Letters of Cortes to Emperor Charles V - Vol 2/Third letter, May 15, 1522
THIRD LETTER
Sent by Fernando Cortes, Captain and Superior Justice of Yucatan, called the New Spain of the Ocean Sea, to the Very High and Most Potent and Invincible Lord, Don Carlos, August Emperor and King of Spain, Our Lord, concerning the things transpired and very worthy of admiration in the conquest and recovery of the very great and marvellous city of Temixtitan, and of the other provinces subject to it which had revolted. In which city and provinces the said Captain and Spaniards obtained great and signal victories, worthy of perpetual memory. Likewise, relation is made how the South Sea has been discovered; and many other and great provinces, very rich in mines of gold, and pearls, and precious stones, and information is even had that there are spices.
Very High and Most Powerful Prince, Very Catholic and Invincible Emperor, King and Lord. With Alonzo de Mendoza, native of Medellin, whom I sent from this New Spain on the fifth of March of the past year of 1521, I despatched a second account to Your Majesty of everything that had happened here; this I finished writing on the thirtieth of October of the year 1520, but on account of very contrary winds and the loss of three ships, one of which I had prepared to send with the said account to Your Majesty, and the two others to bring help from the island of Hispaniola, there was much delay in the said Mendoza' s departure, as I more fully wrote by him to Your Majesty. In the closing part of that despatch I told Your Majesty how, after the Indians of Temixtitan had expelled us by force, I had marched against the province of Tepeaca, one of its vassals which had rebelled against us, and that, with the Spaniards who remained, and our friendly Indians, I had made war on them, and reduced them to the service of Your Majesty. I also said that the past treachery and the great sufferings and deaths of the Spaniards were so fresh in our hearts, that my determination was to return against the inhabitants of that capital, who had been the cause of all; that I had begun to build thirteen brigantines, with which to do them all the damage I could from the lake, if they persevered in their wicked intention; that while the said brigantines were being made, and we and the friendly Indians were preparing ourselves to return against the enemy, I had sent for reinforcements of people, and horses, and artillery, and arms, to the island of Hispaniola, where I had written regarding it to Your Majesty's officials who reside there, sending them monies for the necessary outlay and expenses. I also assured Your Majesty that, till we were victorious over the enemy, I would neither think of rest, nor would I cease to use all possible solicitude to accomplish it, disregarding whatever danger and hardship might overtake me; and that with this determination I was preparing to leave the said province of Tepeaca.
I likewise made known to Your Majesty how a caravel, belonging to Francisco de Garay, Lieutenant Governor of the island of Jamaica, had arrived in great distress at the port of Vera Cruz, carrying about thirty men, who said that two other ships had sailed for the river of Panuco, where the natives had routed one of Francisco de Garay's captains; and it was feared if these landed there, that they would suffer injury from the natives along the said river. I likewise wrote to Your Majesty that I had immediately determined to send another caravel in search of the said ships, to let them know what had happened.
After writing this, it pleased God that one of these ships should reach the port of Vera Cruz, on board of which there was a captain with about a hundred and twenty men. He learned there how Garay's former party had been routed. The captain who was routed assured them that they could not land at the river of Panuco without sustaining much harm from the Indians. While they still lay in the said port, with the determination to go to that river, a storm with violent wind arose which drove the ship out to sea, breaking the cables, and driving it into a port, called San Juan, twelve leagues higher up the coast, where, after disembarking all the people, and seven or eight horses, and as many mares which they had brought, they beached the ship, which leaked badly. As soon as this was made known to me, I wrote to the captain immediately, telling him that I was much grieved at what had happened to him, and that I had sent orders to my lieutenant at Vera Cruz that he and his people should be given a very good reception and whatever they might need, and also to ascertain their plans; and that, if all or any of them wished to return in the ships which were lying there, he should give them permission and facilitate their departure. The captain and his men determined to remain, and join me, but we know nothing about the other ships thus far, and, as so long a time has already elapsed, we much doubt of their being saved; may God have taken them to a good port!
Being about to leave the province of Tepeaca, I learned that two provinces, called Cecatami and Xalazingo, subject to the lord of Temixtitan, had rebelled, and on the road from the city of Vera Cruz thither, which passes that way, they had killed some Spaniards. To render that road secure, and to administer chastisement to them in case they did not submit peaceably, I sent a captain with twenty horsemen and two hundred foot soldiers, ordering him, on the part of Your Majesty, to require the natives of those provinces to submit peaceably as vassals of Your Majesty, as they had done heretofore, and to use all possible moderation with them; but, if they would not receive him peaceably, to make war on them. I told him when he had done that, and quieted these two provinces, to return with his men to Tascaltecal, where I would wait for him. He left in the beginning of the month of December 1520, and pursued his road to those provinces which were about twenty leagues distant.
Having despatched this business, Very Powerful Lord, I left Segura de la Frontera, in the province of Tepeaca,
Departure
from
Tepeaca
at mid-December of that year, placing a captain with sixty men there because the natives besought me greatly to do so; and I sent all my people on foot to the city of Tascaltecal, where the brigantines were being built, which is nine or ten leagues from Tepeaca, while I with twenty horsemen went that day to sleep in the city of Cholula. The inhabitants desired my coming on account of the sickness of small-pox,[1] which also affected the natives of these countries, and those of the islands. Many of their caciques having died from it, they desired that by my action, and with their approval, others should be appointed in their places. We were very well received by them on our arrival, and, having finished this business to their satisfaction in the manner I have stated, and having explained to them my purpose to make war on the province of Mexico and Temixtitan, I besought them, that, inasmuch as they were vassals of Your Majesty, they should stand firm in their friendship with us, as we would with them till death. I besought them also to aid me with people during the war, and to treat well the Spaniards who would be coming and going through their country, which as friends they were obliged to do. They promised to do this, and having stayed two or three days in their city, I left for Tascaltecal, a distance of six leagues, and, on my arrival there, all the Spaniards and those of the city met me with great rejoicing at my coming. The next day all the chiefs of the city and provinces came to speak to me, and told me how Magiscatcin, who was the principal lord of all of them, had died of that illness, the small-pox, and that they knew I would be much grieved by it as he was my great friend. His son, about twelve or thirteen years old, survived, to whom all the lordship of his father now belonged, and they prayed me to recognise him as his heir. And I in the name of Your Majesty did this, at which all of them remained very satisfied.
When I arrived in this city, I found that the master workmen and carpenters had used great diligence with the joining and planking of the brigantines, and that they had accomplished a very reasonable amount of work. I immediately arranged to send to Vera Cruz for all the iron and nails they had there, together with the sails and tackle and other needful things for them; and, as we had no pitch, I ordered certain Spaniards to make it in a neighbouring forest. All provisions for the brigantines were thus ordered to be ready in time, so that, please God, I might, on arriving in the province of Mexico and Temixtitan, send for them from there, a distance of sixteen leagues from the city of Tascaltecal. During the fifteen days I remained there, I did nothing but urge on the master workmen, and the preparation of arms for our march.
Two days before Christmas, the captain, who had gone to the provinces of Cecatami and Xalazingo, arrived with the people on foot and horseback, and I learned how some of the natives had fought them, but that, at the end, some of their free will, and some by compulsion, had sued for peace. They brought me some lords of those provinces, whom, notwithstanding that they were entirely to blame for their rebellion and the death of the Christians, I pardoned, because they promised me that from henceforth they would be good and loyal vassals of Your Majesty. Thus, that undertaking was finished, in which Your Majesty was well served, not only in the pacification of those natives, but also in insuring the safety of all the Spaniards who will have to come and go through these provinces, to and from the city of Vera Cruz.
The second day after Christmas, I held a review in the city of Tascaltecal, and found forty horsemen and five hundred and fifty foot-soldiers, eighty of
Review of
the Forces
at Tlascala
them cross-bowmen and musketeers, with eight or nine field-pieces, but very little powder. I divided the horsemen into four troops of ten each, and formed nine captaincies of sixty Spanish foot each. All being assembled for this review, I spoke to them as follows: They already knew that they and I had come to serve Your Sacred Majesty by settling in this country; and they likewise knew how all the natives of it had acknowledged themselves as vassals of Your Majesty, and how they had persevered as such, receiving good deeds from us and we from them, until, without any cause, all the inhabitants of Culua including the people of the great city of Temixtitan, and those of all the other provinces subject to it, had revolted against Your Majesty; yet more, they had killed many of our relatives and friends, and had expelled us from their country. That they should remember how many dangers and hardships we had endured, and how it was profitable to the service of God and Your Catholic Majesty to return and recover what was left, inasmuch as we had just causes and good reasons on our side. One cause was because we fought for the spread of our Faith, and against barbarians; another was because we served Your Majesty; another was for the security of our lives; and another because we had many natives, our friends, to help us. All these were strong motives to animate our hearts; for the same reasons I told them to cheer up and be brave. In the name of Your Majesty, I had made certain ordinances for maintaining discipline and regulating the affairs of the war, which I then immediately published. I enjoined them to likewise comply with these, because much service would be rendered by so doing, to God, and Your Majesty. They all promised to do so and to comply with them, declaring they would very gladly die for our Faith and Your Majesty's service, or return to recover the loss, and revenge so great a treachery as had been done by the people of Temixtitan and their allies. I, in the name of Your Majesty, thanked them for it. After this we returned to our camp on the day after the review in good spirits. The next day, which was the feast of St. John the Evangelist, I had all the chiefs of the province of Tascaltecal assembled, and told them that they already knew I was about to leave the next day to enter the country of our enemies; that they must see that the city of Temixtitan could not be captured without the brigantines which were being built, and that hence I prayed that they would furnish everything necessary to the workmen and the other Spaniards I left there, and would treat them well as they had always treated us. I said also that they should be prepared, if God should give us the victory, whenever I should send from the city of Tasaico[2] for the joinings, planks, and other materials for the brigantines, to send them. They promised to do so, and they also wished to send some warriors with me at once, declaring that when the brigantines started they would go with all their people, for they wished to die where I died, and to revenge themselves on the Culuans their mortal enemies.
Next day which was the twenty-eighth of December, the Feast of the Innocents, I left with all my people in good order, and we marched six leagues from Tascaltecal to a town called Tezmoluca,[3] belonging to the province of Guajocingo, whose natives have always kept the same friendship and alliance with us as the natives of Tascaltecal; and there we rested that night.
In my other account, Very Catholic Sire, I said that I had been informed that the natives of Mexico and Temixtitan were preparing many arms, constructing earth-works and fortifications, and gathering forces for resisting our entrance into the country; for they already knew that I intended to return against them. I was aware of this, and knowing how dextrous and crafty they were in matters of war, I many times pondered how we could surprise them; for they knew that we had information of three roads or entrances, by each of which we might advance into their country. I determined to enter by the road of Tezmoluca, because as its pass was the roughest and steepest of all, I felt sure that we would not encounter much resistance there, nor would they be so much on their guard.
The next day after the Feast of the Innocents, having heard Mass, and recommended ourselves to God, we left
The March
to Mexico the town of Tezmoluca, I leading the vanguard, with ten horsemen, and sixty light foot-soldiers, all able men of war. We pursued our road, leading up to the pass with all possible order, and sleeping four leagues from Tezmoluca on the top of the pass which is already within the limits of Culua. Although great cold prevailed, we made ourselves comfortable that night with large quantities of wood we found there, and on the next morning, a Sunday, we set out to follow our road, descending the pass to the plain. I sent four horsemen and three or four foot soldiers to reconnoitre the country, and, on our march descending the pass, I ordered the horsemen to go ahead and after them the archers and musketeers, and thus the rest of the people in their order; because, however unprepared we might take the enemy, we were certain they would come to attack us on the road, having some trap or other device prepared to injure us. As the four horsemen and the four foot soldiers were advancing, they found the road obstructed by trees and branches cut and thrown over it, with many large, thick pines and cypresses, which seemed to have been but just cut down; and, thinking the road further on might not be so much obstructed, they continued ahead, but the further they proceeded the more obstructed by pines and cypresses they found it. The whole pass was well wooded, and had many dense shrubs, so they marched with much difficulty; and, seeing the road in that condition, they became much alarmed, fearing that behind each tree the enemy lurked. On account of the thick woods, the horses could be little used, and the further they proceeded the greater became their alarm.
When they had already gone some distance in this manner, one of the four horsemen said to the others, "Brothers, let us go no farther. If you agree, it would be better to return, and inform the captain of the obstacles we have found, and of the danger in which we are, as we cannot make any use of the horses; but if not, let us go ahead inasmuch as I have offered my life till death, as well as all of you, for accomplishing this march." The others replied that this counsel was very good, bu it did not appear to them wise to return to me until they had seen the enemy or ascertained how far the road went. So they set out again, and, when they saw that it continued a long way, they halted, and sent one of the soldiers to tell me what they had seen.
When I came up with the vanguard and the horsemen, we pushed ahead on that bad road, recommending ourselves to God; and I sent to order those of the rear-guard to hurry up and not be alarmed, as we would soon reach level ground. When I joined the four horsemen, we advanced in spite of many obstacles and difficulties. After marching half a league, it pleased God we should come down to level ground, where I halted to await the people. These I told, when they arrived, that all should give thanks to Our Lord, Who had brought us safely thus far, whence we could first behold all the provinces of Mexico and Temixtitan which are on the lakes and in their neighbourhood. Although we were glad at beholding them, we felt some sorrow, remembering the losses we had sustained, and we all vowed never to quit the country without victory, even if we died there. With this determination, we all advanced as merrily as if it were a pleasure party. The enemy having already observed us, instantly made many and great smoke signals all over the country, so I again exhorted and cautioned the Spaniards that they should behave as they had always done and as was expected of them, and that no one should stray aside but all should march in good order close together. Already the Indians began to yell at us from some hamlets and small towns, calling on the entire land for the people to assemble and attack us at some bridges and difficult places near by there. We made such haste, however, that we were already down in the plain before they could collect; and, marching thus, we met certain squadrons of Indians on the road in front of us, and I ordered fifteen horsemen to break through them, which they did without any loss to ourselves, killing some of them with their lances. We followed on 
From The Conquest of Mexico, by Diaz del Castillo, Translated by Maurice Keatinge
That night we bore in mind that, as this city and its provinces, called Aculuacan, is very great, and contains many people, possibly more than a hundred and fifty thousand men were ready at the time to attack us, so I, with ten of the horsemen, took the watch and guard of the first quarter, and ordered the people to be well on the alert. The next day, which was Monday, the last of December, we followed our road in the usual order, and at a quarter of a league from the town of Coatepeque, while we were all advancing amidst perplexity, discussing with each other as to whether the Tesaicans would be hostile or friendly, rather believing that it would be the former, four principal Indians met us on the road bearing a banner of gold on a pole,[4] which weighed about four marks of gold, giving us to understand by this sign that they came peaceably; God only knows how much we desired peace, and how much we stood in need of it, being as we were so few and so cut off from help in the midst of the forces of our enemies. When I saw the four Indians, one of whom was known to me, I halted our people and met them. After we had greeted one another, they said they came on the part of the chief of that city and province, who is called Guanacacin.[5] They sought me, on his part, to do no injury to his country nor to permit any to be done; because the people of Temixtitan were to blame for the past injuries I had sustained and not they, and they wished to be Your Majesty's vassals and my friends, as they would always preserve our friendship; and they invited us to enter the city, where by their deeds, we should recognise their sincerity. I answered, after welcoming them through the interpreters, that I rejoiced in their peace and friendship, and that, though they excused themselves for the war waged on me in the city of Temixtitan, they also well knew that in certain of their subject towns, five or six leagues from the city of Tesaico, they had killed five horsemen, forty-five of my foot-soldiers, and more than three hundred Indians of Tascaltecal, and had taken much silver, gold, and other things from them; also that, inasmuch as they could not excuse themselves from this fault, the penalty would be the restoration of our property; and that on this condition,-although they well deserved death for having killed so many Christians,I would make peace with them, since they offered it to me, but otherwise I would have to treat them with the utmost severity. They answered that the lord and chief of Temixtitan had taken all those things, but they would search for what they could, and return it to me. They asked me if I would come that day to the city, or would lodge in one of the two towns similar to suburbs, called Coatinchan and Guaxuta,[6] which extend unbrokenly for about a league and a half from it. The latter, as it transpired afterwards, was what they wished. I told them that I would not stop until I reached the city of alliance. Tesaico; and they said we would be welcome and they would go ahead and prepare quarters for the Spaniards and myself. On reaching these two towns, some of their chiefs came out to meet us and bring us food.
About noon, we reached the body of the city where they had prepared our quarters in a very large house,
Cortes
arrives at
Texcoco which had belonged to the father of Guanacacin, lord of the said city. Before we entered our quarters, I assembled our people, and proclaimed by the public crier that no one under penalty of death should leave the quarters without my permission. The building was so large that double the number of Spaniards could have lodged comfortably in it. I did this so that the natives of the city might be reassured and return to their homes, because it seemed to me that we did not see a tenth part of the people usually found in the city, nor any women and children; which was an alarming sign. On the day we entered the city, which was New Year's Eve, I disposed our quarters, and, still somewhat disquieted on account of the few people, and seeing these so uneasy, the thought struck us that they refrained from showing themselves and going about the city on account of fear, which somewhat quieted our apprehensions. Towards evening, certain Spaniards mounted some lofty terraces, from whence they could observe the whole town, and they saw that all the natives were abandoning it, some putting their effects in canoes (which they call acales) on the lake, and others going up into the hills. Although I immediately ordered their departure to be stopped, it was already so late that night overtook us, and, as they used such great haste, it was useless. Thus the chief of the city, whom I longed, as for my salvation, to have in my hands, escaped with many of the other chiefs to the city of Temixtitan, which by the lake is six leagues from there, taking away all their possessions. For this reason, and to save what they wanted, those messengers had come to see me as I have said above, so as to delay me somewhat, that upon entering the city I might do them no harm; and that night they thus abandoned not only us but also their city.
Three days thus elapsed in this city without any encounter with the Indians, for they neither dared to attack us, nor were we disposed to go out far searching for them, as my final intention was, that if ever they should wish to come seeking peace, to receive them, and to always require this of them. At this time the lords of Coatinchan, Guaxuta, and Autengo,[7] which are three of their large towns, and are, as I have said, incorporated and joined to the said city, came, weeping, to ask me to pardon them for having absented themselves from their country, saying that they had never fought with me, at least not of their own free will, and promising hereafter and henceforth to do all that I might command them in the name of Your Majesty.[8] I told them, through the interpreters, that they had already known the good treatment I had always shown them, and that, in leaving their country and the rest, they had done wrong; but, inasmuch as they promised to be our friends, they must inhabit their homes, and bring back their wives and children, and I would treat them according to their deeds. They went back, as it seemed to us, not very well content.
