in 1880 in a bill to extend the franchise to every male person who was a householder. Mr. Richard Sherwood, who five years previously had brought forward a similar motion, moved an amendment to omit the word "male" for the purpose of extending the franchise to women who possessed the requisite qualification, which was carried by 16 to 3, a vote of two-thirds of the whole body of the House of Keys. It then went before the Council which refused the franchise to female occupiers and lodgers, though agreeing: to give it to all female owners of real estate of 44 annual value. Thus modified the bill was sent back to the House of Keys which gave up the lodger franchise but adhered to that for occupiers. The bill thus altered was again sent back to the Council and again returned with a message that the Council refused to come to an agreement. The Keys then proposed a compromise, limiting the qualification to woman occupiers of £20a year. This again was refused, and the Council were prepared to reject the bill altogether. Sooner than lose the whole, the Keys assented, signing, however, a protest in which they stated that they had complied simply to secure a part of a just principle rather than lose the whole. The act was signed by the governor, the Keys and the Council on December 21, received the royal assent on January 5, 1881, and was immediately afterwards, according to ancient custom, proclaimed as law on the Tynwald Hill.
Fully to estimate this victory, it must be remembered that the vote thus gained is the complete parliamentary franchise. Though the total area of the island is so small and though only those women who were absolutely owners of property were enfranchised, they numbered about 700. The law came into operation immediately, and the election began March 21. The women voted in considerable numbers, and were, as an eye-witness states, without exception quite intelligent and business like in this procedure. At the polling stations, the first persons who recorded their votes were women. We may mention in proof of their political gratitude that in the district where Mr. Sherwood was one of the candidates, every woman, whatever her party, voted for his reëlection.
Just before the opening of parliament in 1881, Mr. Courtney accepted a position in the administration, which rendered it impossible for him to continue in charge of any independent measure. By his advice, application was made to Mr. Hugh Mason, member for Ashton under Lyme. But the state of public business during the session never permitted the resolution to be discussed. The same disappointment occurred in the session of 1882—the difficulties in Ireland and Egypt occupying the attention of the government and the country to an extent which almost precluded any measure of domestic reform. Nevertheless, by constant and arduous efforts, these two years witnessed the passing of the Municipal Franchise bill for Scotland.
The Municipal Franchise act of 1869 applied to English women only. Early in the session of 1881, Dr. Cameron, member for Glasgow, introduced a bill to assimilate the position of Scottish women to that which their English sisters had enjoyed for twelve years. The bill passed the House of Commons before Easter, and was then brought forward in the House of Lords by the Earl of Camperdown, passed May 13, and received the royal assent June 3. This law applied only to women rate-payers of the royal and parliamentary burghs, and did not extend to the police burghs, the populous places endowed with powers of local self-government under the general Police and Improvement act of 1862. A request was sent to Mr. Cameron to exert himself for a similar extension of the franchise to the women of the police burghs, and he answered by introducing in the following year, 1882, another act which gave to all women rate-payers the right, not merely of voting at elections of burgh commissioners, but also of voting with the other inhabitants as to whether a populous place should be constituted a police burgh.
The election under these new measures was in November, 1882, and then Scottish women voted for the first time, excepting of course in school-board elections. The result was entirely satisfactory, though the number of women who voted varied greatly —in some places where no special interest attached to the election none came to vote, while in others they voted in equal proportion with the men, and in a few towns nearly every woman whose name was on the register voted. The passing of these two franchise bills was an undoubted triumph of the women's suffrage party. As one of the opponents in the debate of July, 1883, scornfully observed, "Had it not been for the question of women's suffrage being agitated throughout the country at the time, we should not have heard a syllable of the Scottish women's franchise bill," a sneering admission which we willingly construe into compliment.
The year 1882 also witnessed the passing of the Married Women's Property act, whose immense benefits can hardly be estimated, and we may confidently assert that but for the unceasing agitation of the friends of women's suffrage, another quarter of a century would have been suffered to pass without bringing in this tardy measure of justice.[18]
We now come to the session of 1883, inoperative as far as actual legislation was concerned, but rich in its augury for the future. Already in April the improved temper of the House on questions in which women were concerned, had been shown by the brilliant majority that voted with the Rt. Hon. Mr. Stansfeld for the suppression of the Contagious Diseases acts which have so long stained the English statute book. Early in May a memorial to Mr. Gladstone was signed by 110 Liberal members of parliament, unconnected with the government, in which they stated:
That in the opinion of your memorialists no measure for the assimilation of the county and borough franchise will be satisfactory unless it contain provisions for extending the suffrage without distinction of sex to.all persons who possess the statutory qualifications for the parliamentary franchise. This memorial was a most remarkable manifestation of the support which members on the Liberal side of the House are pledged to give to the principle of justice to women. Nor are we wanting in Conservative support. Sir Stafford Northcote, has always given his friendly approval to the movement, and has very recently repeated his assurances of coöperation in answer to a deputation of ladies who waited on him. After repeated balloting, Mr. Mason obtained a day, July 6, on which to bring forward his resolution. It was thus worded:
That in the opinion of this House the parliamentary franchise should be extended to women who possess the qualifications which entitle men to vote, and who, in all matters of local government have the right of voting.
Mr. Edward Leatham, also a Liberal, gave notice to oppose the resolution affirming with a curious liberalism, that "it is undesirable to change the immemorial basis of the franchise, which is that men only shall be qualified to elect members to serve in this House." Thus after a silence of four years, years of apparent inertia, but really fraught with progress, the debate once again revived in parliament. Mr. Jacob Bright said:
They have told us women can get what they want without the franchise. That used to be said of working men—but since they have had a vote, members in every part of the House have had a generosity and sympathy and courage in all matters affecting working men which they never had before. Precisely the same effect would follow if you gave women the franchise. I admit that women have gained much without the franchise, and I will tell the House when that gain began: It began with the introduction of the question of women's suffrage to the House, and the gain has been mainly due to the awakening intelligence of women on political questions owing to the wide-spread agitation and the demand for women's suffrage. They have gained without the franchise, municipal votes, school-board votes, the right to sit on school-boards, the magnificent act of last year—an act which ought to confer lasting fame on the present lord chancellor—the Married Women's Property act. And owing to the untiring energy of the right honorable member for Halifax (Mr. Stansfeld), they have succeeded in inflicting a blow on an act of parliament[19] more unjust to women than anything which has ever been passed, a blow from which that act will never recover. These things have been gained without the franchise. But who will tell me they would not have gained them sooner, with less heart-breaking labor, if they had had the political franchise?
Mr. Courtney also addressed the House in stirring words. The result was most encouraging. Four years had passed since a division had been taken, and the enormous majority against us which in so many divisions had maintained its strength had dwindled to only 16. A total of 164, including tellers and pairs supported the resolution against an opposition of only 180. If the Liberal side of the House had only been canvassed on this occasion it would have been a victory, as 119 Liberals voted for it and paired, and only 75 against it.
With the close of the session the question was transferred to the country, and the events of the autumn made it amply evident -that the majority of Liberals were in favor of extending the par liamentary suffrage to women. A great conference was held in October at Leeds, where delegates from between 500 and 600 Liberal organizations were present. Fully 2,000 delegates were present at the first meeting. After a long discussion upon the coming Reform bill, the Rev. T. Crosskey, of Birmingham, proposed a rider to the resolution which would include women's suffrage, as follows:
Mr. Walter McLaren seconded Dr. Crosskey in an able speech, and Miss Jane Cobden (daughter of the late Richard Cobden) who was sitting on the platform, and who had been appointed delegate from the Liberal association of Midhurst, supported the resolution. She begged them, representing as they did the Liberal principles of all England, to give it their hearty support. This was a continuation of the struggle in which Liberals had taken part during the last fifty years, and she trusted they would be true to their principles.