When the lord of Mexico and Temixtitan, and all the other lords of Culua (when this name of Culua is used it must be understood as meaning all the country and provinces of these parts subject to Temixtitan), knew that the lords of these provinces had offered themselves as vassals of Your Majesty, they sent them certain messengers to tell them that they had behaved very badly; and that, if they had done it from fear, they should realise that the Culuans were many, and had sufficient power to kill me and all the Spaniards and all the Indians of Tascaltecal, which indeed they would very soon accomplish; but that, if they had done it to save their lands, they should abandon them and come to Temixtitan, where they would receive larger and greater towns for their residence. The chiefs of Coatinchan and Guaxuta bound these messengers, and brought them to me; and they immediately confessed that they had come from the lords of Temixtitan, but that it had been to ask those chiefs to act as mediators, since they were my friends, in making peace between them and myself. But the men of Guaxuta and Coatinchan denied this saying, and added that the people of Mexico and Temixtitan desired nothing but war. Although I believed they spoke the truth, nevertheless, as I wished to entice the people of the great city into friendship with us, because on them depended peace or war with the other provinces which had revolted, I ordered those messengers to be liberated, and told them to have no fears, for I would send them again to Temixtitan. I prayed them to tell those lords that, although I had reason to do so, I did not want war with them, but rather to be friends as we had been before; and in order to assure them still more and to win them over to the service of Your Majesty, I sent them word that I well knew that the principal persons who had led them into the past war were already dead; that the past was the past, and that they ought not to provoke the destruction of their lands and cities, as I would be much distressed by it. With this I set the messengers free, and they went away, promising to bring me the answer. The lords of Coatinchan and Guaxuta and I remained better friends on account this good action than before, and I pardoned them their past errors and thus they left well satisfied. Having been seven or eight days in the city of Tesaico without hostilities or any encounter, fortifying our
Destruction
of
Iztapalapan quarters, and ordering everything necessary for our defence, and for attacking the enemy, and, seeing they did not attack me, I sallied out from the city with two hundred Spaniards, amongst whom were eighteen horsemen, thirty archers, ten musketeers, and three or four thousand friendly Indians. I followed the shore of the lake till we reached the city called Iztapalapa, which is two leagues by water from the great city of Temixtitan, and six from Tesaico; it contains about ten thousand households, and half, or even two-thirds, of it is built on the lake. Its lord, Montezuma's brother, whom the Indians, after the latter's death, had selected as sovereign, was the leading one in making war on us, and expelling us from the city. For this reason, as well as because I had learned that the people of Iztapalapa were very badly disposed towards us, I determined to march against them. When their people perceived me, about two leagues before arriving there, some warriors immediately appeared on land, and others in canoes on the lake; thus we advanced over those two leagues, skirmishing, both with those on land and with those on water, till we reached the said city. Almost two-thirds of a league outside the town, they had opened a causeway, which was like a dyke between the fresh and salt-water lakes, as Your Majesty may see from the map of the city of Temixtitan I have sent. When the dyke was opened the water of the salt lake began to rush with great impetus into that of the fresh-water lake, although the two lakes are more than half a league apart; while we, not noticing the trap in our eagerness for victory, passed all right and continued our approach, until we entered, mixed up with the enemy, into the city. As they were already warned of our approach, all the houses on land were deserted, and all the people took refuge with their property in the houses on the lake, and those who fled also retreated to them, fighting us very stoutly. But Our Lord was pleased to so strengthen His own that we pursued them until we drove them into the water, sometimes breast high, and at other times swimming; and we captured many of the houses in the water. More than six thousand souls, men, women, and children of the inhabitants, perished, for our Indian allies, seeing the victory which God gave us, had the sole idea to kill right and left.
As night came on, I collected my people, and set fire to some of the houses; and, while they were burning, it seemed that Our Lord inspired me, and recalled to my mind the dyke I had seen on the road, and I figured to myself what a great danger it was. I determined to leave the city, it being already far into the night and quite dark. When I reached the water, which may have been about nine o'clock at night, it was so deep, and flowed with such impetus, that we passed it running full tilt, but some of our friendly Indians were drowned, and all the plunder that had been taken in the city was lost. I assure Your Majesty that, if we had not passed the water that night, or had waited three hours more, none of us would have escaped, because we should have been surrounded by water, without having an outlet anywhere. When day broke, we saw that the water of the one lake had filled that of the other and was running no more, and that all the salt lake was covered with canoes filled with warriors, expecting to take us there. I returned that day to Tesaico, fighting sometimes with those on the lake, though we could do them little harm, as they would immediately retreat in their canoes.
On arriving at Tesaico, I found the people I had left there all safe, and without having had any encounter; and they were very glad at our coming and our victory. The day after we arrived a Spaniard, who had been wounded, died, and he was the first white man the Indians had killed in this campaign. The next day, certain messengers, from the city of Otumba and four other cities near to it, which are four or five leagues from Tesaico, arrived in this city. They came to beg me to pardon them for any fault of theirs in the past war, because all the power of Mexico and Temixtitan gathered in Otumba when we retreated routed, believing they could finish us. The people of Otumba saw plainly that they could not clear themselves from blame, although they excused themselves, saying they had been commanded; but, to incline me the more towards leniency, they told me that the lords of Temixtitan had sent other messengers, asking them to adhere to their party and not to conclude any friendship with us, otherwise they would fall upon them and destroy them. They declared, however, that they would rather be vassals of Your Majesty, and obey my commands. I answered that they knew very well how blameworthy they were for what had happened, and, to secure my pardon and belief in their professions, they would first have to bring me, as prisoners, those messengers of whom they spoke, and all the natives of Mexico and Temixtitan who remained in their country; and that I would not otherwise pardon them; and that they should return to their homes with their people, and then prove by their deeds that they were good vassals of Your Majesty. Although we exchanged many other arguments, they were unable to get anything else out of me, and returned to their country assuring me they would always do what I wished, and from henceforward they have always been, and are, loyal and obedient in Your Majesty's service.
In the other account, Very Fortunate and Most Excellent Prince, I told Your Majesty that, when they routed and expelled me from the city of Temixtitan, I took with me the son and two daughters of Montezuma, the lord of Tesaico, Cacamacin,
Succession
to the
Throne of
Texcoco his two brothers, and many other chiefs whom I held prisoners, and that all of them had been killed by the enemy (although they belonged to their own nation and some of them were their chiefs), except two brothers of Cacamacin, who by a happy chance were able to escape. When I reached the province of Tascaltecal, one of these two brothers, called Ipacsuchil,[9] otherwise called Cucascacin, whom I had already, in the name of Your Majesty and with the approval of Montezuma, appointed lord of the city of Tesaico and the province of Aculuacan, escaped, and returned to the city of Tesaico, where they had elected for chief another of his brothers called Guanacacin,[10] whom I have above mentioned. It is said that he had Cucascacin, his brother, killed in the following manner: On his arrival in Tesaico, the guards seized him and informed Guanacacin their lord, who communicated the news to the lord of Temixtitan. As soon as the latter heard that the said Cucascacin had come back, he could not believe he had escaped from us, but suspected he must have gone there in our interest to furnish us some information; so he immediately sent order to Guanacacin to kill Cucascacin, his brother. Guanacacin obeyed without delay. The younger of the brothers still remained with me, and being quite a lad, our conversation made more impression upon him, and he became a Christian, taking the name of Don Fernando.[11] When I left the province of Tascaltecal for Mexico and Temixtitan, I left him there with certain Spaniards, and I shall relate hereafter to Your Majesty what afterwards happened there.
The day after my return from Iztapalapa to the city of Tesaico, I determined to send Gonzalo de Sandoval,[12] aguacil mayor of Your Majesty, in command of twenty horsemen, two hundred foot soldiers, musketeers, archers, and shield bearers, for two very necessary objects: first, to escort out of this province certain messengers I was sending to the city of Tascaltecal to learn in what state the thirteen brigantines, which were being made there, were, and for some other necessary things, as well for the people of Vera Cruz, as for my own company; and second, to make sure of that region, so that the Spaniards might come and go in safety; for at that time we could neither go out of the province of Aculuacan without passing through the enemy's country, nor could the Spaniards in Vera Cruz and other parts, come to us without much danger from the adversary. I ordered the aguacil mayor, after having conducted the messengers safely, to go to a province called Calco,[13] bordering on this of Aculuacan; for I had proofs that the natives of that province, although belonging to the league of Culua, wished to become vassals of Your Majesty but did not
to dare, on account of a certain garrison the Culuans had placed near them.
The said captain left, taking with him all the Indians of Tascaltecal who had carried our baggage, and others who had come with us and had obtained some
Sandoval's
Expedition
to
Chalco plunder in the war. The latter marched some distance ahead, as the Captain believed that, if the Spaniards brought up the rear, the enemy would not dare to attack them; but the adversaries in the lake towns and along the coast, as soon as they saw them, attacked the rear of the Tascaltecans and captured, plundered, and even killed some of them. When the captain arrived with the horsemen and foot soldiers, he attacked them vigorously with lances, and killed many; those who escaped retreated to the water and the other towns near by. The Indians of Tascaltecal went back to their country with what remained to them, accompanied by the messengers I had sent. All these being placed in safety, Gonzalo de Sandoval continued his road to the province of Calco, which was very near at hand. Early next morning a large number of the enemy came out to attack him, and, both having formed on the field, our men opened the attack; the horsemen routed two squadrons in such wise that the others quickly abandoned the field, and our forces burned and killed amongst them.
This being accomplished, and that road cleared, the people of Calco came out to receive the Spaniards, all rejoicing together greatly. The chiefs said they wished to come and speak with me, so they left and came to sleep at Tesaico, where some of them appeared before me with two of the sons of the lord of Calco. They gave me about three hundred dollars of gold in pieces and told me how their father had died, and that, at the time of his death, he had told them that the greatest grief he took with him was not to see me before he died, for he had been expecting me a long time; and he had commanded them to come and see me as soon as I should come to this province, and to look upon me as their father. As soon as they had known of my coming to the city of Tesaico, they said that they had wished to come immediately to see me, but, out of fear of the Culuans, they had not dared; nor would they now have dared to come had the captain whom I had sent not arrived in their country; they added that, when they returned to it, I must give them many other Spaniards to conduct them in safety. They also told me that I well knew that never, either in war or otherwise, had they been against me, and that I also well knew that, when the Culuans were attacking our quarters in Temixtitan and the Spaniards whom I had left there while I went to meet Narvaez in Cempoal, there were two Spaniards in their country in charge of certain maize which I had sent them to collect; they had escorted these men to the province of Guaxocingo, for they knew that the people there were our friends, so that the Culuans might not kill them as they did all who were outside the quarters in Temixtitan. They told me this and other things, weeping, and I thanked them very much for their good disposition and deeds, promising them that I would always do everything they desired and that they should be well treated. Thus far they have always shown /ery good will, and have proved very obedient to all that is commanded them on the part of Your Majesty.
These sons of the lord of Calco and those who came with them told me one day that, as they wished to return to their country, they besought me to give them people who would conduct them in safety. Gonzalo de Sandoval, with certain horsemen and foot soldiers, escorted them, with orders after he had left them in their country, to go to the province of Tascaltecal and bring back with him certain Spaniards who were there, and Don Fernando, the brother of Cacamacin, whom I have mentioned before. Four or five days later the aguacil mayor returned with the Spaniards, bringing with him the said Don Fernando. A few days afterwards, I learned that, as he was a brother of the lords of this city, the sovereignty belonged to him, although there existed other brothers. For this reason, and because the province was without a ruler, inasmuch as his brother Guanacacin, the lord of it, had deserted it and gone to Temixtitan, and also because Don Fernando was a very good friend of the Christians, I, in Your Majesty's name, caused him to be acknowledged as ruler. The inhabitants of this city, although at that time there were very few left in it, elected him, and thenceforward obeyed him; many others who were absent, or who had fled, began to return to the city and province of Aculuacan, and they obeyed and served the said Don Fernando; and thenceforward the city began to be rebuilt and well populated.
Two days after this was done, the lords of Coatinchan and Guaxuta came, and told me they had positive information that all the power of Culua would come against me and the Spaniards, for the whole country was full of foes; and that they could not decide whether they should bring their wives and children where I was or if they should take them to the mountains; for they were very much afraid. I told them not to be at all afraid, but to stay in their homes without making any change, adding that I desired nothing so much as to meet the Culuans on the battle field. I advised them to be prepared, and to place their watchmen and scouts over all the country, and, as soon as they saw or learned that the adversaries were advancing, to let me know. So they went away well admonished as to what I had commanded them. That night I prepared all our force, and placed many watchmen and scouts everywhere that was needful; and we never slept the whole night nor thought of anything but this. Thus we were expecting them during the whole night, believing what the chiefs of Guaxuta and Coatinchan had told us.
The next day, I learned that some of the enemy were moving about the borders of the lake, hoping to surprise and capture some of the Tascaltecans who were coming and going for the camp service. I also learned that they had confederated with two towns, subject to Tesaico, which are near the water, in order to do us all the mischief they could; and that they had fortified themselves, and prepared barricades, ditches, and other works necessary for their defence. Upon learning this, I took next day twelve horsemen and two hundred foot soldiers and two small field pieces, and went to the place where they were, about a league and a half from the city. On the way, I met certain of the enemy's spies and others who were advancing, so we charged them, capturing and killing some of them, and those who were left escaped to the water; we set fire to a part of those towns and returned to our quarters victorious and much pleased. The next day three chiefs of those towns came to ask pardon for what had passed, beseeching us not to destroy them, and promising me not to receive those of Temixtitan any more in their town. As they were persons of no importance, and vassals of Don Fernando, I pardoned them in Your Majesty's name.
The next day, there came to me certain of those Indians, with broken and bruised heads, telling me that the men of Mexico and Temixtitan had returned to their town, but, not meeting with the reception to which they were accustomed, had ill-treated the inhabitants and taken some of them prisoners, and that, if no defence had been offered, they would have captured everything. They prayed me to be on the alert, in case those of Temixtitan returned, so as to give them help; and with this they departed to their town.
The people whom I had left making the brigantines in the province of Tascaltecal were informed that a ship had arrived at the port of Vera Cruz, in which
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Arrive at
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had come thirty or forty Spaniards (besides the sailors), eight horses, cross-bows, muskets, and powder. As they did not know how we were progressing with the war, and had no sure way to reach us, they were anxious; and some of the Spaniards were waiting there, for they did not dare to come on, although they desired to bring me such good news. When one of my servants, whom I had left there, learned that some of them wished to try to reach me, he proclaimed, by the public crier, serious penalties for anyone who should leave there until I had sent orders to do so. But one of my lads, realising that nothing in the world would give me so much pleasure as to know of the arrival of that ship and the help it had brought, left by night, although the country was not safe, and came to Tesaico, where we were greatly amazed to see him arrive alive. We were very glad of the news, as we were in extreme need of relief.
The same day, Most Catholic Lord, certain good messengers from Calco arrived here in Tesaico, and told me that, on account of their having come to offer themselves as vassals of Your Majesty, Mexico and Temixtitan were about to attack and destroy them, and were therefore assembled, and had prepared all their neighbours; hence they besought me to help and aid them in such great necessity, for, if I did not do so, they would find themselves in the greatest straits. I assure Your Majesty, as I wrote in my former account, that next to our own hardships and privations, the greatest uneasiness I felt was caused by not being able to aid and favour the friendly Indians who were molested and harassed by the Culuans for being vassals of Your Majesty. I and my companions would always go to the extent of our possibilities in this, as it seemed to us that in nothing could we further the service of Your Cæsarean Majesty more than in favouring and aiding Your vassals. In the emergency in which these Calcans appealed to me, I was unable to do for them what I wished, and I told them I could not, as at this season I had wished to send for the brigantines and had prepared, for this purpose, all the people of the province of Tascaltecal, from whence they had to be brought in pieces, and I was obliged to send horsemen and foot soldiers for them. I told them, however, that as they already knew that the natives of Guajocingo, Churultecal, and Guacachula, were all vassals of Your Majesty and our friends, they should go to them and pray them in my name to give them aid and succour, as they lived very near to their country, and to obtain from them a garrison with whom they might be safe till I could aid them. For the present, I said, I was unable to give them any other assistance.
Although they were not as well satisfied as if I had given them some Spaniards, they thanked me, and begged me to give them a letter of mine to ensure greater success; because between the people of Calco and those two provinces owing to their being of different parties, there had always existed some differences. While occupied in making these arrangements, certain messengers unexpectedly arrived from the said provinces of Guajocingo and Guacachula, who, in the Calcans' presence, told how the chiefs of those provinces had not seen or heard of me since I left the province of Tascaltecal, but, nevertheless, had always kept their watchmen on the hills and mountains which border their country and overlook Mexico and Temixtitan, in order that, if they saw many smokes, which are the signals of war, they might come to help me with their vassals and people; and, as they had recently seen more smoke than ever, they had come to know how I was and if I needed anything, so as to send me some warriors. I thanked them very much, and told them that, by Our Lord's blessing, the Spaniards and myself were well and had always been victorious over the enemy, and that, besides greatly rejoicing in their good will and presence, I rejoiced still more to form an alliance of friendship between them and the Calcans who were present; and I prayed them, as they were both vassals of Your Majesty, to become good friends and help one another against the Culuans who were wicked and perverse, especially now when the Calcans were in need of aid as the Culuans intended to attack them. Thus they became very good friends and confederates, and, after remaining there two days with me, both departed very happy and satisfied, and rendered one another mutual service.
Three days later, when we knew that the brigantines had been completed and the people who were to bring them were ready, I sent Gonzalo de Sandoval,
Relics of
the
Murdered
Spaniards alguacil mayor with fifteen horsemen and two the hundred foot soldiers to escort them to me. Murdered I gave orders to destroy and raze a large Spaniards town, subject to this of Tesaico, which borders on the confines of the province of Tascaltecal, because its natives had killed five horsemen and forty-five foot soldiers who were coming from Vera Cruz to Temixtitan when I was besieged there, ignorant at the time that such a great treachery had been practised against us. When we entered Tesaico this time, we found in their places of worship or mosques of the city the skins of five horses with their hoofs and shoes, as well tanned as they could have been in any part of the world. They had offered these to their idols in token of victory, together with much wearing apparel and other things belonging to the Spaniards. We found the blood of our brothers and companions spilled and sacrificed all about these towers and mosques, a thing which filled us with grief, for all our past tribulations were thus revived. The traitors of that and the other neighbouring towns had placed themselves in ambush on each side of a difficult pass in order to make sure of those Christians when they were descending a slope on foot, leading their horses behind so that they were unable to use them, and to execute upon them the greatest cruelty that has ever been done; for they took them in the midst killing some, while others, whom they captured alive, they brought to Tesaico and sacrificed, tearing out their hearts before the idols. That it happened thus, is proved by the fact that, when the alguacil mayor passed there, certain Spaniards who had accompanied him, found in a house of a village which is between Tesaico and the place where they captured and killed the Christians, a white wall on which the following words were written in charcoal: "Here the unhappy Juan Yuste was kept a prisoner.[14] A thing fit without doubt to break the heart of those who saw it. He was a gentleman, one of the five horsemen. When the alguacil mayor arrived at that town, the natives, conscious of their great guilt, fled, and the horsemen and Spanish foot soldiers and the friendly Indians pursued and killed many and captured many women and children who were declared slaves. However, moved by compassion, he did not kill and destroy all whom he might have, and before he left there he even collected those who survived and restored them to their town, so it is now populated again and repentant of the past.
The alguacil mayor proceeded five or six leagues towards that town of Tascaltecal which is nearest to the borders of Culua, and there he met the Spaniards Third Letter 31 and the people who were to bring the brigantines. The day after he arrived they left there with the planks and cross timbers, all of which were carried
Transport
of the
Brigantines in the most perfect order by eight thousand men; a marvellous sight to see, and it seems to me even to hear of, the bringing of thirteen small ships overland a distance of about eighteen leagues. I assure Your Majesty that from the vanguard to the rear was a distance of two leagues. When they set out, they took eight horsemen and a hundred Spaniards with the van, and more than ten thousand warriors on the flanks, having as captains Yutecad and Teutipil,[15] two chiefs amongst the nobles of the city of Tascaltecal. In the rear-guard, came another hundred odd Spaniards and eight horsemen, and another ten thousand warriors well armed, who had for captain, Chichimecatecle, one of the principal lords of that Province; there were also other captains the latter had brought with him. When they started out, Chichimecatecle escorted the van with the planking, and the other two captains brought up the rear with the joinings; but when they entered the country of Culua the masters of the brigantines ordered the joinings to be taken ahead and the plankings to remain behind; as the latter would cause the most hindrance should any disturbance happen, which would most likely occur in the front. Chichimecatecle, who brought the planking, and until now had led his warriors at the head of the vanguard, took this as an affront, and there was some trouble in pacifying him and making him remain in the rear-guard, because he wished to meet any danger that might present itself. When finally he did agree to this, he nevertheless did not want any Spaniards in the rear-guard, because he was a very brave man and wished to have the honours himself. These captains also brought two thousand Indians carrying provisions. In this order and agreement, they marched three days, and, on the fourth, they entered this city with much rejoicing and noise of kettle-drums when I went out to receive them. As I said above, the people were so spread out that from the entrance of the first until the last had arrived we spent six hours without the line of people being once broken.[16] After they had arrived, and I had thanked the chiefs for the good service they had done us, we assigned them their quarters and provided for them the best we could. They told me they wished to meet the Culuans and that I should see when I commanded it that they and their people were desirous of avenging themselves or dying with us; I told them to rest and that very soon I would give them plenty to do.
When those warriors of Tascaltecal, who were certainly for hereabouts very dashing men, had rested in Tesaico three or four days, I prepared twenty-five horsemen, three hundred foot soldiers, five hundred archers and musketeers, and six small field pieces, and, without telling anyone where we were going, I left the city at nine o'clock in the morning. With me were the captains already named, with more than thirty thousand in their divisions, well organised after their fashion. When it was getting late, we met a body of the enemy's warriors four leagues from the city, and our horsemen broke through them and scattered them and, as the warriors of Tascaltecal were very fleet, they followed, and we killed many of our adversaries; and that night we slept in the field, keeping strict watch.
The next morning, we continued our march, and still I had not given out where I intended to go, because I distrusted some of the people of Tesiaco who were with us, for as yet I had no confidence in them, fearing that they might give information to the people of Mexico and Temixtitan of what I intended to do. We arrived at a town called Xaltoca,[17] which is situated in the midst of the lake, and we found around it many trenches full of water and, as these surrounded the town, it was very strong because the horsemen could not enter. Our adversaries yelled a great deal, discharging darts and arrows at us, but the foot soldiers entered, although with some difficulty, and expelled them, and burnt a great part of the town. That night, we slept a league from there, and as day broke we continued our march, meeting the enemy who yelled at us from afar, as they are accustomed to do in war, a thing which is certainly frightful to hear, and, pursuing them, we reached a great and beautiful city, called Guaticlan;[18] finding it deserted, we lodged in it that night.
The next day, we advanced to another city, called Tenainca,[19] where we encountered no resistance, and
Cortes
Advances
to Tacuba
without halting we went on to another, called Acapuzalco,[20] both of which are on the borders of the lake; but neither did we stop there as I wished very much to reach another city near by, called Tacuba, which is very near to Temixtitan. When we were close to it, we found that there also they had made many trenches filled with water, and that the enemy was on the lookout. As soon as we saw them, we and our friends attacked them briskly, and entered the city, killing some and expelling the other inhabitants from it. As it was already late then, we did nothing else that night, but lodged in a house which was so large that we easily had room for everybody.
At daybreak, our friendly Indians began to pillage and set fire to the whole city except our quarters, and they put such diligence into it that a fourth part was burnt. This was done because, when we were routed the other time in Temixtitan and passed through this city, its inhabitants joined those of Temixtitan and fought us cruelly, killing many Spaniards.
Of the six days we remained in the city of Tacuba, none passed on which we had not some encounters and skirmishes with the enemy. The captains of the Tascaltecans, and some of their men, exchanged many challenges with those of Temixtitan, and they would fight most beautifully one with the other; and many arguments passed between them, with mutual threats and insults, which was undoubtedly a sight to see. During all this time, many of the Indians were killed, without any of our people being injured, though we often entered by the causeways and bridges of the city, where they had so many defences that they resisted us stoutly. Frequently they would pretend to give us a chance to enter, saying:
"Come in and enjoy yourselves," and at other times they would say: "Do you think there is now another Montezuma, so that you can do as you please?" Once, while these speeches were passing, I placed myself, they being on the other side, near one of the bridges they had taken away, and signalled to our people to remain quiet; and they also, when they saw that I wished to speak to them, silenced their people. I then asked them, why they were so foolish as to court destruction? and, if there was amongst them any principal chief, to call him because I wished to speak to him. They answered that the whole multitude of warriors I saw there were chiefs so that I might say whatever I wished. As I did not make answer, they began to insult me. Someone of our men, I do not know who, then called to them that they would die of hunger, for we would not allow them to come out to seek for food; they retorted that they needed none, and that when they did they would eat us and the Tascaltecans. One of them took some loaves of maize bread and threw them towards us saying: "Take it and eat it if you are hungry for we are not"; and immediately they began to yell and attack us.
As my coming to this city of Tacuba had been principally in order to speak with those of Temixtitan, and to learn their intention, and as my being there profited nothing, I decided, at the end of six days, to return to Tesaica and hasten the construction of the brigantines, so as to surround the enemy by water and land. The day we left, we slept in the city of Goatitan, which I have mentioned above, nor did the enemy ever cease pursuing us, though the horsemen would turn against them from time to time, and thus some fell into our hands.
The next day, we set out, and, as our adversaries saw we were leaving, they thought it was from fear, and a great number gathered and began to pursue us. When I saw this, I ordered the foot soldiers to go ahead without stopping, and five horsemen to accompany them, as their rear-guard, while I remained with twenty others. Six of these I ordered to place themselves in ambush in one place, six in another, and five in another, while I, with three more, went to another place; and it was arranged that when the enemy had passed, believing that we were all marching ahead, as soon as they should hear me cry, "Señor Santiago!" they should rush out and attack from behind. When the time came, we appeared, and fell upon them with our spears, and the pursuit lasted in most beautiful style for about two leagues over a plain as smooth as the palms of our hands. Thus many perished at our hands and at those of the friendly Indians; and the others dropped behind and pursued us no further, while we marched on and overtook our people. That night we slept in a charming town called Aculman, two leagues from Tesaico, for which we left the next day, entering it at noon, and being very well received by the alguacil mayor whom I had left in command, and by all the people, who rejoiced at our coming; especially so because, since the day we left, they had never heard anything of us or of what had happened to us, and they had been anxious for news of us. The day after we arrived, the chiefs and captains of Tascaltecal, asking my permission, left for their country very well satisfied to receive a share of the spoils.
Two days after my return to Tesaico, certain Indian messengers came from the lords of Calco, and told me that they had been commanded to let me know, on their part, that the people of Mexico and Temixtitan were coming to destroy them, and asked me, as they had on other occasions, to send them some help. I immediately arranged to send Gonzalo de Sandoval, with
Sandoval's
Victories in
the Province
of Chalco twenty horsemen and three hundred foot soldiers, whom I charged to make all haste and on arriving to give all the favour and help possible to those vassals of Your Majesty, our friends When he reached Calco, he found awaiting him a great many people, assembled, not only from that province, but also from Guajocingo and Guacachula; after ordering what was to be done, he left, taking his march towards a town called Guastepeque,[21] where the Culuans were in garrison and from which place they did harm to the Calcans. At a town on the road, many of our foes appeared, but our friends were many and had besides the advantage of the Spaniards and horsemen; and all united and charged upon them and drove them from the field, pursuing them with great slaughter. They rested for the night in that town before Guastepeque and the next day they left. Just as they were about to reach the town of Guastepeque, the Culuans began to attack the Spaniards, who in a short time routed them, forcing them with great loss out of the town. The horsemen then dismounted in order to feed their horses and rest themselves. While thus off their guard, the enemy fell upon the square of the quarters, screaming and yelling most fiercely, discharging many stones and darts and arrows. The Spaniards took to their arms, and they and our friends rushed out against them and expelled them again, pursuing them for more than a league, and killing many. Very tired, they returned that night to Guastepeque where they rested for two days.
About this time the alguacil mayor learned that many hostile warriors had assembled in a town called Acapichtla,[22] so he determined to go thither and see if they would surrender peaceably upon his demand. This town was very strongly situated upon a hill where it could not be attacked by the horsemen. When the Spaniards arrived, the inhabitants, without waiting for anything, began to attack them, throwing stones on them from the heights; and, although many of our friends accompanied the alguacil mayor, they dared not attack the town, seeing its strength, nor engage their adversaries. The alguacil mayor, on seeing this, determined to take the heights of the town by assault or die, and, with the cry of "Señor Santiago!"[23] they began the ascent; and God was pleased to give them such valour that, in spite of the resistance it offered, they took it, but at the cost of many wounded. When the Indians, our friends, followed them, and the enemy recognised their defeat, there was such a slaughter by our people and a throwing of the foe from the heights, that those who were present affirmed that a small river near the town was so dyed with blood that for more than an hour they could not drink, although on account of the heat they were very much in want of water. Having concluded this, and leaving the two towns in peace, though well chastised for their refusal at the beginning, the alguacil mayor returned to Tesaico with all his people, and Your Catholic Majesty may believe that this was a most signal victory, where the Spaniards showed ery remarkable valour.
When the people of Mexico and Temixtitan learned that the Spaniards and Calcans had done them such damage, they determined to send certain captains with a large force against them.[24] As soon as the Calcans learned this, they sent to beseech me to send them some aid with all haste, and I again promptly sent the alguacil mayor, with foot soldiers and horsemen; but when he arrived the Culuans and the Calcans had already met in the field and both had fought very stoutly. God was pleased, however, that the Calcans should triumph, and they killed many of their adversaries, and captured some forty of them, amongst whom was a Mexican captain and two other chiefs whom the Calcans delivered to the alguacil mayor to be brought to me. He sent me some of them and others he kept because, for the greater security of the Calcans he, with all the people, remained in one of their towns on the frontier of Mexico. Later, when there seemed to him no further need for his remaining, he returned to Tesaico and brought with him the other prisoners who had remained in his hands. Meanwhile we had many other encounters and skirmishes with the natives of Culua, which to avoid prolixity I do not specify.
As the road between Vera Cruz and this city of Tesaico was safe for travelling to and fro, the people of that city
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Arrive at
Vera Cruz
had news of us every day and we of them, which before was not possible. They sent me by a messenger some crossbows and muskets and powder which pleased us greatly; and two days after, they sent me another messenger by whom they made known that three ships[25] had arrived at the port bringing many people and horses, whom they would immediately send on to me, — aid which God miraculously sent us in proportion to our need.
I have always sought, Most Powerful Lord, to win the people of Temixtitan to our friendship by every way and means I could; on the one hand because I did not wish them to provoke their own destruction, and on the other in order to rest from the hardships of all the past wars; but principally because I knew it would conduce to Your Majesty's service. Whenever I could lay hold of anyone from the city, I would send him back to it, admonishing and requiring the inhabitants to come to terms of peace. On Holy Wednesday, which was the twenty-seventh of March of the year 1521, I had brought before me those chiefs of Temixtitan who had been taken by the Calcans. I asked if any of them would go to the city and speak on my part to the lords of it, and ask them to stop fighting and give themselves as vassals of Your Majesty as they had before done; for I did not wish to destroy them but to be their friends. Although they took it badly, fearing they would be killed for bringing that message, two of the prisoners determined to go, and asked me for a letter, for, though they did not understand what was in it, they knew that amongst us it was customary, and that by taking it the people of the city would give them credence. I explained also through the interpreters what I wrote in the letter, which was what I had told them. So they left, and I ordered five horsemen to accompany them till they were in safety. On Holy Saturday, the Calcans and some of their allies and friends sent to tell me that the Mexicans were marching against them, and they showed me on a large white cloth a drawing of all the towns which were to march, and the roads by which they were coming; and they besought me at all costs to send them help. I answered them that within four or five days I would send it, but if meanwhile they found themselves in straits they should let me know and I would aid them. On the third day of the Feast of the Resurrection, they came back to beg me to send help as quickly as possible as the enemy was advancing steadily. I told them I would and announced that for the following Friday twenty-five horsemen and three hundred foot-soldiers should be ready. The Thursday before, certain messengers came to Tesaico from the provinces of Tazapan, Mascalcingo, and Nautan,[26] and from other cities in their neighbourhood, telling me that they came to give themselves as vassals of Your Majesty and to be our friends, as they had never killed any Spaniards nor rebelled against Your Majesty's service. They brought me certain pieces of cotton cloth for which I thanked them, and promised them that if they were good, they would receive good treatment; so they went away very well content.
The Friday following, which was the fifth of April of the said year 152 1, I left this city of Tesaico, with the
Cortes
Takes
the Field thirty horsemen and three hundred footmen who had been equipped, leaving in it twenty other horsemen and three hundred footmen under the command of Gonzalo de Sandoval, the alguacil mayor. More than twenty thousand men of Tesaico went with me, and we marched in good order and slept in a town in Calco, called Talmanalco,[27] where we were well received and quartered. Since the Calcans became our friends, they have kept a strong fort and garrison there, for it is on the Culuan frontier. We arrived at Calco the next day at nine o'clock but did not stop, except to tell the chiefs of my intention to make a tour round the lakes, as I believed that after accomplishing this march, which was important, the thirteen brigantines would be found complete and ready to be launched. After speaking to the Calcans, I left at vespers that day, and reached one of their towns where more than forty thousand friendly warriors joined us, and there we slept that night. As the natives of the town told me that the Culuans were expecting me in the field, I ordered that at a quarter before daybreak everybody should be on foot and ready.
After hearing mass, we began our march, I taking the vanguard with twenty horsemen, and leaving ten for the rear-guard; and in this order we crossed some very steep sierras. At two o'clock in the afternoon, we arrived at a very steep hillock on the top of which there were many women and children, while its slopes were covered with warriors who at once began yelling loudly, sending up smoke signals, discharging their slings, and throwing stones and darts, so that in approaching them we sustained much injury. Although we saw they did not dare to wait for us on the field, it appeared to me that, even though our road led us elsewhere, it was cowardly to go on without giving them a lesson, lest also our friends should suspect we did it out of cowardice; and I began, therefore, to reconnoitre about the hillock. It was about a league in circumference and certainly was so strong that it seemed madness to assail it; but although I might have laid siege to it and obliged them to give themselves up from sheer want, I could not spare the time to do this. Being thus perplexed, I determined to assault its slopes at the places I had examined, and gave orders to Cristobal Corral, lieutenant of sixty foot soldiers whom I had always in my company, to attack them with his infantry and ascend its steepest sides with certain musketeers and archers to follow him; and to Rodriguez de Villafuerte and to Francisco Verdugo that the> with their men and certain archers and musketeers should mount on another side; and to the captains Pedro Dircio and Andres de Monjaraz to assault it from another side with some few archers and musketeers; and that upon hearing a musket-shot all should resolve to mount, winning either victory or death.
Immediately on the discharge of the musket, they began the ascent, and won two slopes of the hillock from the adversaries, but were unable to get any higher because, such were the steepness and ruggedness of the rock that they could not sustain themselves neither with feet nor hands. The Indians with their hands hurled many rocks from above, and these in rolling broke into pieces which scattered, doing infinite damage; and the attack of our enemies was so fierce that they killed two Spaniards and wounded more than twenty, stopping our advance. Seeing that it was impossible to do more, and that such great numbers of foes were gathering to help those on the hillock that the country was covered with them, I ordered the captains to retreat; and, having descended, the horsemen charged those on the plain and drove them from the field, killing them with their lances during a pursuit which lasted for an hour and a half.
The people being many, the horsemen scattered from one part to another, and after having again assembled some told me that about a league further on they had seen another hillock with many people on it, but that it was not so strong; that on the plains near it were many people; and that there were to be found there two things which we did not find on this other, one was water and the other less strength in the position, so we might without danger capture the people. Although I much regretted not having obtained the victory, we left and slept that night near the other hillock, where we endured much hardship and privation; neither did we find any water, nor all that day had we or the horses drunk any; thus we passed that night hearing a great noise of kettledrums, trumpets, and yells from our enemies.
As soon as day dawned, certain captains and myself began to examine the hill, which seemed to us almost as strong as the other; but it had two high points on its summit which were easier to mount and which were defended by many warriors. My captains and I with other hidalgos who were there took our shields and went on foot towards it (for the horses had been taken to be watered about a league off), only for the purpose of seeing its strength and where it might be attacked; when the people saw us, although we said nothing to them, they followed us. When we reached the foot of the hillock, the men on the peaks, believing I intended to attack those in the centre, abandoned their positions to come to their help. Seeing this blunder, and that by taking the peaks they would be at a great disadvantage, I very quietly ordered a captain to mount quickly with his people and capture the steepest points which they had abandoned; and he succeeded. I, with the rest of my force, began to mount the hillock where most of the enemy was gathered; and it pleased God that I should capture the slope and that we should reach a height almost equal to that whence they fought, which result had appeared almost impossible without infinite danger. One of the captains had already planted his banner on the highest point, and from there he began to discharge muskets and cross-bows at the enemy, and they, seeing the injury they sustained, and that the battle was lost, made signs of surrender, laying down their arms. As my policy is always to convince these people that I do not wish to injure them, no matter how blameworthy they may be, especially when they are willing to become vassals of Your Majesty; and as they are intelligent and understand this very well, I ordered the fighting to cease, and when they came to speak to me I received them very well. Observing how well they were treated, they made this known to those on the other hillock, who although they were victorious, decided to give themselves as vassals to Your Majesty, and came to me asking pardon for the past.
I remained two days in this town near the hill, from where I sent the wounded to Tesaico. Starting again, I arrived at ten o'clock in the morning at Guastepeque, which I have already mentioned, where we lodged in the chief's house, situated in the most refreshing gardens ever seen. These gardens have a circuit of two leagues, and in their midst flows a very beautiful rivulet, and at intervals of two cross-bow shots are kiosks and very gay flower beds, and an infinite number of different fruit trees, many herbs, and fragrant flowers; certainly it is an admirable thing to see the charm and grandeur of this place. We reposed that day here, where the natives provided us all the pleasure and service they could. The next day we left, and at eight o'clock in the morning we arrived at a great town called Yautepeque, where many hostile warriors were awaiting us. When we first arrived, it seemed that they wanted to make us some sign of peace, either out of fear or to deceive us, but immediately afterward, without any further cause, they fled, abandoning their town. As I did not care to delay there, I pursued them with my thirty horsemen for about two leagues till I got them to another town called Gilutepeque,[28] where we killed many of them. We found the people in this town off their guard, because we got there ahead of their scouts, so some were killed, and many women and children were taken, and the rest fled. I remained there two days, believing the chief would give himself as vassal to Your Majesty, but as he never came I ordered fire to be set to the town when I departed. Before I left it, there came certain persons of the former town, called Yautepeque, praying me to pardon them and offering to give themselves as vassals to Your Majesty. I received them willingly because they had already been well chastised.