Mrs. Helen Bright Clark, the daughter of Mr. John Bright, M. P., who had been appointed delegate from one of the few Liberal associations which comprise women among their members, said:
There were enthusiastic cheers when Mrs. Clark had finished speaking. The historical interest, the self-evident justice of the plea brought forward by the daughters of the great reform leaders on behalf of the continuance of the grand cause of freedom for which their fathers had so bravely battled, went to the hearts of the crowded assembly. Delegates who had come determined to vote against the resolution—the "monstrous political fad," as one of our opponents in parliament had called it—said, almost with tears in their eyes, "We can't vote against the daughters of Bright and Cobden," and when the resolution with the rider was put, a forest of hands went up in its support, and in that vast crowd there were only about thirty dissentients. The following evening Miss Jane Cobden and Mrs. Scatcherd addressed an open-air meeting of 30,000 men who could not gain access to Victoria Hall, where John Bright was speaking on the franchise for men, and a unanimous cheer was given in favor of women's suffrage.
This was only the beginning of the autumn campaign among the Liberal associations. The general committee of the Edinburgh United Liberal Association met on November 16, 1883, in the Oddfellows' Hall (No. 2), Forrest road, Edinburgh, to consider the questions of the Local Government Board (Scotland) bill, the equalization of the burgh and county franchise, and the extension of the parliamentary vote to women householders. After the two first subjects had been considered, the following resolution, moved by ex-Bailie Lewis, was adopted:
November 21, a meeting of the general council of the Manchester Liberal Association was held in the Memorial Hall to consider the resolutions passed at the Leeds conference. Mr. J. A. Beith presided. Mr. J. W. Southern moved the following resolution:
An amendment to strike out the portion relating to women having been rejected, the resolution was carried unanimously. November 26, the sixth annual meeting of the National Liberal Association was held at Bristol. Here also one or two ladies were present as delegates. After a resolution affirming the urgency of the question of parliamentary reform had been passed, Mr. Lewis Fry, M. P., moved: A
Resolved, That in the opinion of this meeting any measure for the extension of the suffrage should confer the franchise upon women who, possessing the qualifications which entitle men to vote, have now the right of voting in all matters of local government.
The resolution was seconded by Dr. Caldicott, supported in excellent speeches by Mrs. Walter McLaren and Mrs. Ashworth Hallett, and carried by a majority of five. Many other Liberal associations of less importance, during the autumn, affirmed the principle of women's suffrage. All the political associations in Ulster, both Conservative and Liberal, either formally or informally signified their acceptance of the principle. In the progress of the movement it was very encouraging to see so many brave women[20] of ability crowding our platform, conscientiously devoting their time, talents and money to this sacred cause, ready and able to fill the vacant places that time must make in our ranks.
The year 1884 opened with good hopes. There was the immediate prospect of a reform bill, intended so to widen the representation of the people as to fix it on a satisfactory basis for another generation at least. The time seemed opportune for the attainment of women's suffrage. There had been repeated proof that the majority of the Liberal party in the country admit the justice of their claims; there were renewed promises of support on the part of members of parliament of all shades of political opinion. Many times the claims of women for the franchise have been set aside by the assertion that so important a privilege could not be granted till the time came for the general re-settlement of the question. That time appeared to have come. A considerable extension of the suffrage was to be granted, so as to include another 2,000,000 of unenfranchised men; what better time to recognize the claims of women who already possessed the qualifications of property or residence which alone in England give the vote? <A few persons expected that the government Reform bill would contain a clause relating to women, but this expectation was not generally shared. It was well known that strong differences of opinion existed in the cabinet which would render it well-nigh impossible for the government to introduce the question as one of their own; and though there may have been disappointment, there was no great surprise when the Franchise bill, on its introduction, was found to contain no reference to women.
Meanwhile there had been a change in the leadership of the movement. Mr. Hugh Mason having intimated his intention to resign the conduct of the measure, Mr. William Woodall, member of parliament for Stoke-on-Trent, consented to take charge of it. A conference of friendly members of parliament was held in the House of Commons on February 7, and it was then agreed that should the government Franchise bill not extend to women, an amendment with the object of including them should be moved at some stage of the discussion in the House of Commons. Mr. Woodall agreed to take charge of this amendment.
On February 28, Mr. Gladstone moved in the House of Commons for leave to bring in a bill to amend the representation of the people. The forms of the House did not admit of Mr. Woodall's amendment being placed on the notice-paper until after the second reading of the bill, but during the adjourned debate on the second reading he found an opportunity to announce that he would move his proposed clause while the House was in committee on the bill. He remarked that the fundamental principle of the bill as it was described by the prime minister was to give a vote to every household, but as there was no provision for giving the franchise to such householders if they happened to be women, he intended to propose the insertion of a clause to remedy this omission. The clause was:
For all purposes connected with and having reference to the right of voting in the election of members of parliament, words in the Representation of the People acts importing the masculine gender include women.
A careful analysis of the opinions of members of the House of Commons gave every promise that such an amendment might be successful. The views of 485 out of the entire number were known, while 155 had never expressed an opinion, about one-third of these being new members. Of those whose opinions were known, 249, or a majority, had expressed themselves in favor of women's suffrage, 236 had expressed themselves against it. The preponderance of support had hitherto always been among the Liberal ranks, for though the leaders of the Conservative party had given the principle their hearty approval, their example had not been followed by their partisans. It appeared probable therefore that, if the government held itself neutral on the occasion and permitted fair play, the amendment would be carried mainly by means of their own friends.
During the spring, meetings of considerable importance were held in the country. The first was at Edinburgh on March 22. It was a demonstration of women inferior in no respect to those we have had occasion to chronicle of former years. No more imposing assemblage for a political object had ever been seen in Edinburgh. The largest hall in the city—that of the United Presbyterian Synod—was crowded to the doors, and an overflow meeting was held in the Presbytery Hall. Banners were hung above the platform and a roll inscribed with the names of the principal supporters of the movement was conspicuously displayed.[21] Lady Harberton occupied the chair and was accompanied by the delegates.[22] Letters[23] of sympathy were read by Miss Wigham, the secretary. A series of meetings[24] after this was held in Bath, Newcastle and London.
The audiences heartily concurred with the speakers that the time when a reform bill was before parliament was the fittest and most opportune moment in which to press forward the claim of women to representation.
We may observe once again with pride, how hearty and cheering have always been the sympathy and assistance that men have rendered to women in this movement in England. At no time has there been a possibility of a feeling of bitterness between the sexes or a conviction that their interests were antagonistic, for the plain reason that there have always been men working side by side with women. Our suffrage meetings have been attended and supported by political leaders, members of parliament, town councils or prominent movers among the working-class associations. Except in the great demonstrations, which for special reasons were confined exclusively to women, our movement has formed part of the ordinary political life of the country:
The Suffrage Journal for May contains a very carefully drawn calculation of the number of women in the United Kingdom who will probably receive the franchise if the wider qualifications contained in the present Franchise bill become law. It must be remembered that there are now 3,330,720 more houses than electors in the British Isles. In boroughs where household suffrage already prevails for men, the unrepresented houses should guide us to a tolerably correct estimate of the number of women householders. We may say that practically there are 446,000 houses in the boroughs of England and Wales, whose inhabitant in each case being a woman, is unrepresented. The proportion varies
much in different localities; in the city of Bath one-fourth the householders are women. If we calculate that one house in every six in the boroughs is occupied by a woman, we find that 349,746 is the probable number to be enfranchised there.