On the same day I left, I came at nine o'clock in the morning within sight of a well-fortified town, called Coadnabaced,[29] within which was a large force Capture of of warriors. The town was so strong, and Cuernavaca surrounded by so many hills and ravines some sixty feet in depth, that no horseman could enter it except by two ways, which were then unknown to us; and even to reach them we would have been obliged to make a circuit of about a league and a half. An entrance also could be effected by wooden bridges had they not removed them. The place was so secure and protected, that even had we been ten times as many they could have held it notwithstanding. Upon our approach, they discharged many darts, arrows, and stones at us; but while they were skirmishing with us in this manner, an Indian of Tascaltecal crossed unobserved by a very dangerous pass, and when the enemy suddenly saw him they believed the Spaniards were entering the same way, and thus in a panic they fled with the Indian behind them. Three or four lads, servants of mine, and two from another company, when they saw the Indian cross, followed him, and also reached the other side. I led the horsemen along the sierra to find an
entrance to the town, while the enemy incessantly discharged darts and arrows at us; for between them and us there was only a narrow ravine. While they were occupied in righting with us, they had not seen the five Spaniards, so our men took them suddenly from behind, stabbing and slashing at them, taking them completely by surprise, for they did not know that their own people had abandoned the pass by which the Spaniards and the Indians had crossed; so they became so frightened that they lost courage to fight, and the Spaniards killed them, till, perceiving how they had been tricked, they began to fly. Our foot soldiers were already in the town, and began to set fire to it while the enemy abandoned it; and thus escaping the latter reached the sierra although many of them perished, for the horsemen pursued and killed many.
After we discovered how to enter the town, which was about mid-day, we lodged ourselves in some houses in a garden, though we found the place almost all burnt. It was quite late when the chief and other notables, seeing they could not defend themselves in spite of their strong town, and fearing we might pursue and kill them in the hilly ground, decided to come and offer themselves as vassals of Your Majesty; I received them as such, and they promised that henceforth they would always be our friends. These Indians and the others who came to give themselves as vassals of Your Majesty, after we had burnt and destroyed their houses and property, told us that the reason they were so tardy in seeking our friendship was because they thought that they would make good their fault by first allowing us to injure them, believing that this done we would not afterwards be so angry with them. We slept that night in the town, and the next morning marched through deserted and waterless pine forests, passing through a defile, suffering much from fatigue and want of water, so that some Indians who accompanied us perished from thirst. We stopped that night at some farms, seven leagues from the town. At daybreak we resumed our march and came in sight of a large city, called Suchimilco,[30] which is built on the fresh-water lake. As the Indians were notified of our coming, they had digged many ditches and canals and removed the bridges at all the entrances to the town, which is three or four leagues from Temixtitan. Within, there were many brave-looking people determined to defend themselves to the death. As soon as we arrived there and had collected all our people, disposing them in good order and discipline, I dismounted and advanced with certain foot soldiers towards a ditch which had been made, and on the other side of which were infinite warriors. When the fighting began at the ditch, the archers and musketeers did them much damage, so they abandoned it and the Spaniards threw themselves into the water and passed over to dry land. After half an hour's fighting, we captured the greater part of the city, and the defenders retired in their canoes on the waterways. They fought until nightfall, when some of them sued for peace, but others continued fighting; and so many times did they make overtures without fulfilling them, that finally we discovered they did this from two motives, first that they might carry off their property while we were discussing peace, and secondly to gain time until help should reach them from Mexico and Temixtitan. They killed two Spaniards who had got separated from the others to plunder and found themselves in their extremity beyond reach of assistance.
In the evening, the enemy was debating how to manage that we should not escape alive from their city, and a great number decided to attack us where we had entered; on seeing them advance so rapidly we were surprised to observe their strategy and agility. Six horsemen and myself, who were readier than the others charged
Narrow
Escape of
Cortes
amongst them and frightened by the horses they fled, we following them through the city, killing many, though we found ourselves in a great conflict because they were so daring that many of them ventured to face the horsemen with their swords and shields. While we were pell-mell amongst them and in a great confusion, the horse I rode fell through sheer fatigue, and as some of the adversaries saw me on foot they rushed upon me. While I defended myself against them with my lance, an Indian of Tascaltecal,[31] when he saw me in danger, rushed to help me, and he and a servant of mine who joined him helped me to raise the horse. In the midst of this, the Spaniards came up, and the enemy all deserted the field, and I with the other horsemen returned to the city, for we were very weary. Although it was almost night and time for rest, I commanded that all the raised bridges over the water should be filled up with stones and adobes, so that the horses could go and come from the city without obstacle; nor did I leave there till all those difficult crossings had been repaired. We passed that night using great vigilance and giving close attention to the watches.
The next day, all the natives of Mexico and Temixtitan who already knew we were in Suchimilco planned an attack with great force by water and land, so as to surround us; for they believed we could not again escape from their hands. I mounted one of the towers of their idols to see how they would approach and where they would attack us, that I might give all necessary orders. After I had completed our preparations, there appeared on the water a large fleet of canoes which I believe exceeded two thousand; and in them there came more than twelve thousand warriors, in addition to whom there arrived such a multitude of people by land that they covered the whole country. Their captains came at their head, carrying our captured swords in their hands, and naming their provinces, crying, "Mexico! Mexico! Temixtitan! Temixtitan!" and shouting insults at us, and threatening to kill us with the swords they had taken from us before in the city of Temixtitan. After I had settled where each captain was to be placed, and as on the mainland there was a great multitude of the enemy, I advanced to attack them with twenty horsemen, and five hundred men of Tascaltecal divided into three companies. I ordered them, as soon as they had scattered the enemy, to collect at the foot of a hill about a half a league from there, where many of the foe had also assembled. When we separated, each division pursued the enemy on its respective side, and, after having routed them and killed many with our swords, we retired to the foot of the hill; there I ordered certain foot soldiers, my servants, who had served me and were very agile, to try to mount the steepest part of the hill. I with the horsemen would then circle round behind, where it was more level, and we would take them in the middle. Thus it happened that, when the enemy saw the Spaniards climbing the hill, they turned, believing they could retreat at their ease, but instead they encountered us, who were about fifteen horsemen; and we fell upon them, as did likewise the warriors of Tascaltecal, so that in a very short time more than five hundred of them perished, and all the others escaped and fled towards the mountains. Six other horsemen planned to go up a very broad and level road, using their lances on the enemy. Half a league from Suchimilco they came upon a squadron of very dashing troops coming to help their countrymen, and routed them, killing some with their lances. When all the horsemen had assembled, we returned about ten o'clock to Suchimilco, finding at the entrance many Spaniards awaiting our return to know what had happened to us; and they told me they had been in great straits and had done their utmost to drive out the enemy, of whom a great number had perished. They gave me two of our swords they had retaken from them, and told me that the bowmen were out of arrows and could get no more. While hearing this, before we dismounted, a great body of the enemy appeared on a very broad causeway, yelling wildly, and promptly we fell upon them, driving them into the water which bordered the causeway on each side; thus we routed them, and, collecting our people, we returned very tired to the city, which I burned entirely except for the part where we lodged. Thus we stopped in the city three days, incessantly fighting, and finally we left having burnt and razed it to the ground. Certainly it was a sight worth beholding, as it had many towers of their idols built of stone and mortar; but, in order not to enlarge, I do not specify many other notable things concerning the city.
The day I left, I went out to a square, which is on the mainland adjoining the city, where the natives held their markets, and I gave orders to ten horsemen to go ahead, and to another ten to march in the middle with the foot soldiers, while I took another ten in the rear; and when the people of Suchimilco saw us leaving, believing it was from fear of them, they attacked our rear, setting up fierce yells. Thereupon the ten horsemen and I returned and fell on them, pursuing them till we drove them into the water; after which they did not bother us any more, and we continued our march. At ten o'clock in the morning we arrived in the city of Cuyoacan two leagues from Suchimilco, as well as from the cities of Temixtitan, Culuacan, Uchilubuzco,[32] Iztapalapa, Cuitaguaca, and Mizqueque, all of which are situated on the water, the furthest being about a league and a half distant. We found it deserted, and lodged in the house of the chief, where we remained two days.
Since I was to lay siege to the great city of Temixtitan as soon as the brigantines were finished, I wished first to see the port of the city and the entrances and exits, and where the Spaniards might attack or be attacked. The day after we arrived, therefore, I took five horsemen and two hundred foot soldiers and went, by a causeway leading into the city of Temixtitan, to the lake which was very near, where we saw an infinite number of canoes on the water with countless warriors in them. We reached a barricade they had erected across the causeway, and the foot soldiers began to attack it; although it was very strong and a stout resistance was offered and ten Spaniards were wounded, we finally won it, killing many of the enemy, although the archers and musketeers exhausted their arrows and powder. From this place, we saw how the causeway led directly through the water until it entered the city of Temixtitan, a full league and a half distant, and that likewise on the other, which goes to Iztapalapa, there were crowds of innumerable people. When I had considered all that it was necessary to observe, for it was likely that a garrison of horsemen and foot soldiers would have to be established here in this city, I ordered our people to retire, and we returned to the town, burning their houses and the towers of their idols. We departed next day from this city to go to Tacuba, which is two leagues from here, where we arrived at nine o'clock in the morning, using our lances
Return
March to
Texcoco
in one place and another along the way, for the enemy came from off the lake to attack and jeer at the Indians who carried our baggage; finding themselves worsted, however, they let us proceed in peace. I have already said that my principal purpose was to make a circuit of all the lakes, in order to reconnoitre and inspect the country better, and also to give help to our friends, hence I did not care to stop in Tacuba. The people of Temixtitan, who were so near there that the city extends almost to the mainland of Tacuba, seeing that we went on, recovered much confidence and with great daring attacked the centre of our baggage-train; but as the horsemen were well stationed and the ground was all level thereabouts, we had great advantage over them, without risking any danger ourselves. As we were galloping from one side to the other, two of the several youths, my servants, who usually followed me, did not do so, but chanced to go aside where they were captured by the enemy, who, we believe, put them to a very cruel death, as was their custom. God knows how grieved I was by it, both because they were Christians, and also because they were brave men who had served Your Majesty well in this war. After leaving this city, we continued our march through other neighbouring towns, and rejoined our people, where I learned how the Indians had captured those youths. To avenge their death, and because the enemy followed us with the greatest insolence in the world, I, with twenty horsemen, concealed myself behind some houses, and, as the Indians saw the other ten with the people and baggage going ahead, they followed them fearlessly by another very broad and level road; thus, when we saw that they had passed somewhat, I shouted in the name of the Apostle Santiago and we fell upon them furiously. Before they could reach the canals near there, we killed more than a hundred splendid chiefs; after which they did not care to follow us any further. This day we slept two leagues beyond, in the city of Coatinchan, tired out and wet, as it had rained a great deal that afternoon; and we found it deserted. We set out the next day, using our lances from time to time on some Indians who came to yell at us, and we slept at a town, called Gilotepeque,[33] finding it also deserted. The next day, we went at twelve o'clock to a city, called Aculman,[34] belonging to the lordship of the city of Tesaico, where we slept that night and were well received by the Spaniards, who rejoiced at our coming as if it were their salvation; because after I had left them they had heard nothing of me till the day we arrived. They had suffered various alarms in the city, and the inhabitants had been daily saying to them that the men of Mexico and Temixtitan would fall on them while I was absent. Thus, with God's help, this expedition was concluded, and it was a very great enterprise in which Your Majesty received great service, for many reasons, as I shall hereafter state.
When I came for the first time to the city of Temixtitan, Very Powerful and Invincible Lord, I ordered, as I made
Events in
Chinantla
known to Your Majesty in my other relation, that certain plantations should be established for Your Majesty in two or three of the most desirable provinces. I sent two Spaniards to one of them, called Chinantla,[35] which is not subject to the Culuans; in the others, which were, the Culuans killed those who were at the plantations when they made war on me in Temixtitan, and took everything they had, which was a very considerable sum according to the estimates of this country. During almost a year I could learn nothing about the Spaniards who settled in Chinantla, nor, while all those provinces were in revolt, could they hear any thing from us. The natives of Chinantla, being vassals of Your Majesty and enemies of the Culuans, told those Christians that the Culuans had made fierce war upon us, and, as they believed few or none of us had come out alive, they would not allow the Spaniards to leave the country; and thus these two stayed there. One of them, who was a youth and a soldier, they made their captain, and at this time he went out with them to fight their enemies, over whom he and they were victorious most of the time. When it pleased God they should afterwards return, and reorganise, and obtain some victories over the enemy who had routed and expelled us from Temixtitan, the people of Chinantla told those Christians that they knew there were Spaniards in the province of Tepeaca, and that, if they wished to learn the truth, they would risk sending two Indians who, although they had to pass through much hostile country, could travel at night and off the highway till they reached Tepeaca. The better man of the two Spaniards sent a letter by those two Indians, the tenor of which was as follows: "Noble Sirs, I have written Your Worships two or three letters, but I do not know if they have reached you or not as they have had no answer, so I doubt whether this will obtain one. I make it known to you, Sirs, that all the natives of this country of Culua are up in arms and have attacked us many times; but always (praise be to Our Lord for it) we have been victorious. We have also had daily war with the natives of Tuxtepeque, for they are allies of Culua. Those who have remained in the service of Their Highnesses as their vassals are seven towns of Tenez; and Nicolas and I have always stopped in Chinantla, which is the capital. I would like very much to know where the captain is, in order to write to him and make known what has happened here. If perchance you can write me where he is, and will send twenty or thirty Spaniards, I would go thither with two of the chiefs from here who wish to see and speak with the captain. It would be well for them to come now because it is the harvest time for Cacao, and the Culuans hinder it by making war. May the Lord guard the noble persons of Your Worships, according to your desire. From Chinantla, I know not what date of the month of April, of the year 1521. At the service of Your Worships, Hernando de Barrientos."
When the two Indians arrived with this letter in the province of Tepeaca, the captain, whom I had left there with certain Spaniards, sent it immediately to me at Tesaico; and we all rejoiced greatly at receiving it, because, though we had always confided in the friendship of Chinantla, sometimes the thought occurred to us that they might confederate with Culua and kill the two Spaniards. I immediately wrote, giving them an account of what had happened, and telling them to have hope, for, although they were surrounded on every side by enemies, by God's pleasure, they would very soon find themselves free and able to come and go in safety.
After having made the circuit of the lakes, during which I gathered much important information for laying siege
Canal Built
at Texcoco to Temixtitan by land and water, I stopped in Tesaico, strengthening myself as best I could with people and arms, hastening to get the brigantines finished and making a canal to take them to the lake; which canal was begun immediately after the planks and joinings of the brigantines had been brought, and extended from one side of our camp to the lake. From the place where the brigantines were being joined there was quite a half a league's distance to the lake. More than eight thousand natives of Acolhuacan and Tesaico were employed daily for fifty days; for the channel of the canal was more than twelve feet deep and as many in width, all staked and walled. Thus, the water which flows through it would by its own force carry them to the lake, so that we could take the smaller vessels without danger, and with little labour to the water. It certainly was a very great work, worthy of admiration.
As soon as the brigantines were finished and put in the canal on the twenty-eighth of April[36] of the said year, I made a review of all my people and found eighty-six horsemen, a hundred and eighteen bowmen and musketeers, seven hundred and odd foot soldiers with swords and shields, three heavy iron guns, fifteen small bronze field pieces and ten cwt. of powder. Having finished the review, I charged and recommended all the Spaniards to obey and comply with the ordinances which I had made respecting the conduct of the war, and to be merry, and keep up their courage inasmuch as they saw how Our Lord was leading us to victory over our enemies; for they well knew that when we entered Tesaico we had brought only forty horsemen, but that God had helped us even more than we had thought, for a ship had arrived with horses, men, and arms, as they had seen; and I said principally that the fact that we were righting to promote the spread of our faith and for the reduction to Your Majesty's service of so many revolted provinces, should fill them with courage and zeal to conquer or die. They all answered, demonstrating a willingness and desire for this; and we passed the day of the review in great rejoicing, longing to see ourselves already engaged in the siege and to bring this war to an end, on which the peace or further disturbance of these parts so much depended.
The next day, I sent messengers to the provinces of Tascaltecal, Guajucingo, and Churultecal, to let them know that the brigantines were ready, and that I and all my people were about to surround the great city of Temixtitan. Therefore I begged them, since they were notified by me and had already prepared their people, that as many of them as possible and as well armed as they could be, should set out and join me here in Tesaico, where I would wait ten days for them, and that they should by no means exceed that time, because it would disarrange everything that had been planned. When the messengers arrived, the people of those provinces were already prepared and eager to meet the Culuans: those from Guajucingo and Churultecal came to Calco as I had ordered, for the siege was to be begun near that place. The captains of Tascaltecal arrived in Tesaico with very brilliant and well-armed forces, five or six days before the Feast of the Holy Ghost, which was the time I had designated to them. When I learned that day of their approach, I went out to meet them with great rejoicing, and they came so gladly and so well disciplined that things could not have been better. According to the account the captains made, there were more than fifty thousand warriors, who were well received by us and given quarters.
The second day after the Feast, I ordered all the foot soldiers and horsemen to assemble in the square of the
Division of
the Forces
for the
Siege
city of Tesaico, that I might divide them and assign them to the captains, who were to lead them in three divisions to be stationed in three cities which are around Temixtitan. I made Pedro de Alvarado,[37] captain of one division, assigning him thirty horsemen, eighteen archers and musketeers, and one hundred and fifty foot soldiers with swords and shields, and more than twenty-five thousand warriors of Tascaltecal; these were to make their headquarters in Tacuba. I made Cristobal de Olid, captain of another division, to whom I assigned thirty horsemen, eighteen archers and musketeers, and a hundred and sixty foot-soldiers with swords and shields, and more than twenty thousand warriors of our allies; these were to make their headquarters in Cuyoacan. Of the third division, I made Gonzalo de Sandoval, alguacil mayor, captain, assigning him twenty-four horsemen, four musketeers, fifteen archers, and a hundred and fifty foot soldiers with swords and shields, fifty of whom were chosen among those I had brought in my company, and more than thirty thousand men of the people of Guajucingo, Churultecal, and Calco. This division was to go to the city of Iztapalapa for the purpose of destroying it, and afterwards to advance over a causeway in the lake, protected by the brigantines, in order to join with the garrison at Cuyoacan, so that after I entered the lake with the brigantines, the alguacil mayor might fix his headquarters wherever it seemed to him most convenient. For the thirteen brigantines with which I was to enter the lake, I left three hundred men, almost all of whom were sailors[38] and well drilled, so that in each brigantine were twenty-five Spaniards; and each small vessel had a captain, a pilot, and six archers and musketeers.
According to the foregoing order the captains, who were to command the forces in the cities of Tacuba and Cuyoacan, after receiving instructions as to what they were to do, left Tesaico on the tenth of May, and slept in a fine town, called Aculman, two and a half leagues from there. The same day, I learned that some dispute had arisen between the captains about the quarters, and, to settle this and re-establish peace, I immediately sent a person who reproved and pacified them.[39] On the morning of the next day, they left there, and passed the night in another town, called Gilotepeque, which they found deserted, as it was within the enemy's country. The next day, they continued their march according to their instructions, and slept in a city, called Guatitlan, which I have before mentioned to Your Majesty, and which they also found deserted. The same day they passed through two other cities and towns, where they likewise found no people. At the hour of vespers, they entered Tacuba, which they also found deserted, and made their quarters in the houses of the chief, which are very beautiful and large. Although it was already late the warriors of Tascaltecal made an inspection of the entrance of two causeways leading to the city of Temixtitan and fought bravely for two or three hours with the people of the city until night separated them, when they returned safely to Tacuba.
The next morning, the two captains agreed, as I had commanded them, to cut off the aqueducts which supplied Temixtitan with fresh water. One of them went with twenty horsemen and some archers and musketeers to the source of the water, about a quarter of a league from there, and broke the pipes, which were of wood and mortar and stone, fighting valiantly with those of the city who defended the spring by land and water. At last he routed them and accomplished his purpose, cutting off the fresh water from the city — a very politic stratagem. The same day, the captains repaired certain dangerous passes, bridges, and aqueducts, in the neighbourhood of the lake, so that the horsemen might the more easily gallop from one part to another. This delayed them three or four days, during which they had many skirmishes with those of the city, wherein some Spaniards were wounded, many of the enemy killed, and many bridges and dikes
captured. There was much bandying of words, and many challenges between those of the city and the warriors of Tascaltecal, things very remarkable and worthy of notice.
The captain, Cristobal de Olid, departed with the people who were to be garrisoned in Cuyoacan, two leagues from Tacuba, and the captain, Pedro de Alvarado stayed with his people in garrison at Tacuba, where he had skirmishes daily with the Indians. The same day that Cristobal de Olid left for Cuyoacan, he and his men arrived at ten o'clock in the morning and lodged in the houses of its chief, finding the city deserted. The next morning, with about twenty horsemen, some archers, and some six or seven thousand warriors of Tascaltecal they went to take a look at the causeway leading to Temixtitan; and they found the enemy well prepared, the causeway broken up, and many barricades erected. They engaged the enemy „ and the archers wounded and killed some of their number. This was repeated for six or seven days, on each of which there were many encounters and skirmishes. One night, at midnight, certain watchmen of the city gave their cry near our quarters and the Spanish watchman cried "To arms!" whereupon our men sallied forth, but none of the enemy were to be found, for the cry which had alarmed them had been given very far from headquarters. As our people were distributed in so many places, the garrisons longed, as for their salvation, for my arrival with the brigantines and they continued hopeful those few days until I arrived, as I shall hereafter relate. During those six days, they would meet from both headquarters daily as they were near each other, and the horsemen scoured the country killing many of the enemy with their lances and bringing into the headquarters from the mountains great quantities of maize, of which bread is made, the principal food of these parts, and much superior to that of the Islands. In the preceding chapters, I stated that I remained in Tesaico with three hundred men and the thirteen
Cortes
Takes
Command
of the
Brigantines brigantines. As soon as I knew the divisions were in the places assigned for their camps, I could embark and take a look at the city and do some damage to the canoes. Although I very much wished to go by land, to give directions in the camps, the captains were persons who could be trusted with what they had in hand, while the affair of the brigantines was a matter of great importance, requiring stern discipline and attention, so I determined to embark in them, because we calculated to have the greatest risk and adventure by water. The principal persons of my company, however, required me in due form to go with the garrisons, as they believed that they were to undertake the most dangerous part. The day after the Feast of Corpus Christi, Friday, at dawn, I ordered Gonzalo de Sandoval, alguacil mayor, to go with his people directly to the city of Iztapalapa, about six short leagues from there; shortly after mid-day they arrived there, and began to burn it, and to fight with its people, who, when they saw the great force of the alguacil mayor, for more than thirty-five or forty thousand of our allies had gone with him, retreated to their canoes. The alguacil mayor, with all the people accompanying him, lodged in that town, and remained there that day awaiting my orders and what might happen to me.
Immediately after I had despatched the alguacil mayor, I embarked in the brigantines, and we started with sails and oars; and while the alguacil mayor was fighting and burning the city of Iztapalapa, we came in sight of a very large and strong hill[40] near that city, all surrounded by water, where, from the towns around about the lake as well as from Temixtitan, many people had collected, for they well knew that our first encounter would be with those of Iztapalapa, and they were there for their own defence and also to attack us if possible. When they saw the fleet coming, they began to shout and make great smoke signals so that all the cities of the lake might know and be prepared. Although my intention was to attack that part of Iztapalapa which is on the water, we retraced our course to that hill or knoll and I leaped on it with a hundred and fifty men; it was very steep and high and it was with much difficulty that we began to ascend it. We stormed their trenches on the top, and pitched into them in such wise that not one of them escaped, except the women and children. In this fight they wounded twenty-five Spaniards, but it was a beautiful victory.
As the people of Iztapalapa had made smoke signals from some towers of their idols which stand on a very high hill near the city, Temixtitan and the other cities on the water knew that I had already entered the lake with the brigantines, and they quickly assembled a very great fleet of canoes to attack us, and to discover what sort of things the brigantines were; and from what we could judge the canoes exceeded five hundred in number. When I saw that their course was straight towards us, I, and the people who had disembarked on that great hill, re-embarked in great haste, and I ordered the captains of the brigantines not to move at all, so that the canoes believing that from fear of them we did not dare to move out towards them might decide to attack us. Thus they directed their fleet against us with great impetus; but at about two arrow-shots' distance they stopped and remained still. I strongly desired that the first encounter with them should be a great victory and inspire them with a dread of the brigantines, which held the key of the whole war, for both the Mexicans and we were exposed to the greatest damage on the water. It pleased Our Lord that, while we were observing one another, a very favourable land wind sprang up, enabling us to attack them; so I immediately ordered the captains to break through the fleet of canoes and pursue them till they took refuge in Temixtitan. As the wind was very good, we bore down in the midst of them, though they fled as fast as they could, and destroyed an infinite number of canoes and killed and drowned many of the enemy, the greatest sight to be seen in the world. We followed them in this pursuit fully three long leagues, until we shut them up amidst the houses of the city; and thus it pleased Our Lord to give us the best and greatest victory which we could have asked or desired.
The garrison of Cuyoacan could see better than that of Tacuba the movements of the brigantines, and when they beheld all the thirteen sails on the water, favoured by such good weather, knocking the enemy's canoes to pieces, they afterwards assured me it was the one thing in the world which gave them the most pleasure and that they most wished for. As I have said, they and those at Tacuba strongly wished me to come there, and with good reason, for both garrisons were in the midst of such multitudes of enemies; but Our Lord miraculously inspired them and diminished the enemy's courage so that they were unable to decide to attack our camp, but had they done so, they would have done great harm to the Spaniards, although they were always well prepared and determined to conquer or die, like men cut off from all succour save what they hoped from God. When the garrison of Cuyoacan saw us pursuing the canoes, most of the horsemen and foot soldiers took the road towards the city of Temixtitan, and fought very stoutly with the Indians who were on the causeway. They captured the trenches which had been made, and passed over many abandoned bridges, on foot and on horseback under cover of the brigantines which sailed near the causeway. Our allies of Tascaltecal and the Spaniards pursued the enemy, some of whom they killed and others they forced to seek refuge in the water on the other side of the causeway from where the brigantines approached. Thus victoriously they advanced a long league on the causeway until they reached the place where I stopped with the brigantines, as I shall hereafter relate.
We continued chasing the canoes with the brigantines for nearly three leagues. Those which escaped us took refuge amongst the houses of the city, and, The Fortress as it was already vespers, I ordered the brig-o f Xoloc an tines to retire, and we arrived with them at the causeway. Here I determined to land with thirty men and capture two small towers[41] of their idols, which were surrounded by a low wall of stone and mortar; and, when we landed, they fought us very stoutly to defend them, but finally after much danger and trouble we captured them. I immediately landed and mounted three heavy iron field pieces which I had brought. As about half a league of that causeway between that point and the city was crowded with the enemy, and on both sides of the causeway the water was covered with canoes full of warriors, I ordered one of the field pieces to be aimed and fired, which raked the causeway, and did much execution amongst the enemy. Owing to the carelessness of the gunner, all our powder was set fire to when he fired, although it was little. I presently sent a brigantine to Iztapalapa, some two leagues distant, where the alguacil mayor was, to bring all the powder he had.
Although, at the beginning, it was my intention on embarking in the brigantines to go to Cuyoacan and plan to do as much damage as possible, as soon as I had landed on the causeway that day and had captured those two towers, I determined to establish my headquarters there, and to keep the brigantines near the towers. I also ordered the force at Cuyoacan and some fifty of the alguacil mayor's soldiers to come there next day. Having determined these measures, we passed the night with caution, for we were in much danger, as all the people of the city gathered there on the causeway and on the water. At midnight a great multitude of people arrived in canoes and began to attack our camp by the causeway: certainly they threw us into great fear and alarm, especially as it was at night and they never attack at such an hour nor had they ever been seen to fight at night except when they were very sure of victory. As we were well prepared, we fought with them, using the small field pieces from the brigantines, each of which carried one, and the archers and musketeers did their part. Thus they dared not advance further, nor did they arrive near enough to do us any injury; so they left off attacking us for the remainder of the night.
Next morning at daybreak, there arrived at my camp on the causeway, fifteen archers and musketeers, fifty men armed with swords and shields, and seven or eight horsemen from the garrison at Cuyoacan. When they got there, those of the city were fighting with us from canoes and on the causeway, and the multitude was such that on land and water we could see nothing but people, who shouted and yelled so that it seemed the world was sinking. We fought with them, advancing on the causeway and capturing a bridge which they had removed, and a barricade they had made at its entrance. We did them such damage with the field pieces and the horsemen, that we almost shut them up amidst the first houses of the city. As many canoes were collected on the other side of the causeway where the brigantines could not pass, doing us much harm with the arrows and darts they discharged at us on the causeway, I ordered an opening to be made near our camp, and sent four brigantines through from the other side, which as soon as they passed through, shut up all the canoes amongst the houses of the city, so that they did not dare in any way to come out into the open. On the other side of the causeway, the other eight brigantines fought with the canoes and shut them up amongst the houses, following in amongst them, where, until then, they had not ventured to go, because there were so many shallows and stakes which prevented them. When they found canals where the brigantines could enter with safety, they fought with the people in the canoes and captured some of them, and burned many of the houses in the outskirts. We spent all that day in fighting in the aforesaid manner.
The following day, the alguacil mayor departed from Iztapalapa with his people, Spaniards as well as our allies, for Cuyoacan whence there is a causeway
Cortes
Completely
Invests
Mexico about a league and a half in length to the mainland. After making about a quarter of a league, the alguacil mayor reached a small city [Mexicaltzingo] which is also on the water, in many parts of which it was possible to ride on horseback; the inhabitants began fighting with him, but he routed them, killing many, and burning and destroying the entire city. When I learned that the Indians had made a great breach in the causeway, which the people could not easily cross, I sent two brigantines to help them, and these were used as bridges for the foot soldiers to cross over. When they had crossed, they went to camp at Cuyoacan, and the alguacil mayor with ten horsemen took the causeway road to our camp. Upon his arrival he found us fighting, so he and his men joined in and began to fight with the people on the causeway with whom we were engaged. When the alguacil mayor began to fight, the enemy pierced his foot with a dart, but, although he and some others were wounded that day, we did such harm amongst them with the large field pieces and cross-bows and muskets, that neither those in the canoes, nor those on the causeway, dared come near us, but showed more fear and less pride than they had formerly exhibited. Thus we remained six days, having daily combat with them, and the brigantines set fire to all the houses they could in the outskirts of the city, for they discovered canals by which they could enter the outskirts and environs, and penetrated to the heart of it.
This produced a very desirable effect, as they put a stop to the movements of the canoes, none of which dared to come within a quarter of a league of our camp. The next day, Pedro de Alvarado, captain of the garrison at Tacuba, reported to me that the people of Temixtitan came in and out as they pleased by a highway which leads to some towns on the mainland, and by another small one which joins it, and he believed that should they find themselves hard pressed, they would escape by that way. Although I desired their departure more than they themselves did, as we could more easily overcome them on the mainland than in the big fortress they had on the water, nevertheless in order to completely shut them in so that they could not profit by anything from the mainland, I ordered the alguacil mayor (although he was wounded), to go and plant his camp at a little village at the end of one of the two causeways. He left with twenty-three horsemen, a hundred foot soldiers, eighteen archers and musketeers, leaving me fifty other soldiers for my company; and, when he arrived the next day, he planted his camp where I had commanded him. Thenceforward the city of Temixtitan was surrounded on all sides wherever they could reach the mainland by the causeways.
I had, Very Powerful Lord, two hundred Spanish foot soldiers in the camp on the causeway, amongst whom were twenty-five archers and musketeers, besides the people on the brigantines, who were more than two hundred and fifty. As we had the enemy completely invested and had many friendly warriors, I determined to penetrate into the city as far as possible by the causeway, while the brigantines should cover our rear on the one side and the other. I ordered some horsemen and foot soldiers of the division in Cuyoacan to repair to my camp and enter with us, and ten horsemen to remain at the entrance of the causeway, protecting our rear. It seemed best that some force should remain in Cuyoacan, because the natives of Suchimilco, Culuacan, Iztapalapa, Chilobusco, Mexicalcingo, Cuitaguacad, and Mizquique, which are all on the water, were rebellious and in favour of those of the city, and should they wish to take us on our rear, we would be protected by those ten or twelve horsemen I ordered to guard the causeway, while many more remained in Cuyoacan with more than ten thousand Indian allies. I likewise ordered the alguacil mayor and Pedro de Alvarado to attack, from their positions, that same day, for I wished on my part to gain as much of the city as was possible.
Thus, I left the camp early in the morning, and advanced on foot along the causeway. We speedily found the enemy, defending a breach in the road,
First
Entrance
into the
City
one lance-length in width and as much in depth, where they had built an earthwork; both our attack and their defence were very stubborn. Finally we took it, and advanced further by the causeway, until we reached the entrance of the city, where stood a tower of their idols, at the foot of which was a broad, high bridge, crossing a very wide street of water defended by another strong earthwork. As we reached this place, they began to attack us, but as the brigantines were on both sides of the causeway, we took it without loss, which would have been impossible without their aid. As soon as they began to abandon the earthwork, our men landed from the brigantines, and we crossed the water, as did those of Tascaltecal, Guajocingo, Calco, and Tesaico, who were more than eighty thousand men. While we filled up that broken bridge with stones and adobes, the Spaniards captured another earthwork in the principal street, which is the broadest one in the city, but, there being no water there, it was very easily captured. They followed in pursuit of the enemy the whole length of the street until the latter reached another bridge which had been raised, with the exception of one broad beam by which they crossed. After the enemy had safely crossed to where they were protected by the water, they quickly removed it. They had thrown up on the other side of the bridge another great breastwork of earth and adobes. When we arrived there, we could not pass without throwing ourselves into the water, and this was very dangerous, as the enemy fought very valiantly, and on both sides of the street there was an infinite number of them fighting very stoutly from the roofs; but when some archers and musketeers arrived and we fired with two field pieces up the street, we did them much damage. As soon as we saw this, certain Spaniards threw themselves into the water and crossed to the other side, which it required two hours to accomplish. When the enemy saw them cross, they abandoned the breastwork and the roofs, and took to flight through the street, and thus all our people passed over.
I immediately ordered that bridge filled up and the breastwork destroyed, and meanwhile the Spaniards continued the pursuit along the street and our Indian allies followed for about two bow-shots distance until they reached another bridge which is near the square and the principal buildings of the city. They had not removed this bridge nor did they have an earthwork, for they never thought we would gain what we did that day, nor did even we expect to accomplish half as much. A field piece was placed at the entrance of the square, and did the enemy much damage, for they were so numerous that they completely filled the space. The Spaniards, seeing there was no water there, which was the usual danger, determined to penetrate into the square, and, when those of the city saw this determination carried out, and beheld the great multitude of our allies, (although they were not afraid of them without us) they fled, and the Spaniards and our allies pursued them till they shut them up in the court of their idols, which is surrounded by a wall of stone and mortar. As will have been seen from another description of this, it has as great a circumference as a town of four hundred households; it was however quickly abandoned by them, and the Spaniards and our allies captured it, remaining in it and on the towers for a long while. When the inhabitants of the city discovered there were no horsemen, they turned against the Spaniards and expelled them by force from the towers and the court and enclosure, during which our men found themselves in much hardship and danger; as they came in more than a retreat[42] they turned under the arches of the courtyard. But the enemy attacking them very stoutly, they abandoned this position and retired to the square, whence they were expelled by force and driven into the street, so that the field piece there had to be abandoned. The Spaniards, being unable to withstand the force of the enemy, had to retreat exposed to great danger, in the midst of which it pleased God that three horsemen should advance into the square; when the enemy saw them they believed there were more, and took to flight; and the horsemen killed some of them and recaptured the court and enclosure I mentioned above. In the principal and highest tower, which has a hundred and some steps to the top, ten or twelve of the principal Indians of the city fortified themselves, but four or five Spaniards forced their way up and overpowered and killed all of them in spite of their stout defence.[43] Five or six horsemen afterwards concerted with others and laid an ambush in which they killed more than thirty of the enemy.
As it was now late, I ordered our people to collect and retire, and, while doing so, such a multitude of the enemy pressed on them, that, had it not been for the horsemen, the Spaniards could not possibly have escaped without injury. But, as I had had all the difficult passes in the street and causeway, where danger was anticipated, well filled in with adobes by the time of retiring, the horsemen could easily move about, so they turned against the enemy, who were harassing our rearguard four or five times in the length of the street, killing some of them with their lances. Although the enemy saw they sustained damage, the dogs rushed on so furiously that we could not check them nor would they stop following us. The whole day would have been spent in this manner, had they not already taken many terraces giving on to the street, and the horsemen were from this cause in much danger. Thus we hastened forward along the causeway to our camp without losing a single Spaniard, although we had some wounded; and we set fire to most of the best houses in that street, so that when we entered again they could not injure us from the roofs. The alguacil mayor and Pedro de Alvarado fought very stoutly this day from their positions, and at the time of the combats we were a league and a half from one another; the population of the city is so extended that perhaps I even diminish the distance between us. Our allies who were with them were infinite and fought very well, retiring that day without sustaining any loss.[44]
In the meantime, Don Fernando, Lord of Tesaico and the province of Aculuacan, of whom I have heretofore made relation to Your Majesty, succeeded in
Don
Fernando
of Texcoco
winning over all the natives of his city and province to our friendship, who till now were not so steadfast in it as they afterwards became. Many chiefs and the brothers of Don Fernando daily joined him, determined to declare for us and to fight against those of Mexico and Temixtitan. As Don Fernando was still a youth and professed great love for the Spaniards, recognising the favour, which, in the name of Your Majesty, had been extended to him in the gift of so great a lordship, though there were others whose rights to it preceded his, he worked his utmost to induce his vassals to come and fight against those of the city, and expose themselves to the same danger and hardship as we ourselves. He spoke with his brothers, six or seven in number, all well disposed, beseeching them to bring all the people of their lordships to help me. »He sent one of them, called Istrisuchil, who is twenty-three or twenty-four years of age, very brave, beloved and feared of all, as captain, who arrived at the camp on the causeway with more than thirty thousand warriors, very well supplied in their fashion, and another twenty thousand joined the other two camps.[45] I received them gladly, thanking them for their good disposition and conduct. Your Cæsarian Majesty may well judge how valuable was this help and friendship from Don Fernando, and how those of Temixtitan felt it, to see those whom they considered their vassals, friends, relatives, and even fathers, brothers, and sons, marching against them.