For the counties there are no means of arriving at so close a result, but by estimating the proportion of women householders to be the same as that of women land-owners, or one in seven, we reach the fairly approximate calculation of 390,434, in the counties. The same method of calculation applies to Scotland and to Ireland, where, however, the proportion of woman land-owners is one in eight.[25]
In order to show that the desire for the suffrage was not confined to any one rank, class or profession of women, a circular was signed by a large number of ladies and sent to every member of both houses of parliament. It was as follows:
Women have continuously presented this claim before parliament and the country since the Reform bill of 1867. The introduction of a measure declared by the government to be intended to deal with the franchise in an exhaustive manner, renders it especially necessary now to urge it upon the attention of parliament.
We respectfully represent that the claim of duly qualified women for admission within the pale of the constitution is fully as pressing as that of the agricultural laborer, and that the body of electors who would thereby be added to the constituencies, would be at least equal in general and political intelligence to the great body of agricultural and other laborers who are to be enfranchised by the government bill.
Among this body would be found women land-owners, who form one-seventh of the land proprietors of the country; women of means and position living on their own property; schoolmistresses and other teachers; women, engaged in professional, literary and artistic pursuits; women farmers, merchants, manufacturers and shopkeepers; besides large numbers of self-supporting women engaged in industrial occupations. The continued exclusion of so large a proportion of the property, industry and intelligence of the country from all representation in the legislature is injurious to those excluded, and to the community at large.
Several bills having special reference to the interests and status of women have been introduced in parliament during the present session. This affords a powerful reason for the immediate enfranchisement of women, in order that members of parliament may have the same sense of responsibility towards the class affected by them whether dealing with questions relating to women or to men.
For these and other reasons we earnestly beg that you will give your support to the amendment to be introduced by Mr. Woodall in committee on the Representation of the People bill for including women householders in its operation. We are, sir, yours faithfully,[26]In this circular women of all opinions were represented, but a special circular, signed only by ladies of Conservative views, was sent to the conservative associations. These ladies pointed out that justice to women themselves, and the welfare of the whole community are involved in the admission of the women householders who at this moment are possessed of the existing statutory qualifications:
To bring in a new class, under new conditions, whilst continuing to exclude those who fulfill the present conditions, would be very injurious to those excluded and set a wrong example before the community. Every enlargement of the electoral franchise for men which can now take place necessarily includes many whose interests in the country cannot equal those of the women who now claim it. Their position is already recognized by their possession of every local franchise whatsoever. Justice requires that the principle should be fully carried out by extending to women the right to vote for members of parliament, whose legislation so strongly affects their welfare. Prudence also requires that an important class of educated and philanthropic persons should not be left out, or their claims postponed, when a large addition is likely to be made to the less educated portion of the electorate. We most seriously believe that few things could happen more dangerous for the real happiness of the nation than to permit the opportunity to pass without the admission of legally qualified women within the circle of the constitution. A correspondence also was conducted with Mr. Gladstone by the Bristol Ladies' Liberal Association and others whom they invited to join them, of known Liberal views, urging him to receive a delegation and praying that
It may not in the future be said that women alone were unworthy of any measure of confidence which you so rightly extended even to the humblest and most ignorant men.
Mr. Gladstone declined to receive the deputation, partly on the ground of illness, partly lest the admission of their views might interfere with his plans for the bill. So the day of battle drew on, when a rumor began to be circulated that the government intended to oppose Mr. Woodall's clause, on the ground that its admission might endanger the bill. Strenuous efforts were at the same time made to induce him to withdraw the amendment, and the government whips plainly intimated that the question would not be considered an open one, on which members were to be free to vote according to their convictions, but as one which the government had made up their minds to oppose. With the hope of changing this determination a memorial was signed by seventy-seven members of parliament, and presented to Mr. Gladstone, asking him to leave the introduction of the clause an open question. It represented—
That your memorialists have heard a rumor that her majesty's government have declared against allowing the question to be discussed and decided on its merits, on the ground that the adoption of the proposal might endanger the bill.
That your memorialists are of the opinion that the claim of women who are householders and ratepayers is just and reasonable, and that the time when the House is engaged in amending the law relating to the representation of the people is the proper time for the consideration of this claim.
That during the discussion in committee on the Reform bill of 1867, an amendment for extending its provisions to women was introduced by Mr. John Stuart Mill, and that on that occasion the government of the day offered no opposition to the full and free discussion of the question, and placed no restriction on the free exercise of the judgment of members of their party as to the manner in which they should vote. The tellers appointed against Mr. Mill's motion were not even the government tellers.
That your memorialists earnestly pray that the precedent so instituted may be followed on the present occasion, and that the clause proposed by Mr. Woodall may be submitted to the free and unbiased decision of the House on its own merits.
This request was refused. On June 9, such unexpected progress was made by the committee of the House of Commons with the Franchise bill that all the government clauses were carried. There were many amendments on the paper which took precedence of Mr. Woodall’s, but these were hastily gone through or withdrawn, and in the middle of the morning sitting of June 9, he rose and moved the introduction of his clause. Mr. Woodall’s speech was a masterpiece of earnest but temperate reasoning. He was fortunate enough to present an old and well-worn subject in new lights. He said that Mr. Gladstone had affirmed the principle of the measure to be to give every householder a vote, and it would now be his endeavor to pursuade parliament that women were capable citizens, who would meet all the conditions so clearly laid down by the prime minister. Against the charge of inopportunity in bringing the subject forward at this crisis, he reminded the House of Mr. Chamberlain’s words on a recent occasion, that it was always opportune to do right.
On motion of Lord John Manners the debate was adjourned till June 12.
On the intervening day a meeting was summoned of the general committee of the society. Miss Cobbe first, and Mr. Woodall subsequently, presided, and the following resolutions were passed:
Resolved, That this meeting heartily approves of the amendment which Mr. Woodall has moved in committee on the Franchise bill for extending its provisions to duly qualified women, and pledge themselves to support his action by every means in their power.
Resolved, That they have heard with astonishment that her majesty's government refuse to allow this amendment to be discussed on its merits and to be decided by the free exercise of the judgment of members of the House of Commons, but that the government require their supporters to refrain from such free exercise of their judgment on the alleged ground that the adoption of the proposal would endanger the Franchise bill.
Resolved, That in the opinion of this meeting the exercise of such pressure appears to be an infringement of the privileges of a free parliament and an aggression on the rights of the people. They hold that all sections of the community, whether electors or non-electors, have an indefeasible right to have matters affecting their interests submitted to the unbiased judgment, and decided by the unfettered discretion of the members sent to represent them in parliament.
Resolved, That a declaration signed by 110 Liberal members of the House of Commons was presented last session to Mr. Gladstone which set forth that, in the opinion of the memorialists, no measure for the assimilation of the borough and county franchise could be satisfactory unless it contained provisions for extending the suffrage, without distinction of sex, to all persons who possess the statutory qualifications for the parliamentary franchise.
Resolved, That this meeting calls upon those who signed this declaration, and all other members who believe that the claim of duly qualified women to the parliamentary franchise is reasonable and just, to support the clause moved by Mr. Woodall, in committee on the Franchise bill, for extending its provisions to such women.
Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be forwarded to Mr. Gladstone and to every member of parliament.