Fighting went on in the city for two days, as I have said above. As soon as these people came to our help, the natives of Suchimilco, which is on the lake, and some Utumie[46]tribes who are a mountain people, more numerous than those of Suchimilco, and who were slaves of Montezuma, came to offer themselves as vassals of Your Majesty, begging me to pardon their tardiness. I received them very well, and was pleased at their coming, for they constituted the only danger to our camp in Cuyoacan.
From the camp on the causeway we had, with the help of the brigantines, burned many houses in the outskirts of the city, and not a canoe dared venture there. I deemed it sufficient for our safety to keep seven brigantines about our camp, and I therefore decided to send three to each of the other camps of the alguacil mayor and Pedro de Alvarado, instructing the captains that, as supplies of fresh water, fruits, maize, and other provisions came from the mainland on those sides, they should cruise about both day and night, taking turns, and moreover that they should back up our people when we planned an assault to force an entrance into the city. The allotment of these six brigantines to the two other camps was a very necessary and profitable measure, for every day and night they captured many canoes and prisoners.
These measures being decided, and the people above mentioned having come peaceably to our help, I told them I had determined to enter and fight in the city two days hence, that therefore they should all assemble, by that time, well prepared and furnished for war; for by this I would recognise whether they were our true friends; and they promised to be ready. The next day, I had the people prepared and equipped, and I wrote to the camps and two brigantines what I had determined and what they should do.
After having heard mass next morning, and having instructed the captains as to what they should do, I left our quarters with fifteen or twenty horsemen and three hundred Spaniards and all our allies, who were an 80 Letters of Cortes infinite number, and, advancing along the causeway, we found the enemy already waiting for us, three bow shots
Second
General
Assault on
the City
from the camp, yelling fearfully. During the three preceding days there had been no fighting with them so they had undone all we had accomplished in filling up the breaches in the causeway, making them very much stronger and more dangerous to capture than before. The brigantines accompanied us on both sides of the causeway, for they could approach very near, and do much damage with field pieces, muskets, and crossbows. Discovering this, our men landed and captured the breast-works and bridge; we crossed to the other side and pursued the enemy, who immediately fortified themselves in the other breast-works and bridges they had prepared, which, although with greater trouble and danger than before, we also captured, expelling them from the street and square where the great houses of the city stand. I ordered that no Spaniard should leave there while I and our allies were filling the breaks in the causeway with stones and adobes, which was such a labour, that although ten thousand Indians helped us, it was already the hour of vespers when we had finished making repairs; during all which time the Spaniards and our allies were constantly fighting and skirmishing and preparing ambushes, in which many of the enemy perished. I rode with the horsemen through the city for a while, and in the streets where there is no water, we killed with our lances all whom we could catch, thus holding them at a distance, nor did they dare to come on dry ground. Seeing that they were so rebellious and showed such determination to defend themselves to the death, I inferred two things: first that we should recover little or none of the treasures they had taken from us, and the other, that they gave occasion and forced us to totally destroy them. This last reason caused me the greater grief, for it weighed on my soul and made me reflect on what means I might employ to frighten them, so that they should realise their error and the injury they would sustain from us; and I kept on burning and destroying the towers of their idols and their houses. In order to make them feel it the more, I this day ordered fire to be set to the great houses in the square, where the Spaniards and I had first been quartered when they expelled us from the city. They were so extensive that a prince with more than six hundred persons of his household and retinue could be lodged in them. Some others close to them, though somewhat smaller, were also very splendid and fine, and Montezuma kept all kinds of birds in them. Although it grieved me much, I determined, as it grieved them even more, to burn these edifices. This seemed to cause the enemies immense sorrow, as well as to their allies in the cities about the lake, for none of them ever thought our force would be sufficient to penetrate so far into the city; and they were greatly dismayed. After setting fire to those houses, I collected our people, as it was already late, in order to return to our camp, and, when those of the city saw we were retiring, an infinite number of them charged us and fell upon us furiously, attacking our rear-guard. As the whole street was available to the horsemen, we turned on them, lancing many every time; nevertheless they would not keep away from our rear, yelling all the time. On this day, they felt and showed great dismay, especially when they saw us in their city, burning and destroying it, and the natives of Tesaico, Calco, Suchimilco, and the Otomies fighting against them, each shouting the name of his province; and in another quarter those of Tascaltecal, all showing them their countrymen cut in pieces, telling them they would sup off them that night and breakfast off them next morning, as in fact they did. We returned to our camp to rest, for we had laboured much during that day, and my seven brigantines had entered that day into the city by the water streets and burned a greater part of it. The captains of the other camps and the six brigantines fought very well that day, and about what happened to them I might dilate a great deal, but to avoid prolixity, omit doing so, and limit myself to saying that after the victory they retired to their camp without suffering any loss.
Early in the morning of the following day, after having heard mass, I returned to the city with all the people in the same order,
Third
General
Assault on
the city
so as not to give the enemy time to excavate the bridges and rebuild the barricades; but notwithstanding that we were very early, two of the three water streets, which crossed the street leading from this camp to the large houses of the square, had been reestablished as during the preceding days and were very difficult to capture; so much so that the combat lasted from eight o'clock in the morning till one o'clock in the afternoon, during which we used up almost all the arrows, ammunition, and musket balls, which the archers and musketeers had with them. Your Majesty may well believe that our danger each time we captured these bridges was unequalled, because to take them, the Spaniards were obliged to swim across to the other side, which many could not do, because the enemy awaited them with knife and lance thrusts to prevent their landing. But as they no longer had roofs on the other side from whence to injure us, and we used our crossbows from this side on them (for we were the throw of a horseshoe from each other), the Spaniards daily gathered new courage and were determined to cross, for they saw my determination, and sink or swim, the thing must be done. It may seem to Your Majesty, that after having gone through such danger to gain these bridges and barricades, that we were negligent in not holding them after having won them, so as not to be obliged every day to again go over so much danger and trouble, which unquestionably were very great, and certainly it must appear thus to those who were absent. But Your Majesty should know that this could in no wise be done, because two things were required to do it, either that the camp should be transferred from where it was to the square enclosure of the towers of the idols, or that a guard should be placed at the bridges during the night; and neither one nor the other could be done without great danger, nor was there possibility of it, because placing the camp in the city we should have had to sustain a thousand contests day and night and at every hour, and they would have fought us and given us intolerable labour, attacking us on every side, they being so many and we so few. As for placing people to guard the bridges by night, the Spaniards were so weary after fighting all day, that it was impossible to do this, and hence we were obliged to retake them every day when we entered the city. That day, as we were delayed in retaking those bridges and refilling them, no time was left for anything else, except that by another principal street leading to the city of Tacuba, two other bridges were captured and filled up, and many good houses in this street were burned; thus the afternoon came on and with it the hour for retiring, which was always accompanied by little less danger than taking the bridges, for seeing that we were in retreat, those of the city would recover as much courage as if they bad won the greatest victory in the world, and we were flying from them. To retire it was necessary that the bridges should be well filled up and made level with the ground of the streets, so that the horsemen might freely gallop from one place to another; and as they pursued so eagerly we sometimes feigned in the retreat to be flying, and then the horsemen would turn on them and we would always capture twelve or thirteen of the bravest, and with these manœuvres and some ambushes we constantly laid for them, they would always get the worst of it. Certainly it was an admirable thing to see, for, although the injury and damage, with which they were threatened from us at the hour of our retreat, was notorious, they would nevertheless follow us until they saw us out of the city. With this we returned to our camp, and the captains of the other camps reported to me that they had done very well that day, and had killed many people by water and land.
The captain Pedro de Alvarado who was in Tacuba, wrote to me that he had captured two or three bridges, for he was on the causeway which leads from the market of Temixtitan to Tacuba, and the three brigantines I had given him could reach a landing place on the same causeway, and he had not been exposed to as much danger as on the preceding days, and where he was there were more bridges and breaks in the causeway, although there were fewer roofs than in the other directions.
During all this time the natives of Iztapalapa, Oichilobuzco, Culuacan, Mezquique, and Cuitaguaca, which as
Defection
of the
Mexican's
Vassals
I have said are on the fresh-water lake, would never seek peace, nor had we all this time sustained any injury from them; and as the Calcans were very loyal vassals of Your Majesty, and saw that we had enough to do with those of the great city, they joined with other towns on the borders of the lake, to do all the damage they could to those towns on the water. Seeing we were daily victorious over those of Temixtitan, and on account of the injury they were sustaining and might sustain from our friends, these rebellious natives determined to come; and they arrived in our camp and besought me to pardon them the past, and to order the Calcans and their other neighbours to do them no further injury.[47] I told them I was pleased with this and harboured no anger against any except those of the city; and that we might believe their friendship sincere, I prayed them, that inasmuch as I was determined not to raise the siege till I had taken the city by peace or war, and as they had many canoes capable of aiding me, they should prepare everything they could with as many warriors as were in their towns, to henceforward aid us on the water. I also prayed them that inasmuch as the Spaniards had few and miserable huts, and it was the rainy season, to build us as many houses in the camp as they could, and to bring adobes and beams from the houses of the city which were nearest to the camp. They answered that the canoes and warriors were prepared every day, and they served me so well in building the houses, that, between the two towers on the one side and the other and the causeway where I was lodged, they built so many that from the first house to the last, there was a distance of three or four bowshots. Your Majesty may see how broad is this causeway, which crosses the deepest part of the lake, from the fact that between these houses, built on both sides, there was ample room to go and come on foot and horseback. There were constantly in the camp, between Spaniards and Indian servants, more than two thousand persons. All the warriors, our friends, were lodged in Cuyoacan, a league and a half from the camp; and the people of these towns likewise supplied us with provisions, of which we stood in great need; especially with fish and cherries, of which there is such a quantity about here, that, during the five or six months of the year they last, they are sufficient for double the inhabitants of the country.
As we on our side had entered the city two or three days successively, besides three or four before, and had always been victorious against the enemy and had killed an infinite number, with our field-pieces, crossbows, and muskets, we thought that any hour they would move to propose peace, which we desired as our own salvation; but nothing availed to bring them to this determination. To reduce them to greater straits, and to see if they could be forced to make peace, I decided to enter the city each day in three or four divisions. I therefore ordered all the people of the cities situated on the water, to come in their canoes, so that day there were in our camp more than a hundred thousand men, our friends. And I ordered the four brigantines, with half the canoes (as many as fifteen hundred) to go on one side, and the other three, with as many more canoes, to go on another, and overrun the greater part of the city and burn and do all the damage they could. I entered by the principal street and found it all free up to the large houses of the square, none of the bridges having been opened. I advanced to the street which leads to Tacuba, where there were six or seven bridges. From there, I ordered a captain to enter another street, with sixty or seventy men and six horsemen to protect their rear, and with them went more than ten or twelve thousand Indians, our friends; and I ordered another captain to do the same in another street; and I, with the remaining people, advanced on the street to Tacuba. We captured three bridges which we filled up, and, because it was already late, left the others for another day, when it could be better done, for I wished to occupy that street so that the people of Pedro de Alvarado' s camp might communicate with ours, and go from one camp to the other, and the brigantines the same. That day was one of great victory, both on water as well as land; and some plunder was obtained from the city. In the camps of the alguacil mayor and Pedro de Alvarado there was also great victory.
The next day, I again entered the city in the same order as before, and God gave us such a triumph that, in the parts where I penetrated, there seemed to be
Disastrous
Operations
of Alvarado
no resistance at all, and the enemy retired so rapidly that it appeared we had captured three-fourths of the city. The division of Pedro de Alvarado also attacked them briskly, and, undoubtedly on that day and the day before, I was positive they would sue for peace, in favour of which, with or without victory, I made every demonstration I could. Nevertheless, we saw no sign of peace in them, and we retired that day to our camp, very gladly, although we were grieved to our very hearts to see their determination to die. In these past days, Pedro de Alvarado had captured many bridges, and, in order to hold and defend them, he placed a guard of foot soldiers and horsemen on them throughout the night, while the remainder of his people returned to camp, three-quarters of a league from there. As this labour was unendurable, he determined to move his camp to the end of the causeway leading to the market place of Temixtitan, which has a square much larger than that of Salamanca, all surrounded by arcades, to reach which it was necessary to capture only two or three more bridges, but as they were very broad and dangerous, he was occupied in it some days, during which he fought constantly, and obtained victory. And that day of which I spoke in the past chapter, when he saw the enemies waver, and that where I was engaged they gave continual and stout combats, he got such a taste of victory with the bridges and barricades he had captured, that he determined to pass them, and capture a bridge where they had destroyed the causeway for more than sixty paces, and where the water had entered to a depth of about nine feet; and as the attack was made the same day and the brigantines helped so much, he crossed the water and captured the bridge and pursued the enemy who fled. Pedro de Alvarado hastened to have that pass filled so that the horsemen might cross, and also because I had daily admonished him by writing and by word of mouth not to gain a palm of ground without having the exit and entrance for the horsemen absolutely assured, as they in reality sustained the war. When the enemy saw there were only forty or fifty Spaniards and some of our friends on the other side, and that the horsemen could not cross, they turned on them so quickly that they drove them back and into the water, where they captured three or four Spaniards alive, who were immediately sacrificed; and they killed some of our friends.[48] Finally Pedro de Alvarado retired to his camp, and when I arrived in ours that day and learned what had happened, it caused me the greatest grief in the world, as this was an event to encourage the enemy, and they might think that we would not again dare to enter. The reason why Pedro de Alvarado wished to take the bad pass, was, as I say, because he had overcome a great part of the Indians' force, and they showed some weakness, and chiefly because his people importuned him to capture the market-place; for, having gained that, almost the entire city would be taken, as all the forces and hopes of the Indians centred there: and, as Alvarado' s men saw that I stoutly continued to combat the Indians, they feared that I might capture the market place before they did, and as they were nearer to it than we, they held it as a point of honour to take it first. For this reason the said Pedro de Alvarado was much importuned, and the same happened to me in our camp, for all the Spaniards eagerly besought me to enter by one of the three streets leading to the market-place, for we found little resistance, and that once captured we would have less hardship. I alleged every possible reason for not doing it, although I concealed the real cause, which was the inconvenience and dangers which presented themselves to me; for in order to reach the market-place, there were infinite roofs and bridges and broken causeways, so that each house by which we had to pass, was converted into an island surrounded by water.
When I learned, that afternoon upon reaching the camp, of Pedro de Alvarado's disaster, I determined to go to his camp the next morning, to rebuke him for what had happened, and to see what had been accomplished, and where he had moved his camp, and to advise him as to his security, and for the attack on the enemy. I was undoubtedly astonished, when I reached his camp, to see how far towards the middle of the city it was, and the bad places and bridges he had taken, so that I no longer blamed him so much as he had seemed to deserve; having talked with him, therefore, about what he should do, I returned that day to our camp.
This finished, I effected several entries into the city at the usual points, and the brigantines and canoes fought
Impatience
of Cortes's
Division
in two places, and I in four others within the city, and we always obtained the victory, and many of the adversaries were killed because numberless people daily returned in our favour. I hesitated to penetrate farther into the city, on the one hand that our enemies might reconsider their determination and stubbornness, and on the other because our entrance could not be effected without great danger, as they were very united, strong, and desperate unto death. As the Spaniards observed such delay, and that for more than twenty days they had never ceased righting, they importuned me, in such manner as I have heretofore stated, to enter and take the marketplace, because, having gained that, the enemy would have little space left to them from which to defend themselves, and, if they did not surrender, they would die from hunger and thirst, having no water to drink save the salt water of the lake. When I excused myself, the treasurer of Your Majesty told me that the entire camp insisted upon it, and that I ought to do it. I answered him and other persons who were in favour of this plan, that their object and wish were excellent, and that I desired, to do it more than anybody else, but that I refrained for the reason his importunity forced me to say; which was that, although he and others approved of it, there might be others who, on account of the great danger would not. And finally, they forced me so much that I agreed to do what I could, after first consulting the people of the other camps.
The next day I conferred with some of the principal persons of our camp, and we agreed to notify the alguacil mayor and Pedro de Alvarado that we would enter the city on the following day, and make an effort to reach the market-place, and I wrote to them what they were to do on the Tacuba side, and, besides writing, I sent two of my servants to explain the whole business, that they might be better informed. The course they were to follow was this: The alguacil mayor was to come, with ten horsemen, one hundred foot soldiers, and fifteen musketeers, to Pedro de Alvarado' s camp, leaving in his own camp ten other horsemen, with whom he should arrange that they were to lie in ambush behind some houses at the hour of the next day's battle; and that he should remove all his baggage as though he were breaking up his camp, so that when the enemy came in pursuit, those in ambush would fall upon their rear. The said alguacil mayor with his three brigantines and the three of Pedro de Alvarado were to take that bad pass, where Pedro de Alvarado had been routed, filling it up quickly, and in marching forward they were not to advance one step without having first filled it up and repaired it; and, if they could advance to the market-place without any great risk or danger, they were to make every effort to do so, as I would do the same; and they were to note well that, although I sent to say this, I did not oblige them to advance a single step which might expose them to any defeat or mishap, and that I communicated this to them because I knew them, and that they would put their face to what I ordered them, even though they knew that by it they might lose their lives. My two servants went to the camp and met the said alguacil mayor and Pedro de Alvarado there to whom they stated the case as we had agreed here in our camp. As they had to fight in one place only, and I in many, I had asked them to send me seventy or eighty foot soldiers who would enter with me next day; these came with my two servants and all slept that night in my camp according to the orders which I had sent them.
This order given, the next day, after having heard mass, the seven brigantines with more than three hundred canoes of our friends, left our camp, and I,
The Attack
on the
Market-
place
with twenty-five horsemen, my people, and the seventy men from the camp of Tacuba, began our march and entered the city, where I divided them in this manner: From the point we had already reached, three streets led to the marketplace, which the Indians called Tianguizco,[49] and into the principal one, leading to the said market-place, I told Your Majesty's treasurer and accountant [Julian de Alderete] to enter, with seventy men and more than fifteen or twenty thousand of our friends, and that in his rear he should take seven horsemen; and that as they captured the bridges and barricades they should be filled up; and they took a dozen men with picks in addition to our friends, who were most useful for the purpose of filling up the bridges. Two other streets lead from the streets of Tacuba to the market-place and are narrower, having more causeways, bridges, and water streets, and I ordered two captains to enter by the broadest of them, with eighty men and more than ten thousand Indians, our friends, and, at the mouth of that street of Tacuba, I placed two heavy field pieces with eight horsemen to guard them. With eight other horsemen and one hundred foot soldiers, amongst whom were more than twenty-five archers and musketeers, and with an infinite number of our friends, I pursued my road, penetrating by the other narrow street as far as possible.