Resolved, That petitions to both houses of parliament in support of Mr. Woodall's clause be adopted and signed by the chairman on behalf of this meeting.Some members of parliament who attended this meeting explained that though they were as firmly convinced as ever of the justice of the claim, they could not vote for it after Mr. Gladstone's distinct declaration that he would abandon the bill if the amendment were passed. On June 12 Lord John Manners resumed the debate. Hes aid:
The next speech of importance was Mr. Stansfeld's. He maintained that the acceptance of the clause by the government would have strengthened rather than weakened the bill, and that its insertion certainly would not have rendered the bill less palatable to the House of Lords:
After some speeches against the motion Colonel King-Harman said:
There were also excellent speeches from Mr. Cowen (Newcastle), General Alexander, Sir Wilfred Lawson and Mr. Story, and finally from Sir Stafford Northcote the leader of the Conservative opposition. He observed:
An important conference of friends and supporters was held the next morning in the Westminster Palace Hotel at which Mr. Stansfeld presided. To use Miss Tod's words:
Never had a defeated army met in a more victorious mood. There was much indeed to encourage in the degree of importance to which the question had attained. It had risen from a purely speculative into a pressing political question; it had been debated during two days, and it was heartily supported by the Conservative leader.
The speeches at the conference were animated and full of hope for the future.. Mr. Stansfeld congratulated the meeting on having made a new departure; their question had become one of practical politics, and they had now to address themselves in all the constituencies to the political organizations.
A magnificent meeting was held in St. James Hall the following week. The hall was densely crowded in every part, and an overflow meeting was arranged for those unable to gain admission. Some of the speakers[27] proposed as the best measure for agitation, a determined resistance against taxation.[28] Repeated attempts to obtain a day for the debate and division were followed by repeated disappointments. The session commenced in November, 1884. Mr. Woodall at once gave notice of a bill. In presenting it to the House, he concluded after consultation with parliamentary friends, to add a clause defining the action of his bill to be limited to unmarried women and widows.[29] The enacting clause of the bill was as follows:
The addition of this clause excited much discussion. Those in favor of it argued that this limitation would certainly be imposed in committee of the House, which though it was in all probability prepared to give the vote to women possessed of independence, dreaded the extension of faggot votes which would have been the almost inevitable consequence of admitting married women; while the result would be the same whether the limitation clause was introduced by the promoters of the bill or by a parliamentary committee, and it would be more likely to obtain support at the second reading if its intentions were made clear in the beginning. On the other hand it was argued that the principle of giving the vote to women in the same degree that it was given to men, was the basis upon which the whole agitation rested; that marriage was no disqualification to men, and therefore should not prove so to women; and that, though it might be necessary to accept a limitation by parliament, it was not right for the society to lower its standard by proposing a compromise. This divergence in the views of the supporters of the movement was the cause of much discussion in the public press and elsewhere, and unfortunately resulted in the abstention of some of the oldest friends of the cause from working in support of this particular bill, although it was admitted on all sides that if a day could be obtained its chances in a division were very good.
The bill was introduced on November Io, 1884, and its opponents took the unprecedented course of challenging a division at this stage. Leave was however given to bring it in, and the second reading was set down for November 25, and then for December 9; on each occasion it was postponed owing to the adjournment of the House. It was next set down for Wednesday, March 4, but its chance was again destroyed by the appropriation by the government of all Wednesdays for the Seats bill. Mr. Woodall then fixed on June 24, but before that time the ministerial crisis occurred, and when that day arrived the House had been adjourned for the reëlections consequent upon a change of government. He then obtained the first place on Wednesday, July 22, but again ministers appropriated Wednesdays, and all chances for the session being over, Mr. Woodall gave order to discharge the bill.
This delay stands in sharp and painful contrast with the promptness with which parliament passed the Medical Relief bill. A clause had been inserted in the Franchise bill disfranchising any man who had been in receipt of parish medical aid for himself or family. This clause caused great dissatisfaction as it was stated it would disqualify from voting a large number of laborers in the agricultural counties; parliament therefore found time amidst all the press of business and party divisions to pass the Medical Relief bill removing this disfranchisement from men, though we are repeatedly assured that nothing but the want of time prevents their fair consideration of the enfranchisement of women. It is another proof that there is always time for a representative government to attend to the wants of its constituents.
Another effort was made in the House of Lords by Lord Denman who introduced a bill for extending the parliamentary vote to women. The committees[30] were unaware of his intention until they read a notice of the bill in the newspapers. The enacting clause was as follows:
All women, not legally disqualified, who have the same qualifications as the present and future electors for counties and divisions of counties and boroughs, shall be entitled to vote for knights of the shire for counties and divisions of counties and for boroughs, at every election.
A division was taken upon it on June 23, just after the Seats bill had been passed and the peers were about to adjourn in con sequence of the change of government. Many protests were made that the time was ill chosen, and some peers left the House to avoid recording their votes while others voted against it without reference to its merits as a question. The division showed 8 in favor and 36 against. There appears to be a strong impression that if a bill to enfranchise women were passed by the Commons it would be accepted by the Lords, while there is at the same time a feeling that any measure dealing with the representation of the people should originate with the Commons, and not in the upper House.
During the year 1885 we sustained the loss of many of the earliest friends of the movement; chief among these Professor Fawcett, who from the commencement of its history had given it his firm and unflinching support. His conviction that justice and freedom must gain the upper hand often caused him to take a more sanguine view of the prospect than the event has justified. He was the firm friend of women in all their recent efforts,and helped them to obtain employment in the civil service, to enter the medical profession, to open the universities, and in many other ways. Next to be mentioned is the death of Mrs. Stansfeld. She was the daughter of Mr. William H. Ashurst, who was a staunch advocate of freedom and may be remembered as the first English friend of William L. Gar. rison. She had been a member of the suffrage committee in London for more than sixteen years, and gave unfailing sympathy to all the efforts made by her noble husband, James Stansfeld, in behalf of the rights of humanity. This year has also been saddened by the death of Mrs. Ronald Shearer, formerly Helena Downing, an able and true-hearted woman, who had devoted her strength and talents to the furtherance of our cause at a time when its advocates were still the objects of ridicule and attack.
The electorate of three millions of men is now increased to five millions, and by this extension of the suffrage the difficulty of waging an up-hill fight in the interests of the still excluded class has also been increased. The interests of the newly represented classes will imperatively claim precedence in the new parliament. Like the emancipated blacks who received the vote after the American civil war, while the women who had supported the cause of the Union by their enthusiasm and their sacrifices were passed over, the miners and laborers of English counties have received the franchise for which they have never asked, in preference to the women who have worked, petitioned and organized themselves for years to secure it. Women have now to appeal to this new electorate to grant that justice which the old electorate has denied them; they have to begin again the weary round of educating their new masters by appeals and arguments; they will once more see their interests "unavoidably "deferred to the interests of the represented classes; they will once again be bidden to stand aside till it is time for another Reform bill to be considered!
In recounting the history of woman suffrage frequent allusion has been made to the parallel movements which have been carried on through the same course of years; the most important of these have been: (1) The admission of women to fields of public usefulness; (2) removal of legal disabilities and hardships; (3) admission to a better education and greater freedom of employment. Much of the progress that has been made has been the work of the active friends of woman suffrage, and under the fostering care of the suffrage societies.
Under the first division comes the work of women on the school-boards. The education act of 1870 expressly guaranteed their right of being elected, and even in the first year several were elected. One, Miss Becker, in Manchester, has retained her seat ever since. In London the number of lady members has greatly varied. Beginning with two, Miss Jarrett and Miss Davis, in 1879 it rose to nine, but now, 1885, has sunk again to three, Miss Davenport Hill, Mrs. Westlake, and Mrs. Webster. Taken asa whole, their influence has been very usefully exerted for the benefit of the children and the young teachers. Under this head also comes women's work as poor-law guardians. The first was elected in Kensington in 1875. Six years afterwards a small society to promote the election of women was founded by Miss Müller, and the number elected is steadily increasing. There are now in England and Scotland in all forty-six. In Ireland women are still debarred from this useful work. The election occurs every year, and it is one of the local franchises that women as well as men exercise. Last year three ladies were appointed members of the Metropolitan Board which looks after London hospitals and asylums. In 1873 Mr. Stansford, then president of the local government board, appointed Mrs. Hassan Session assistant inspector of work-houses, and after an interval of twelve years Miss Mason was appointed to the same position. Women are also sometimes appointed as church wardens, overseers of the roads, and registrars of births and deaths. These are the only public offices they fill.
Under the second heading, the removal of legal disabilities, is included the Married Woman's Property act, which was finally passed in 1882, twenty-five years after it had been first brought forward in parliament by Sir Erskine Perry. The ancient law of England transferred all property held by a woman, except land, absolutely to her husband. A step was gained in 1870 by which the money she had actually earned became her own. This was followed by frequent amendments, sometimes in Scotland, sometimes in England, and a comprehensive bill met with frequent vicissitudes, now in the House of Lords, now in the Commons. The honor of this long contest is chiefly due to Mrs. Jacob Bright and Mrs. Wolstenholme Elmy, whose unwearied efforts were finally crowned with success by the act of 1882, under which the property of a married woman is absolutely secured to her as if she were single, and the power to contract and of sueing and being sued, also secured to her. The right to the custody of their own children is another point for which women are struggling. In 1884, Mr. Bryce, M. P., brought in a bill to render a mother the legal guardian of her children after the father’s death. This was read a second time by a vote of 207 for, and only 73 against. In 1885, however, though passing the House of Lords, it was postponed till too late in the Commons. Another important alteration in the legal condition of married women was made in 1878. In that year Mr. Herschell introduced the Matrimonial Causes act to remedy a gross injustice in the divorce law, and Lord Pensance inserted a clause which provided that if a woman were brutally ill-treated by her husband, a magistrate might order a separate maintenance for her and assign her the care of her children. It is no secret that the original drafting of this clause was due to Miss Frances Power Cobbe. The long struggle which is not yet terminated against the infamous Contagious Diseases acts belongs to this division of work. The acts were passed in 1866, '69, and for many years were supported by an overpowering majority of the House of Commons. Mr. Stansfeld, who has always been the supporter of every movement advancing the influence of women, has been the leader of this agitation. Mrs. Josephine Butler, Mrs. Stewart of Ougar, and latterly Mrs. Ormiston Chant, have been the most untiring speakers on this question. On April 26, 1883, Mr. Stansfeld carried a resolution by a vote of 184 against 112 for the abolition of the acts, since which time the acts have been suspended, but we must look to the new parliament for their total repeal. The Criminal law Amendment act was the great triumph of 1885. It had been postponed session after session, but the bold denunciation of Mr. Stead, editor of the Pall Mall Gazette, finally roused the national conscience, and now a larger measure of protection is afforded to young girls than has ever been known before.
Of the successive steps by which colleges have been founded for women, and the universities opened to them, it is impossible to give any record. The London University and the Royal University of Ireland, recognize fully the equality of women; nine ladies secured the B. A. diploma from the latter university in 1884, and nine more in 1885. Oxford and Cambridge extend their examinations to women. The Victoria University acknowledges their claim to examination. The London school of medicine gives a first rate education to women (there are 48 this session), and the Royal College of Surgeons, Dublin, admits them to its classes. There are now about 45 ladies who are registered as medical practitioners. One of them, Miss Edith Stone, was appointed by Mr. Fawcett medical superintendent of the female staff at the general post-office, London. The success of the movement for supplying women as physicians for the vast Indian empire has attained remarkable success during the last two years. If you would know the political and moral status of a people, demand what place its women occupy.-[L. Aimé Martin.
There is nothing, I think, which marks more decidedly the character of men or of nations, than the manner in which they treat women.-[Herder.
The reader of the preceding pages will be sorely disappointed if he expects to find in this brief chapter a similar record of progress and reform. If, however, he looks simply for an earnest of the future, for a humble beginning of that wonderful revolution in favor of women which has occurred in the United States, and to a less degree in England, during the past quarter of a century, his expectations will be fully realized. More than this; he will close this long account of woman's emancipation in the new world convinced that in due season a similar blessing is to be enjoyed by the women of the old world.
For the moment, the woman question in Europe is pushed into the background by the all-absorbing struggle still going on in various forms between the republican and monarchical principle, between the vital present and the moribund past; but the most
- ↑ This was called out by the movement in America. A report of a convention held in Worcester, Mass., published in the New York Tribune, fell into the hands of Mrs. Taylor and aroused her to active thought on the question, She comments on a very able series of resolutions passed at this convention, in which such men as Emerson, Parker, Channing, Garrison and Phillips took part.—[Editors.
- ↑ Council of the Association—Mrs. S. Turner, Mrs. S. Bartholomew, Mrs. E. Stephenson, Mrs. M. Whalley, Mrs. E. Rooke, Mrs. E. Wade, Mrs. C. Ash, president pro tem., Mrs. E, Cavill, treasurer, Mrs. M. Brook, financial secretary, Mrs. A. Higginbottom, corresponding secretary.
- ↑ Mrs. Biggs, Anna Knight, Mrs. Hugo Reid and many other English women were roused to white heat on this question, by the exclusion of women as delegates from the World's Anti-slavery Convention held in London in 1840. That was the first pronounced public discussion, lasting one entire day, on the whole question of woman's rights that ever took place in England, and as the arguments were reproduced in the leading journals and discussed at every fireside, a grand educational work was inaugurated at that time. The American delegates spent several months in England—Lucretia Mott speaking at many points. She occupied the Unitarian pulpit in London and elsewhere. As Mrs. Hugo Reid sat in this convention throughout the proceedings and met Lucretia Mott socially on several occasions, we may credit her outspoken opinions, in 1843, in a measure to these influences.—[Editors.
- ↑ The committee as at first formed, consisted of the following persons: The very Rev. the Dean of Canterbury, Dr. Alford, Miss Jessie Boucherett, Professor Cairnes, Rev. W. L. Clay, Miss Davies, the originator of Girton College, Lady Goldsmid, Mr. G. W. Hastings, Mr. James Weywood, Mrs. Knox, Miss Manning, and Mrs, Hensleigh Wedgwood. Mrs. Peter A. Taylor -was treasurer, and Mrs. J. W. Smith, nee Miss Garrett, honorary secretary. A few months later "Mrs. Smith's death left this post vacant, and Mrs. P. A. Taylor then assumed the office of secretary which she retained with the aid of Miss Caroline Ashurst Biggs till 1871. No one else could have wendered such services to our movement while it was in its infancy as Mrs. Taylor gave. Her gentle and dignified presence, her untiring energy, the experience of organization and public life which she already possessed, her influence with an extended circle of friends chosen from among the most liberal thinkers of the nation, secured at once attention and respect for any cause she took up. Many years before she had worked hard for the association of the Friends of Italy, and on the breaking out of the American civil war her sympathies and practical knowledge led her to found a society for assisting the freedmen. In acknowledgment of the invaluable assistance she rendered, her friends in America sent a book containing a complete set of photographs of all the chief anti-slavery workers. When she began her efforts for women's suffrage, the English Abolitionists were among the first correspondents to whom she applied, and they nearly all responded cordially. For years her house, Aubrey House, Kensington, was the centre of the London organization to which she gave her time, strength, and money, well earning the title of "Mother of the Movement," which loving friends have since bestowed.