I halted the horsemen at the entrance of it, and ordered them on no account to advance from there, nor to follow after me unless I first ordered them to do so. I then dismounted and we arrived at a barricade they had made at the end of a bridge, which we took with a small field piece, the archers and musketeers advancing by a causeway, which the enemy had broken at two or three different places. Besides these three combats we waged, our friends who entered by the roofs and other places were so numerous that it did not seem that anything could resist us. When the Spaniards took those two bridges, the barricades, and the causeway, our friends advanced by the street without taking any spoils, while I remained with about twenty Spaniards on a small island. I observed that certain of our friends were engaged with the enemy, who sometimes would repel them, driving them into the water, but with our assistance they would turn again upon them. Besides this we took care that from certain cross streets those of the city should not sally out to take at their backs the Spaniards, who were advancing along the street.
They sent to tell me at this time that they had advanced much and were not very far from the market-place, and in any case they wished to push on because they already heard the combat which the alguacil mayor and Pedro de Alvarado were waging on their side. I sent orders that they should on no account advance a step without leaving the bridges well filled up, so that, if they needed to retreat, the water would be no obstacle or embarrassment, for therein lay the danger; and they returned to tell me that all they had gained were well repaired and I might go myself and see if it was so. Dreading that they might go astray, and commit blunders respecting the filling up of the ditches, I went thither, and found that they had passed over a ditch in the street which was ten paces broad, with water flowing through it ten feet in depth, and that in passing they had thrown wood and maize and reed grass into it; as they had passed few at a time and with care, the wood and maize had not sunk, and they, in the joy of victory, were going ahead so recklessly that they believed the work had been very thoroughly done. The moment I reached that wretched bridge, I saw the Spaniards and many of our friends returning in full flight, and the enemy like dogs setting on them; and, seeing the impending mishap, I began to cry, Stop! Stop! but when I arrived at the water I found it full of Spaniards and Indians as though not one straw had been put into it. The enemy charged so furiously, killing amongst the Spaniards, that they threw themselves into the water with them, and their canoes came by the water streets and captured the Spaniards alive. As the affair came about so suddenly, and I saw the people being killed, I determined to remain there and die fighting; and the most that I and my men could do was to lend our hands to some unlucky Spaniards who were drowning and help them out; and some came out wounded and others half drowned and others without weapons. I sent them on ahead. Such was the number of the enemy that they surrounded me and some other ten or fifteen who had remained with me.
Being entirely occupied in helping those who were drowning, I had not observed or thought of my own danger, and already certain Indians had grasped
Perilous
Position of
Cortes
me and would have carried me away had it not been for a captain of fifty whom I always had with me, and another youth of my company, who, after God, gave me my life, and, in giving it me, as a valiant man he there lost his own. Meanwhile, the Spaniards who had been routed were retreating by the causeway, and as it was small, and narrow, and on a level with the water which those dogs had intentionally prepared in this manner, and as many of our own friends, who had also been routed, were also going by it, the road was so encumbered, and there was such a delay in advancing, that the enemy had time to come up from both sides and take and kill as many as they chose. And that captain who was with me, called Antonio de Quinomes, said to me, "Let us go away from here and save yourself, as you know that without you none of us can escape"; but seeing that he could not prevail upon me to go, he grasped me by the arms, to force me to retire. Although I would have rejoiced more in death than in life, by the importunity of that and of my other companions, we began to withdraw, fighting with our swords and bucklers against the enemy, who surrounded us. At this moment a servant of mine rode up on horseback and cleared a little space, but immediately a lance thrown from a low roof struck him in the throat, and overthrew him.
In the midst of this great conflict, waiting for the people to pass that small causeway and reach safety while we held back the enemy, a servant of mine arrived with a horse for me to mount, because such was the quantity of mud on that small causeway, brought there by those who fell in and climbed out of the water, that no one could keep his feet, especially on account of the jostling of one another in trying to save themselves. I mounted, but not to fight, because it was impossible on horseback; for, could it have been done, those eight horsemen whom I had left on a small island at the beginning of the causeway would have been there, but they could not do other than go back by it, and even the return was so perilous that two mares mounted by my servants fell from the causeway into the water, one of whom the Indians killed and the other some of our soldiers saved. Another young servant of mine called Cristobal de Guzman mounted a horse, which was given to him at the small island to bring to me to save me, and he and the horse were killed by the enemy before they reached me; his death filled the whole camp with such sadness that the sorrow of those who knew him is still fresh to-day. Finally it pleased God that, after all our troubles, those who were left should reach the street of Tacuba, which is very broad, and, having collected the people, I, with my horsemen, stopped in the rear, where the enemy were charging with such triumph and pride that it seemed that they would leave nobody alive. Retiring as best I could, I sent word to the treasurer and accountant to retreat to the square in good order. I sent the same order to the other two captains who had entered by the street leading to the market, both of whom had fought valiantly and captured many barricades and bridges which they completely filled up, from which cause they were able to retreat without injury. Before the treasurer and accountant retired from the breastwork where they were fighting, those of the city had already thrown two or three heads of Christians at them, although then they did not know whether they came from Pedro de Alvarado's camp or from ours. And we all gathered in the square, so many of the enemy charging on us from every side that we had enough to do to keep them off, and even in places where before this rout they would never have dared to come, they killed three horsemen and ten soldiers. Immediately after, in one of the towers of their idols which was near the square, they offered many perfumes and incense of gums which they use in this country, very much like anime, offering them up to their idols in sign of victory; and even if we had wanted to stop this it could not be done, as almost all the people were already hastening towards the camp. In this rout, the adversary killed thirty-five or forty Spaniards and more than one thousand Indians, our friends, and wounded more than twenty Christians; and I came out wounded in one leg. A small field piece was lost and many crossbows, muskets, and arms.[50] Immediately after obtaining this victory, the defenders of the city, in order to frighten the alguacil mayor and
Sacrifice of
the Spanish
Captives
Pedro de Alvarado, took all the living and dead Spaniards whom they had captured, to Tlaltelulco, which is the market, and, in some lofty towers there, they stripped them and sacrificed them, opening their breasts and taking out their hearts to offer them to the idols. This the Spaniards in Pedro de Alvarado' s camp could see from where they were fighting, and in the naked white bodies which they saw sacrificed they recognised that they were Christians; and, although they were saddened and dismayed by this, they retreated into their camp, having fought very well that day and arrived almost to the market-place which would have been won that day if God, on account of our sins, had not permitted so great a misfortune. We returned to our camp sadly, somewhat earlier than we were accustomed to on other days; also because we heard the brigantines were lost as the Mexicans had fallen on our rear with the canoes, though it pleased God that this should not be true. The brigantines and canoes of our friends had indeed found themselves in tight straits; so much so that a brigantine was almost lost, and the captain and the master were both wounded, the captain dying within eight days.
That day, and the following night, the people of the city rejoiced greatly with trumpets and kettle-drums so that it seemed the very world was sinking, and they opened all the streets and bridges over the water, as they had them before, and lighted fires, and placed night watchmen at a distance of two bow-shots from our camp; for, as we were all so disordered, and wounded, and without arms, we needed to rest and recuperate ourselves. Meanwhile the enemy had time to send their messengers to many provinces subject to them, telling them how they had obtained a great victory and killed many Christians, and that they would soon finish all of us, and that by no means would they sue for peace with us; and the proofs they carried were the heads of the two horses and some of those Christians they had killed, carrying them about, and showing them wherever it seemed useful, which confirmed the rebels more than ever in their stubbornness. However, lest they should become too proud and divine our weakness, some Spaniards on foot and on horseback, with many of our friends, would go into the city to fight every day, albeit they never could gain more than some of the bridges of the next street before reaching the square.
Two days after our rout, which was already known in all the neighbourhood, the natives of a town called Cuarnaguacar [Cuernavaca], who had been subject to the city but had given themselves for our friends, came to the camp and told me that the people of Marinalco,[51] their neighbours did them much injury and destroyed their fields, and that they also had joined with the large province of Cuisco,[52] and intended to attack them and kill them because they had given themselves as vassals of Your Majesty, and our friends; once the people of Cuarnaguacar were destroyed, their enemies would then come against us. Although what had passed was still so recent, and we were rather needing to receive than to give help, since they asked it of me with such urgency, I determined to give it to them, although I encountered much opposition, and it was said that in taking people from our camp I was destroying myself. I dispatched eighty foot soldiers and ten horsemen under Captain Andres de Tapia with those who had come to ask our aid, charging him earnestly to do whatever was required for Your Majesty's service and for our security; as he saw the need in which we were, he should spend not more than ten days in going and coming. He left, and reached a small town between Marinalco and Coadnoacad,[53] where he found the enemy expecting him; and he, with the people of Coadnoacad and those he had with him, began his battle on the field, and our forces fought so well that they routed the enemy, pursuing them until they reached Marinalco, which is situated on a very high hill where the horsemen could not approach. Seeing this, they destroyed that part which is in the plain, and returned to our camp within the ten days. In the upper part of this town of Marinalco, there are many fountains of excellent water, a very refreshing thing.
While this captain was absent, some Spaniards on foot and on horseback entered with our friends into the city as far as the large houses which are on the square, to fight, as I have already said; they could not advance further because the enemy had opened the water street which is at the entrance of the square and is very broad and deep; and, on the other side, there was a very large and strong entrenchment, where they fought with one another until night separated them. A chief of the province of Tascaltecal, called Chichimecatecle, of whom I have heretofore written that he had bought the timbers that had been prepared in
Exploits of
Chicheme-
catl
that province for the brigantines, had resided with his people, since the beginning of the war, in the camp of Pedro de Alvarado; and when he saw, after the preceding rout, that the Spaniards did not fight as before, he determined to make an entrance with only his own people. Leaving four hundred of his bowmen at a dangerous broken bridge he had taken, (which had never before happened without our aid), he and his people advanced with great shouts, cheering and naming their province and lord. They fought very bravely that day and there were many wounded and dead on both sides; and those of the city believed that they had trapped them because it is their custom, when their adversaries retire, to follow them with much persistence, although it be without chance of victory, believing that in crossing the water, where it sometimes happens there is a certain danger, they may take revenge on them. To forestall this danger and to provide help, Chichimecatecle had left four hundred bowmen at the water pass, and, while his men were retiring, those of the city suddenly charged them, and the warriors of Tascaltecal threw themselves into the water, and, under the protection of the bowmen, they crossed, leaving the enemy greatly surprised at the resistance they encountered, and at the daring which the Chichimecatecle had displayed.
Two days after the Spaniards had returned from fighting in Marinalco, as Your Majesty will have seen in the chapter before the last, there arrived at our camp, ten Indians of the Otumies who had been slaves to the inhabitants of the city, and, as I have said, had given themselves as vassals of Your Majesty, coming every day to help in fighting; and they told me that the lords of the province of Matalcingo, who are their neighbours, made war upon them, and destroyed their land, burned a town, captured some of the people and were destroying everything they could, intending to come to our camps and attack us, so that those of the city could sally forth and overcome us. We gave credit to most of this, because, each time, for a few days past, that we had entered to fight, the Culuans had threatened us, with the people of this province of Matalcingo, which, though we had not much information, we well knew was large and twentyfive leagues distant from our camp. In the complaint these Otumies made of their neighbours, they gave us to understand that they wanted help, and, although they asked it at a very needy time, confiding in the help of God, and in order to break the wings of those of the city who daily threatened us with these people and hoped for aid, which could only come from them, I determined to send Gonzalo de Sandoval, alguacil mayor, with eighteen horsemen and one hundred foot-soldiers, amongst whom there was only one bowman: he departed with them and the Otumies, our friends; and God knows the danger which attended all who went as well as all who were left. But, as it was necessary to show more courage and valour than ever, and to die fighting, we hid our weakness from friends as well as from foes, and many and many times the Spaniards declared they hoped it might please God to leave them their lives and to see them victorious over the city, even though no other profits should come to them neither in it, nor in any other part of the country; by which the risk and extreme need in which we found ourselves and our lives may be judged.
The alguacil mayor left that day, and slept in a town of the Otumies which is on the frontier of Marinalco, and, the following day, he started very early, arriving at some small hamlets of the said Otumies, which he found deserted, and a good part of them burnt. Advancing more on to the plain, he found near a river bank 104 Letters of Cortes many warriors who, having just finished burning another town, retreated when they saw him. On the road, were found many loads of maize and roasted children which they had brought as provisions and which they left behind them when they discovered the Spaniards coming. After crossing a river a little ahead of them in the plain, the enemy began to recover, and the alguacil mayor charged on them with the horsemen and put them to confusion; and they fled on the road straight towards their town of Matalcingo, about three leagues from there, the pursuit lasting until the horsemen had shut them all up in the town. There they awaited the Spaniards and our allies who were killing those who had been stopped and left behind by the horsemen. More than two thousand of the enemy perished in this pursuit. When those on foot and our friends, who were more than sixty thousand, overtook the horsemen, they began to rush towards the town where the enemy made a stand, while the women and children, goods, and chattels, were safe in a fort situated on a very elevated hill near that place. But as our force fell on them suddenly, they forced the warriors also to retire to the fort on that elevation, which was very steep and strong. They burned and sacked the town in a very short time, but the alguacil mayor did not attack the fort, as it was late and also because his men were very tired for they had fought during the entire day. The enemy spent that night in yelling and in making an uproar with their kettle-drums and trumpets.
The next day, in the early morning, the alguacil mayor led all the people to scale the enemy's fort, though fearful of finding himself in difficulties from their resistance. On arriving, however, they found none of the adversaries, and certain of our Indian friends, descending from the elevation, said that there was nobody there and that all the enemy had left at daybreak. In the midst of this, they discovered on all the surrounding plains, a great number of people, who were Otumies, and the horsemen, believing that they were enemies, galloped towards them and lanced at three or four of them; and as the language of the Otumies is different from that of Culua they did not understand them, except that they threw away their arms and came towards the Spaniards, who even after that lanced three or four. But they understood well enough that this had happened from our men not recognising them. As the enemy did not wait, the Spaniards determined to return to another of their towns which was also hostile; but, seeing such a force come against them, the inhabitants came out peaceably. The alguacil mayor spoke kindly to the chief of that town, and told him that he already knew that I would receive with good will all who came to offer themselves as vassals of Your Majesty although they might be very culpable; that he besought him to speak with those of Matalcingo so that they might come to me of their own choice; he agreed to do this and also to bring those of Marinalco to peace. Thus victorious the alguacil mayor returned to his camp. On that day, some Spaniards fought in the city, and the citizens had sent word to ask our interpreter to come, because they desired to discuss peace,
First
Overtures
for Peace
which, as it appeared, they wished only on the condition that we should all leave the country. They did this with the object of resting some days and of furnishing themselves with necessaries, although we never overcame their disposition to fight. While engaged in these parleys with the interpreter, our people were very near the enemy with only a brokendown bridge between them, and an old man amongst them in full sight of all very slowly drew from his provision bag certain things which he ate, so as to give us to understand that they were not in want, for we had told them that they would starve to death; and at this our friends assured the Spaniards that the peace was all a pretence and that they wished to fight. That day, however, no other fighting took place, because the chiefs told the interpreter to call me.
Four days after the alguacil mayor had returned from the province of Matalcingo, the chief of it and those of Marinalco and the province of Quiscon, which is large and important and had also rebelled, came to our camp and asked pardon for the past, offering to serve well; and thus they did and have done until now. While the alguacil mayor was away in Matalcingo, those of the city determined to come at night and fall on the camp of Alvarado. A quarter before dawn, they made the attack, and, when the watchmen on horseback and foot perceived them, they called "To Arms," and those who were ready charged on them. When the enemy perceived the horsemen, they threw themselves into the water; in the meantime our people came up and fought them for three hours. When we in the camp heard one of the field pieces firing, fearing they might be routed, we ordered the people to arm themselves and enter the city, so as to thus draw off the attack from Alvarado. As the Indians found the Spaniards so courageous, they decided to return to the city, where we continued to fight during the day.
By this time, those who had been wounded in our rout were already recovered, and the ship had arrived at Villa Rica, belonging to Juan Ponce de Leon,[54] who had formerly been routed in the country or island of Florida. They sent me certain powder and crossbows, of which we stood in very extreme need; and now, thanks to God, all [about here there is not a province which is not in our favour. Seeing that the people of the city were so rebellious, and displayed such determination to die as no race had ever shown, I knew not what means to adopt to relieve our dangers and hardships, and to avoid utterly destroying them and their city, which was the most beautiful thing in the world. It was useless to tell them that we would not raise our camps, or that the brigantines would not cease to make war on them, or that we had destroyed those of Matalcingo and Marinalco, and that nowhere in the country was anyone left to help them, or that they could not obtain maize, nor wheat, nor fruit, nor water, nor any provisions from anywhere. The more I spoke of these things, the less sign of yielding did we see in them; rather we found them more courageous than ever, both in their fighting and their scheming. Seeing that things went on in this way, and that already more than forty-five days had been spent in this siege, I determined to take means towards our security and to further straiten the enemy. This latter consisted in our gaining the streets of the city and demolishing all the houses on both sides, so that henceforward we would not go one step ahead without levelling everything, so that which was water should be made into dry land, no matter how much time it took. I called the lords and chiefs of our allies and told them what I had determined, so that they might have their workmen bring their spades and coas, which are certain poles which they use, similar to the Spanish hoe. They answered me that they would do this with the best good will, and that it was a very good decision at which they rejoiced greatly, because they perceived that in this way the city would be destroyed, which was what they desired more than anything else in the world.
Three or four days passed in concerting this plan; the people of the city easily divined that we were planning some mischief against them, and they also, as it afterwards appeared, were arranging what they
The
Destruction
of Mexico
could for their defence, as we likewise conjectured. Having concerted with our friends that we would attack them by land and water, the next morning, after having heard mass, we took the road to the city, and when we reached the water pass and barricade near the great houses of the square, intending to attack them, the people of the city asked us to be quiet as they wished to sue for peace. I ordered my people to cease fighting, and told them that the lord of the city should come there to speak to me, and arrange the conditions of the peace. After telling me that they had already gone to call him, they detained me for more than an hour, but in truth they did not want peace, as they themselves immediately showed, for, while we were quiet, they began to throw adobes and darts and stones at us. When I saw this, I attacked the barricades and captured them, and on entering the square we found it strewn with large stones to impede the horses moving over it; for generally it is these which do the most fighting. We also found a street barricaded with dry stones, and another filled with stones, so that the horses could not pass through them. During the rest of that day, we filled up the water street which leads out from the square, so that the Indians never opened it again, and thenceforward we began, little by little to destroy the houses and to shut up, and fill up completely, all we had gained on the water. As we were accompanied all day by more than one hundred and fifty thousand warriors, a good deal was accomplished; and thus we returned that day to our camp, and the brigantines and canoes of our friends, after doing much damage to the city returned to rest. The next day we again entered the city in the same order, as far as the enclosure and large court where the towers of the idols are. I ordered the captains to do nothing else but fill up the water streets and level the dangerous passes we had captured; and as for our friends, some of them should level and burn the houses and others should fight in the customary places, while the horsemen should guard the rear of all. I ascended the highest tower that the Indians might recognise me, for I also knew that they would be much vexed to see me mounted on the tower; and from there I encouraged our friends and gave aid wherever it was necessary, while they were incessantly fighting. Sometimes it was the adversaries who retreated, and sometimes our allies whom three or four horsemen aided and inspired with infinite courage to turn against the enemy.