- ↑ In 1869, 255 petitions, signed by 61,475 persons; in 1870, 663 petitions, signed by 134,56 Persons; in 1871, 622 petitions, signed by 186,976 persons (75 of these petitions were from public meetings and signed only by the chairman, or from town councils and sealed with the official seal); in 1872, 829 petitions with 350,093 signatures; in 1873, 919 petitions, with 329,206 signatures; in 1874, 1,404 petitions, with 430,343 signatures 3 and in 1875, 1,273 petitions were sent in containing 415,622 signatures.
- ↑ This lady, sister of John and Jacob Bright, and wife of the senior member for Edinburgh, Mr. Duncan McLaren, so much esteemed that he was sometimes spoken of as the "Member for Scotland," unites in her own person all the requisites for a leader of the movement. She has the charm and dignified grace so generally found among Quaker ladies, and the pathetic eloquence which belong to her family. She is clear-sighted in planning action, and enthusiastic and warm-hearted in carrying it out, and for the past sixteen years the movement in Scotland has centered around her.
- ↑ Mr. Thomas Hare, Mr. Boyd Kinnear, Mr. Mill, who was no longer in parliament, the Rev. Charles Kingsley (this was the first and only meeting at which he was present), Prof. Fawcett, M. P. and Mrs. Fawcett, Lord Houghton, Mr. John Morley, Sir Charles W. Dilke, Bt. M. P., Mr. P. A. Taylor, M. P., Professor Masson of Edinburgh, and Mr. Stamfeld, M. P.
- ↑ Mrs. Penington, Mr. Hopwood, Q. C. and Professor Amos were honorary secretaries the first year, and succeeding them Miss C. A. Biggs and Miss Agnes Garrett. The principal committees united with the central, including Bristol, Birmingham, Manchester, Edinburgh, Dublin and the North of Ireland.
- ↑ Minutes of a meeting at the House of Commons, June 23, 1875. Present: The Right Honorable E. P. Bouverie, in the chair; and the following members of parliament: Right Hon. H. C. Childers, Marquis of Hamilton, Lord Randolph Churchill, Hon. E. Stanhope, Mr. Bentinck, Mr. Beresford Hope, Mr. Chaplin, Mr. Hayter, Sir Henry Holland, Sir Henry James, Mr. Kay Shuttleworth, Mr. Edward Leatham, Mr. Merewether, Mr. Newdegate, Mr. Raikes, Mr. de Rothschild, Mr. Scousfield, Mr. Whitbread. Resolved, That a committee of peers, members of parliament and other influential men be organized for the purpose of maintaining the integrity of the franchise, in opposition to the claims for the extension of the parliamentary suffrage to women. Resolved, That Mr. E. P. Bouverie be requested to act as chairman, and Lord Claud John Hamilton and Mr. Kay Shuttleworth as honorary secretaries. The following members have since joined those named above: Lord Elcho, Right Hon. E. Knatchbull-Hugessen, Right Hon. J. R. Mowbray, Sir Thomas Bazley, Mr. Butt, Mr. Gibson and Colonel Kingscote.
- ↑ We must mention the names of the ladies who during the previous two or three years had been most active in speaking and organizing societies. So many meetings had been held that there was hardly a town of any importance in England, Ireland or Scotland where the principles of woman suffrage had not been explained and canvassed. One of the foremost for her activity in this department of work was Miss Mary Beedy, an American lady, resident for some years in England. She had thoroughly mastered the legal and political condition of the question in this country, and her untiring energy, her clear common sense, and her ready logic made her advocacy invaluable. The regret was general when she was compelled to return to America. Miss Helena Downing, niece of Mr. McCarthy Downing, member of parliament for Cork, arranged and gave many lectures during 1873 and 1874. Miss, Lillias Ashworth, honorary secretary of the Bristol committee, frequently spoke at meetings about this time. In Scotland Miss Jane Taylour and others still continued their indefatigable labors, in which they were frequently assisted by Miss Isabella Stuart of Balgonie in Fifeshire. In Ireland, in addition to the usual meetings in the north, a series of meetings in the south was undertaken by Miss Tod, Miss Beedy and Miss Downing. Other meetings were addressed by Miss Fawcett, Miss Becker, Miss Caroline Biggs, Miss Eliza Sturge, Miss Rhoda Garrett, Mrs. Fenwick-Miller and many others, During 1873 Mrs. Henry Kingsley, sister-in-law of one novelist and wife of another, also spoke frequently. Space fails me to do justice to the varied powers of the speakers who have carried our movement on during these years of patient perseverance; to the clear logic and convincing power of Mrs. Fawcett's speeches: to the thrillling eloquence of her cousin, Rhoda Garrett, now, alas! no longer with us; to Miss Becker's accurate legal knowledge and masterly presentation of facts and arguments; to Miss Helena Downing's eloquence marked by the humor, pathos and power which were hers by national inheritance. During these years of trial, too, the cause owed much to the strenuous advocacy of the Misses Ashworth, Anne Frances and Lillias Sophia, nieces of Jacob Bright. Miss Ashworth did not herself speak at meetings, but she comforted and helped those who did, while Lillias possesed the family gift of eloquence and charmed her audience by her witty, forcible and telling speeches. So numerous and so well attended have been three meetings during these and subsequent years, that it is imposible to exonerate men and women from the charge of willful blindness if they still misconstrue the plain facts of the question.
- ↑ First in the list came six ladies, members of school-boards: Mrs. Buckton of Leeds, Miss Helena Richardson of Bristol, Mrs. Surr, Mrs. Westlake, Mrs. Fenwick Miller and Miss Helen Taylor, London; then followed the opinions of ladies who were guardians of the poor. Forty ladies known as authoresses or painters came next on the list; among these were Mrs. Allingham, Mrs. Cowden Clarke, Mrs. Eiloart, Mary Howitt, Emily Pfeiffer, Augusta Webster, Women doctors came next: Dr. Garrett Anderson, Dr. Annie Barker, Dr. Elizabeth Blackwell, Dr. Sophia Jex-Blake, Dr. Eliza Dunbar, Dr. Frances Hoggan, Dr. Edith Pechey; and next to the doctors came Miss Eliza Orme, the only woman who was successfully practicing law. The section of education included the names of Mrs. Wm. Gray, and her sister, Miss Shirreff, Mrs. Nichol (Edinburgh), Miss Emily Davies, founder of Girton College, Miss Byers, founder of the Ladies' Collegiate School, Belfast, Mrs. Crawshay and Miss Mary Gurney. Nineteen ladies, the heads of women's colleges and high-schools, next gave their reasons why they desired the suffrage. After these came ladies engaged in philanthropic work, which included the sisters Rosamund and Florence Davenport Hill, Florence Nightingale, Miss Ellice Hopkins, eminent for rescue work; Miss Irby, well-known for her efforts among the starving Bosnian fugitives; Miss Manning, secretary of the National Indian Association; Mrs. Southey, secretary of the Women's Peace Association; Mrs. Lucas, and Mrs. Edward Parker, president and secretary of the British Women's Temperance Society. The opinions were various, both in kind and in length, some being only a confession of faith in a couple of lines, others a page of able reasoning.
- ↑ Miss Tod gives the spirit to each movement in Ulster, which is the intellectual headquarters of Ireland. She is the pioneer in all matters of reform; she is asked to speak in churches; she instigated the efforts which led to girls participating in the benefits of the Irish Intermediate Education act, which was being restricted to boys; she has organized and has won friends and votes not only over her own district of Ulster, but in many other quarters of Ireland; and often when in England some indefinable torpor has crept over a meeting—as will happen at times—a few eloquent and heart-stirring words from her have been sufficient to raise the courage and revive the interest.
- ↑ Mrs. Peter A. Taylor, Mrs. Fawcett, Mrs. Lucas, Miss Biggs, Miss Rhoda Garrett, Miss Jessie Boucherett, Mrs. Arthur Arnold, Miss Frances Power Cobbe, Lady Harberton, Mrs. Pennington, Miss Helen Taylor, step-daughter of John Stuart Mill, Miss Henrietta Müller, member of the London school-board, and others.
- ↑ Mrs. Jacob Bright, Miss Becker, Mrs. Scatcherd, Miss Corbutt, Mr. Steinthal, Mrs. Thomasson, and others.
- ↑ Led by Mrs. Lillias Ashworth Hallett, Mrs. Helen Bright Clark, niece and daughter of John Bright, Mrs. Beddoe, Miss Snyder, Miss Estlin, the Priestman sisters, Miss Blackburn and Miss Colby. Eliza Sturge, Mrs. Ashford, Mrs. Matthews. Mrs. Ann Comen and Mrs. Alfred Osler, niece of Mrs. Peter Taylor, are the chief Birmingham and Nottingham workers.
- ↑ Lady Harberton, Mrs. Scatcherd, Mrs. Ashworth Hallet, Mrs. Josephine Butler, Mrs. Ellis, Miss Eliza Sturge, Mrs. Wellstood (Edinburgh), Mrs. Haslam (Dublin), Miss Becker, Mrs. Pearson, Miss Jessie Craigen, Miss Helena Downing, Miss Lucy Wilson, Mrs. Nichols (Edinburgh), Mrs. O'Brien, and in the overflow meeting Mrs, Lucas and Miss Biggs. At the close of the meeting the enthusiastic and prolonged cheering which rose from the crowd, the cordial hand-shakes of utter strangers with words of encouragement and sympathy brought tears to the eyes of many who had the privilege of being present on that occasion.
- ↑ Mrs. McLaren occupied the chair and was accompanied by Mrs. Nichol, Miss Wigham, Miss Tod, Mrs. Charles McLaren, Miss Craigen, Miss Becker, Miss Beddoe, Mrs. Shearer (formerly Miss Helena Downing), Miss Flora Stevenson, Mrs. Wellstood, Miss Annie Stoddart, Mrs, Burton and a distinguished visitor from New York, Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, who was able on this visit to England to estimate the wide difference in the position of women since the time—more than forty years before —she had been refused a seat as a delegate in the World's Anti-Slavery Convention in London.
- ↑ Marrried Women's Property Commmitte.—The committee, at the time of the final meeting, November 18, 1882, consisted of the following ladies and gentlemen: Mrs. Addey; Mr. Arthur Arnold, M. P.; Mrs. Arthur Arnold; Mr. Jacob Bright, M. P.; Mrs. Josephine E. Butler; Mr. Thomas Chorlton; Mr. L. H. Courtney, M. P.; Sir C. W. Dilke, Bart., M. P.; Rev. Alfred Dewes, D.D., LL.D.; Mrs, Gell; Lady Goldsmid; Rev. Septimus Hansard; Mr. Thomas Hare; Miss Ida Hardcastle; Mrs. Hodgson; Mr. William Malleson; Mrs. Moore; Mr. H. N. Mozley; Dr. Pankhurst; Mrs. Pankhurst; Mrs. Shearer; Mrs. Sutcliffe; Mr. P. A. Taylor, M. P.; Mrs. P. A. Taylor; Mrs. Venturi; Miss Alice Wilson; Miss Lucy Wilson; Treasurer, Mrs. Jacob Bright. Secretary, Mrs. Wolstenholme Elmy. The immediate passage of this bill was in a large measure due to Mrs. Jacob Bright, who was unwearied in her efforts, in rolling up petitions, scattering tracts, holding meetings, and in company with her husband having private interviews with members of parliament. For ten consecutive years she gave her special attention to this bill. I had the pleasure of attending the meeting of congratulation November 18, and heard a very charming address from Mrs. Brighton the success of the measure. Mr, Jacob Bright and other members of the committee spoke with equal effect.—[E. C. S.
- ↑ The Contagious Diseases acts.
- ↑ Miss Henrietta Müller and her sister Mrs. Eva McLaren, Mrs. Ormiston Chant, Mrs. Ashton Dilke, Mrs. Oliver Scatcherd, Mrs. Charles McLaren, Miss Florence Balgarnie, Miss Laura Whittle, Florence and Lillie Stacpoole, Miss Frances Lord, Mrs. Stanton Blatch and Mrs. Helena Downing Shearer.
- ↑ The inscription was: "Women Claim Equal Justice with Men. The Friends of Women: Henry Fawcett, John Stuart Mill, Chas. Cameron, Jacob Bright, Leonard Courtney, Duncan McLaren, George Anderson, James Stansfeld, Sir Wilfred Lawson, J. P. Thomasson."
- ↑ Mrs. Buchanan, Curriehill; Mrs. O. Scatcherd, Leeds; Mrs. Nichol, Mrs. M'Laren, Miss Wigham, Dr. A. M'Laren, Miss Hunter, Mrs. Paterson, Miss L. Stevenson, Miss F. Stevenson, Mrs. M'Queen, Mrs. Hope. Mrs. M. Miller, Miss S. S. Mair, Miss R. Smith, Miss E. Kirkland, Mrs. Raeburn and Miss A. G. Wyld, Edinburgh; Mrs. O. Chant, Mrs. Hodgson, Bonaly; Miss Tod, Belfast; Mrs. Somerville, Dalkeith; Mrs. Forbes, Loanhead; Mrs. D. Greig, Mrs. Erskine Murray, Miss Greig, Mrs. Lindsay, Miss Barton and ¥rs. A. Campbell, Glasgow; Miss Simpson, Miss Caldwell, Portobello; Mrs. M'Kinnel, Dumfries; Mrs. M'Cormick, Manchester; Miss Burton, Liberton; Miss Balgarnie, Scarborough; Miss A. S. Smith, Gorebridge; Miss Drew, Helensburgh; Miss Blair, Girvan; Mrs. Smith, Mrs. F. Smith, Bothwell.
- ↑ Miss Helen Taylor, Mrs. Lucas, Mrs. Fawcett, London; Mrs. Thomasson, Bolton; Miss Orme, Miss Jane Cobden, Miss C. A. Biggs, Mrs. Fenwick-Miller, Mrs. Ashton Dilke, London; Mrs. Hal- lett, Bath; Miss Becker, Manchester: Miss Priestman, Bristol; Mrs. Helen Bright Clark, Street, Somersetshire; Miss Müller, London; Mrs. Eva M'Laren, Bradford; Mrs. Charles M'Laren, London; Mrs, Pochin, Bodnant, Conway; Mrs, Campbell, Tilliechewan Castle; Mrs. Charteris, Edinburgh; Mrs. Edward Caird, Mrs, Young, Mrs. Kinnear, Mrs. A. B. M'Grigor, Glasgow; Mrs, Arthur, Barshaw, Paisley; Mrs, Readdie, Perth; Miss Birrel, Cupar; Mrs. Dunn, Aberdeen; Miss Duncan, Foxhall; Miss Chalmers, Slateford; Miss Smith, Linlithgow; Miss Macrobic, Bridge of Allan; Mrs. Ritchie, Mrs. Greenlees, Glasgow; Mrs. Ord, Nesbit, Kelso; Mrs. Gordon, Nairn; Mrs. Gerrard, Aberdeen; Miss Stoddart, Kelso; Mrs. Robertson, Paisley; Miss Maitland, Corstorphine.
- ↑ Edinburgh.—The first resolution was moved by Miss Tod and seconded by Mrs. Scatcherd: Resolved, That this meeting, whilst thanking the 110 Liberal members who signed the memorial to Mr. Gladstone to the effect that no measure of refom would be satisfactory which did not recognize the claims of women householders, trusts that since the bill unjustly excludes them, these members will be
- ↑ * The result is as follows:
No. of Inhabited
Houses.Estimated No. of
Women Householders.England And Wales. Boroughs, 2,098,476 340,746 Counties, 2,273,043 390,434 4,831,519 740,180 Scotland. Boroughs, 339.328 54,888 Counties, 409,677 58,525 739.003 113,413 Ireland. Boroughs, 129.837 21,339 Counties, 784,571 98,034 914,108 119,373 972,966 - ↑ Signed by Eveline Portsmouth (Countess of Portsmouth), E. P. Verney (Lady Verney), Florence Nightingale, Anne J. Clough (Newham College), Clara E. L. Rayleigh (Lady Rayleigh), Selina Hogg (Lady Hogg), Anna Swanwick, Julia Camperdown (Countess of Camperdown), Mina E. Holland, (Mrs. John Holland), (Lady) Dorothy Nevill, Millicent Garrett Fawcett, Helen P. Bright Clark, Jane E. Cobden, Elizabeth Adelaide Manning, M. Power (Lady Power), Louisa Colthurst(Dowager Lady Colthurst), Frances E. Hoggan, M. D., Florence Davenport Hill (Poor-law Guardian), Louisa Twining (Poor-law Guardian), Maryanne Donkin (Poor-law Guardian), Rosamond Davenport Hill (M. L. S. B.), Mary Howitt, Maria G. Grey, Emily A. E. Shireff, Deborah Bowring (Lady Bowring), Emily Pfeiffer, Barbara L. S. Bodichon, Augusta Webster, Catherine M. Buckton, Frances M. Buss (North London Collegiate School), Sophia Bryant, B. Sc., Malvira Borchardt (Head Mistress of Devonport High School), Louisa Boucherett, Jessie Boucherett, Margaret Byers (Ladies' Collegiate School, Belfast), Ellice Hopkins.
- ↑ Mrs. Lucas presiding, Dr. Garrett Anderson, Miss Becker, Miss Orme, Mrs. Beddoe, Mrs. Scatcherd, Mrs. Eva M'Laren, Mrs. Simcok, Mrs. Stanton Blatch, Mrs. Louisa Stevenson, Miss Balgarnie, Miss Müller, Miss Wilkinson, Mrs. Ashworth Hallett, Miss Tod.
- ↑ Miss Müller's spirited protest against taxation without representation, owing to her official reputation as a member of the London school-board, attracted unusual attention. For some time she kept her doors barred against the coarse minions of the law, but ultimately they entered the house, seized her goods and carried them off to be sold at public auction, but they were bought in by friends next day. Miss Charlotte E. Hall and Miss Babb have protested and resisted taxation for many years. It is probable that Miss Müller's example will be followed by many others next year. This quiet form of protest used to be very generally followed by members of the society of Friends, and must command the sympathy of our co-workers in the United States, who date their national existence from their refusal to submit to taxation without representation.—[E. C, S.
- ↑ The bill was prepared and brought in by Mr. Woodall, Mr. Illingworth, Mr, Coleridge Kennard, Mr. Stansfeld, Mr. Yorke and Baron Henry de Worms.
- ↑ Central Committee of the National Society for Women's Suffrage—Mrs. Ashford (Birmingham), Miss Lydia E. Becker (Manchester), Alfred W. Bennett, esq., M. A., Miss Caroline Ashurst Biggs, Miss Helen Blackburn, Miss Jessie Boucherett, Hon. Emmeline Canning, Miss Frances Power Cobbe, Miss Jane Cobden, Miss Courtenay, Leonard Courteny, esq., M. P., Mrs. Cowen (Nottingham), Miss Mabel Sharman Crawford, Mrs. Ashton Dilke, Hon. Mrs. Maurice Drummond (Hampstead), Mrs. Millicent G. Fawcett, Miss Agnes Garrett, Rev. C. Green (Bromley), Mrs. Ashworth Hallett (Bristol), Viscountess Harberton, Thomas Hare, esq., Mrs. Ann Maria Haslam (Dublin), Frederick Hill, esq., Mrs. John Hollond, Mrs. Frank Morrison, C. H. Hopwood, esq., Q. C., M. P., Mrs. John Hullah, Coleridge Kennard, esq., M. P., Mrs. Margaret Bright Lucas, Mrs. E. M. Lynch, Robert Main, esq., Mrs. Laura Pochin McLaren, Mrs. Eva Miller McLaren (Bradford). Mrs. Priscilla Bright McLaren (Edinburgh), Miss Henrietta Müller, Frederick Pennington, esq., M. P., Mrs. F. Pennington, Miss Reeves, Mrs. Saville, Miss Lillie Stacpole, Rev. S. A. Steinthal (Manchester), J. S. Symon, esq., Miss Helen Taylor, Sir Richard Temple, G. C. S. I.; J. P. Thomasson, esq., M. P., Mrs, Katherine Lucas Thomasson (Bolton), Miss Isabella M. Tod (Belfast), Miss Williams, Willlam
- ↑ This chapter is, in large part, a résumé of Mr. Stanton's valuable work "The Woman Question in Europe," published in 1884 by the Putnams of New York, to which we refer the reader who desires to study more in detail the European movement for women.—[The Editor.
Woodall, esq. M. P. Secretary, Miss Florence Balgarnie. Assistant Secretary, Miss Torrance. Organizing Agent, Miss Moore. Treasurer, Mrs, Laura Pochin McLaren. Office, 29 Parliament street, London, S. W.
faithful to the convictions expressed in that memorial, and will support any amendment to the bill which has for its object the enfranchisement of duly qualified women. The second resolution, a memorial to Mr. Gladstone, was moved by Miss Flora Stevenson, member of the Edinburgh school-board, seconded by Mrs. McLaren and supported by Miss Florence Balgarnie and Mrs. Ormiston Chant. The third resolution, the adoption of petitions, was moved by Miss S. S. Mair, a grand-niece of Mrs. Siddons, and Mrs. Lindsay of Glasgow. Bath, Guild Hall.—Presided over by the mayor. Among other speakers were Mrs. Beddoe, Miss Becker, Mrs. Jeffrey and Mrs. Ashworth Hallet. Newcastle, Town hall.—Followed on April 21, under the presidency of the mayor. The crowd 'was so great that an overflow meeting had to be arranged, The speakers were Mrs. Ashton Dilke, Miss Tod, Mrs, Eva McLaren and Mrs. Scatcherd. The audience was largely composed of miners and working people, and the enthusiasm manifested was striking. A Newcastle paper reports that this was the first occasion on which Mrs. Ashton Dilke had appeared in public since her husband's death, and tears glistened in many eyes as the men who were his constituents welcomed her among them once more. Some miners walked twelve miles to hear her and twelve miles back after the meeting, who had to go down the pit at 3 o'clock next morning. Some could not get in, and pleaded piteously for an overflow meeting. "We have come a long way to hear Mistress Dilke; do bring her." Some women after hearing Miss Tod said: "She's worth hearing twice, is that," and insisted on following her to the overflow meeting. London, St. James Hall.—Three days later there was a great meeting presided over by Sir Richard Temple G. C. S. I., and addressed by Mr. W. Summers, M. P., Mrs. Fawcett, the Rt. Hon. Jas. Stansfeld, M. P., Mrs. Charles McLaren, Mr. Woodall, M. P., Mr. J. Rankin, M. P., Miss Tod, Mr. J. R. Hollond, M. P., Viscountess Harberton and Miss Jane Cobden.