In this wise and order, we entered the city on the five or six following days, and always at the hour of retreat we would put our allies ahead and post a number of Spaniards in ambush in some of the houses, the horsemen remaining behind and feigning to retreat hastily, so as to bring them out of the square. With these and the ambushes of the foot soldiers we would kill some of them every afternoon with our lances. On one of these days there were seven or eight horsemen in the square, hoping the enemy would come out, but, as they saw that they did not appear, they feigned to retreat, and the enemy, fearing that they would be caught at the corner, as had sometimes happened, stationed themselves by some walls and roofs in an infinite number. As the horsemen, who were eight or nine, charged towards them, the Indians held the entrance of the street from above so that they could not pursue those of the enemy who passed through it; so they were obliged to retire. The enemy, elated by having forced us to retreat, charged very lustily, and were so well on their guard that without themselves being injured they forced the horsemen to retreat, and wounded two horses. This prompted me to arrange a good ambush, as I will recount hereafter to Your Majesty. The afternoon of that day, we returned to our camp, leaving everything we had gained assured and levelled, and the people of the city very boastful because they believed that we had retired out of fear. That afternoon, I called the alguacil mayor by messenger to come to our camp before daybreak with fifteen of his own and Pedro de Alvarado's horsemen. The alguacil mayor arrived the following morning at the camp with fifteen horsemen, and I obtained another
The
Ambush in
the Square
twenty-five from those at Cuyoacan, so that there were forty in all. I ordered ten of them to join in the morning with our force, and in conjunction with the brigantines to go in the same order as heretofore to attack the enemy and to destroy and capture everything possible; when the time for them to retire came, I would start with the other thirty horsemen. When the larger part of the city was demolished they should in the melee drive the enemy into their entrenchments and water streets, keeping them there until the hour of retiring, when I and the other thirty horsemen would secretly form an ambuscade in the large houses in the square. The Spaniards did as I ordered, and at one o'clock after mid-day I set out with the thirty horsemen, and stationed them in those houses while I went to the city and mounted the high tower as I habitually did. While I was there, some Spaniards opened a sepulchre and found in it more than fifteen hundred castellanos worth of articles in gold. At the hour of returning, I ordered that they should begin to withdraw in a compact body, and that from the first moment of leaving the square the horsemen should feign an attack, behaving as though they hardly dared to make it, choosing the time when they saw a great number of people in and about the whole square. The men posted in ambush longed for the hour to arrive, because they much desired to act their part well, and were already tired of waiting. I then joined them, as the infantry and horsemen began retiring through the square, accompanied by the Indians our friends, who understood all about the ambush. The enemy rushed out, yelling as if they had gained the greatest victory in the whole world, and the nine horsemen feigned to charge them across the square, and then suddenly to fall back; and, when they had done this twice, the enemy acquired such fury that they pressed up to the very croups of the horses and were thus decoyed towards the end of the street where the ambush was laid. When we saw the Spaniards had passed ahead of us, and heard the shot of a gun fired which was the signal agreed upon, we knew that the time to sally forth had arrived; and, with the cry of "Señor Santiago!" we suddenly fell upon them, and rushed forward into the square with our lances, overthrowing and stopping many, which latter our friends, who joined in the pursuit, were able to capture. In this ambush more than five hundred, all of the bravest and most valiant of their principal men were killed, and, that night, our allies supped well, because they cut up all those whom they had killed and captured to eat. Such was the fright and wonder of the enemy at seeing themselves suddenly routed that there was no more shouting the whole afternoon, nor did they dare to show their heads in the streets, nor on the roofs, except where they were entirely protected and safe. About nightfall, the people of the city sent certain slaves to see if we had retired, or what we were doing. As they appeared in the street, some ten or twelve horsemen charged and pursued them, so that none of them escaped.
Such was the consternation of the enemy from this, our victory, that during the rest of the war they never again dared to enter the square when we were retiring, even if only one horseman was there; nor did they ever dare to come out against an Indian or foot soldier, fearing that another ambush might spring up beneath their feet. The victory God was pleased to give us that day was one of the principal causes why the city was taken sooner, for the natives were dismayed by it and our friends doubly encouraged; so we returned to our camp, intending to hasten on the war, and, until we finished it, not to let a single day pass without entering the city. We suffered no loss that day, except that, during the ambush, some of the horsemen collided with each other, and one was thrown from his mare, which galloped directly towards the enemy who wounded her severely with arrows, and she, seeing the ill-treatment she got, returned to us; and that night she died. Although we grieved exceedingly at it, for the horses and mares gave life to us, our grief was less than had she died in the hands of our enemies, as we feared would happen; had such been the case, their satisfaction would have outweighed their grief for those we had killed. The brigantines and canoes of our friends made great havoc that day in the city without suffering any loss.
We already knew that the Indians of the city were much discouraged, and two poor creatures, who came
Suffering in
the City
out by night to our camp because they were starving, told us that during the night they came to hunt amongst the houses and search in those parts we had already captured, looking for herbs and wood and roots to eat. Since we had already filled up many of the water streets, and repaired many of the bad places, I determined to enter the city before daybreak, and do all the damage I could. The brigantines left before dawn and I with twelve horsemen and some foot soldiers and our friends, came in suddenly, having first placed spies, who, at daybreak made signs to us in our ambush to come and charge on a vast number of people. But they were of the most miserable class who had come out to search for something to eat, most of them being unarmed, and women and boys. We did much damage amongst them all over the city, wherever we were able to move about, so that between prisoners and killed they exceeded more than eight hundred, and the brigantines also captured people in canoes who were fishing, making great havoc amongst them. As the captains and chiefs of the city saw us moving about at an unaccustomed hour, they became as frightened as by the recent ambush, and none dared to come and fight with us, so we returned to our camp well satisfied with great spoils and food for our friends.
The next morning, we entered the city, and, as our friends had observed the systematic order we followed in the destruction of it, the multitude which daily came with us was beyond all reckoning. We finished taking the whole street of Tacuba that day and filling up the bad places in it, so that the people from Pedro de Alvarado's camp could communicate with us through the city. We won two other bridges on the principal street leading to the market-place, filling them up, and we burned the houses of the lord of the city, who was a youth of eighteen, called Guatimucin, being the second ruler since the death of Montezuma; and the Indians had many strong places amongst these houses, as they were large and solid and surrounded by water. Two other bridges were also captured in other streets which run near the one leading to the market, and many passes were filled up, so that three of the four quarters of the city were already ours, and the Indians could only retreat to the strongest part of it only, which comprised the houses furthest out in the water.
The following day, which was the feast of the Apostle Santiago [July 25th], we entered the city in the same order as before, following the large street to the place and capturing a broad water street where the enemy was well fortified. We were delayed there for some time; and it was dangerous capturing it, nor were we able to fill it up in the whole of the day (as it was very broad), so that the horsemen could cross to the other side. The Indians, seeing we were all on foot, and that the horsemen had not passed over, attacked us with some fresh troops, many of them very splendid; but, as we turned upon them with our many archers, they retreated towards their barricades and forts, badly wounded with arrows. Besides this, all the Spanish foot soldiers carried their pikes, which I had ordered made after our rout, and which were very useful. Nothing was heard all day on each side of the principal street but the burning and destroying of the houses, which was certainly pitiful to see, but as nothing else could avail we were obliged to follow those tactics. When the people of the city saw such ruin, they encouraged themselves by telling our friends to go on burning and destroying as it was they who would have to rebuild the city in any case, because if they [the Mexicans] were victorious they would make them do it, and if not they would have to rebuild it for us; and it pleased God that this last should turn out to be true, for they are indeed the ones who have to do this work.[55]
Very early on the morning of the next day, we entered the city in the customary order, and, arriving at the water street which we had filled up the day before, found it in the same state we had left it; and, advancing about two bow-shots, we captured two large ditches of water, which had been cut in the same street, and arrived at the small tower of their idols, in which we found certain heads of Christians whom they had killed; a sight which filled us with much commiseration. And from that tower, the street in which we were, led straight to the causeway of Sandoval's camp, and, on the left side, another street in which water no longer flowed, led to the market; they still held only one against us, nor could we pass it that day, though we fought the Indians stoutly. God, Our Lord, gave us victory every day, and the worst always fell on them. It was late that day when we returned to our camp.
The next day, while preparing to return to the city about nine o'clock in the morning, we observed from our camp that smoke was rising from the two highest towers which were in Tatelulco, or the market-place of the city. This we could not understand, for it seemed something more than the incensing which the Indians usually made to their idols, so we suspected that Pedro de Alvarado's men had arrived there, and, although this was the fact, we could not believe it. Pedro de Alvarado's men certainly behaved very valiantly, for there were many bridges and barricades to capture and the greater part of the enemy always came to defend them; but as he saw that on our side we were hedging the enemy in, he did everything he could to enter the market-place, because their whole strength was centred there. However, he could arrive only within sight of it, and capture those towers and many others which adjoin the same market-place, forming an enclosure almost like that of many of the towers in the city; the horsemen had hard work and were forced to retreat with their horses wounded, and thus Pedro de Alvarado and his people returned to his camp. We could not, that day, capture a bridge and water street which still remained to be taken in order to reach the market-place, without filling up and levelling all the bad places, and on retiring they pressed us very hard, although at their cost.
We again entered the city on the morning of the following day, and, encountering no obstacle before reaching the market-place, except a water course and its barricade near the small tower of which I have spoken, we attacked it, and the standard bearer and two or three other Spaniards threw themselves into the water, so the defenders immediately abandoned the pass, which we filled and made passable for the horsemen. While we were repairing it, Pedro de Alvarado arrived by the same street with four horsemen, to our mutual satisfaction, for this was the way to speedily finish the war. Pedro de Alvarado left a file of guards in the rear, not only for the purpose of preserving what had been won, but also for his protection, and, as the pass was quickly repaired, I, with some horsemen, went to view the marketplace, and ordered that the others should not advance beyond that pass. Afterwards we reconnoitred the square for a short time, inspecting its arcades whose roofs were full of the enemy. As the square was very large, and they saw the horsemen moving about there, they did not dare to attack. I ascended that large tower which adjoins the market-place, in which, and in others also, we found the heads of the Christians whom they had killed and offered to their idols, as well as those of the Indians of Tascaltecal, our friends between whom and the Mexicans there was a very ancient and cruel feud. I saw from that tower that we had without doubt captured seven-eighths of the city, and, seeing that such a number of the enemy could not possibly hold out in such straits, chiefly because those houses left them were so small and each built over the water, and above all because of the great famine prevailing amongst them, for we found the gnawed roots and bark of trees in the streets, I determined to suspend fighting for a day and devise some measure to save this multitude of people from perishing. The harm done them caused me such compassion and distress that I continually importuned them with offers of peace, but they answered that in no wise would they surrender and that only one man being left he would die fighting, and that of all they possessed we could never obtain anything for they would burn it and throw it into the water whence it would never more appear. Not wishing to return evil for evil, I dissembled, and refrained from fighting.
As very little powder was left to us, we had in the last fifteen days discussed somewhat about making a catapult;[56] and, though there was no first-class
The
Catapult
master-workman who knew how to do it, some carpenters offered to make a small one. Although I always believed that we would not succeed in this work, I consented that they should make it, and, in those days when we had the Indians cornered, they finished it and took it to the market-place to station it on a sort of square theatre which stands in the middle, and which is built of stone and mortar and is about fourteen feet in height, and about thirty paces long from one corner to the other; when they celebrated their plays and festivals, the performers placed themselves on this where all the people in the market both above and below the arcades could see them. After the catapult was brought there, three or four days were occupied in placing it, and the Indians our friends threatened those of the city with it, telling them that with this engine we would kill them all. Although no other result was obtained (as indeed there was none) except the fright it caused, from which we thought the enemy would surrender, it would have been sufficient; the deception was a double one because neither the carpenters fulfilled their design nor did the defenders of the city (although they were much frightened) take any step to surrender, while I disguised the failure of the catapult by pretending that moved by compassion, we forbore to kill them all.
The next day, after placing the catapult, we returned to the city, and, as three or four days had passed without any fighting, we found the streets by which we passed full of women and children and other miserable people, who came out so emaciated and thin, that it was the greatest pity in the world to behold them, so I ordered our friends not to hurt them. But, none of the warriors appeared where any harm could reach them, though we saw them on the tops of their roofs, covered with the blankets they wear, and without weapons. I had them required that day to make peace, but their replies were inconclusive. As they occupied us most of the day with this, I sent them word that I intended to attack them and that they should withdraw all their people, otherwise I would permit our friends to kill them. They said they desired peace, and I answered them that I did not see amongst them their lord with whom I must treat, but when he came for that purpose I would give him a safe conduct and we would discuss peace. Seeing it was all mockery, and that they were prepared to fight with us, I ordered Pedro de Alvarado, after having admonished them many times and in order to reduce them to extreme necessity, to enter with all his people through a large quarter which the enemy held, and in which there were more than one thousand houses; and I, with those of our camp, came on foot from another side, because we could not avail ourselves of the horsemen. The fight between us and our enemies was very stubborn, but finally we won that whole quarter, and, such was the slaughter committed upon our enemies, that between killed and wounded there were more than twelve thousand.
Our allies handled the enemy most cruelly, for they would in no wise spare any life, although they were reproved and punished by us.
We returned next day to the city, and I ordered that no fighting should take place nor any harm be done to the enemy, who, when they saw such a multitude of people, and their own vassals and subjects, arrayed against them, and saw their extreme necessity, which left them not even a place to stand, save upon the bodies of their own dead, moved by the desire to escape such a great misfortune, asked us why we did not put an end to them; then suddenly they said to call me as they wished to speak to me. All the Spaniards wished that this war might finally end, and, pitying such misery, they rejoiced, believing that the Indians wanted peace; so they came gladly to call and importune me to come to a barricade where certain chiefs wished to speak to me. I knew that little profit would come of my going, but I determined at all events to go, although I knew their not surrendering all depended on the sovereign and some three or four other chiefs of the city, for the others, dead or alive, all desired to be out of it. And when I arrived at the barricade, they told me that, as they held me to be the son of the sun, and as the sun in such brief period as a day and a night, made the circuit of the entire world, I ought likewise to finish killing them speedily and save them from so much suffering, because they wished to die and go to heaven to their Ochilobus,[57] who was awaiting to give them rest; this being the idol which they hold in the greatest reverence. I said many things in reply to persuade them to surrender, and nothing availed with them, although they perceived in us greater wishes and offers for peace than had ever been shown to any other vanquished, for with the help of Our Lord we were the victors.
Having reduced the enemy to the last extremity, as may be gathered from what has been said, and in order
Renewed
Proposals
of Peace.
to win them from their evil intention, which was their determination to die, I spoke to one of their noble chiefs, the uncle of Don Fernando, lord of Tesaico, who had been captured fighting in the city, and whom we held prisoner. Although badly wounded I asked him if he wished to return to the city, and he answered me, "yes," and, when we entered it the next day, I sent him, with certain Spaniards, who delivered him to the people of the city; and, to their chief, I had spoken exclusively in order that he might talk to the sovereign and the other chiefs about peace, and he promised to do everything that was possible. The people of the city received him with much deference as a nobleman, and, when they took him before Quatamucin, their sovereign, and he began to speak of peace, it is said they immediately ordered him to be killed and sacrificed, and the answer we were awaiting they gave us with great yells, saying that they wanted nothing but death. They began to discharge arrows and stones at us, and fought us very stoutly, so much so that they killed a horse with a dagger which one of them had taken from one of our friends; but finally they paid dearly for it, because many of them perished, and thus we returned that day to our camp.
The next day, we again entered into the city, and our adversaries were so reduced that an infinite number of our friends ventured to remain there during the night; having come in sight of the enemy we did not care to fight with them, but only moved about in their city, because every hour and every moment we believed that they would come to surrender. In order to persuade them, I rode near one of the barricades and called certain chiefs, who were behind them, whom I already knew, and said to them that since they saw that everything was lost, and recognised that, if I wished, none of them would escape why was it that Quatamucin their lord did not come to speak with me; that I promised to do him no harm, and if he and they wished for peace they would be well received and well treated by me. I gave them other reasons, with which I provoked them to many tears; and, weeping, they replied that they well recognised their error and perdition, and that they would go and speak to their lord and return speedily with the answer, asking me not to go away from there. So they went away, returning within a short space to tell me that, inasmuch as it was already late their lord had not come, but that at noon on the following day he would certainly come to speak with me in the market-place; so we returned to our camp. I ordered that on the next day that high square platform which stood in the middle of the market-place should be prepared for the lords and princes of the city, and that they should likewise prepare a repast for them; and this was done accordingly.
We went into the city early the next morning, and I ordered the people to be prepared in case the inhabitants intended to perpetrate any treachery, so that we might not be surprised; I also cautioned Pedro de Al varado who was there. When we reached the market-place, I sent word to Quatamucin, telling him that I was waiting for him, but, it appeared he had determined not to come, but sent five of his nobles or chief lords of the city whose names, as it is not worth while, I do not give here. They came and told me that their lord had sent them to pray me to pardon him if he did not come, that he was greatly afraid to appear before me, and also that he was ill and that they had come hither to hear my commands, which they would obey; although the sovereign did not appear we rejoiced a great deal that these chiefs had come, as it seemed to us that here was now a way to reach a speedy end of the whole business. I received them with a show of gladness, and immediately ordered meat and drink to be given them, in partaking of which they showed their craving and need for it. When they had eaten, I told them to speak to their lord to persuade him not to be afraid, for I promised him that no annoyance would be offered him if he appeared before me, nor would he be detained, but that, without his presence, no good understanding could be reached, nor agreement made. I ordered some refreshments to be taken to him, and they promised me to do all that was in their power; and thus they departed. Two hours afterwards, they returned, and brought me some fine mantles of cotton, such as they use, and they told me that Quatamucin their lord would by no means come, and that he refused to discuss it. I again repeated to them that I did not know why he mistrusted me, inasmuch as he saw that to them whom I knew to be the principal promoters of the war, and who had sustained it, I nevertheless extended good treatment, allowing them to come and go in security without being in any way annoyed, and I besought them to speak again to him, and to urge his coming because it was for his advantage. They answered me that they would do so, and bring me the answer the next day; and thus they left and we also withdrew to our camp.
The next day, those chiefs came to our camp very early in the morning and asked me to come to the square of the market of the city, because their sovereign wished to speak to me. Believing it was true, I mounted my horse and awaited him where it had been agreed, for more than three or four hours, but he never chose to appear before me. As I saw the mockery, and it had already become late, and that neither the other messengers nor the lord came, I sent for the Indians, our friends, who had been left at the entrance of the city almost a league from where we were, whom I had ordered not to advance beyond there because the people of the city had asked me that, whilst treating for peace none of them should be inside it. Neither they nor those of Pedro de Alvarado's camp delayed in coming, and, when they arrived, we attacked some of the barricades and water streets which they held, no other strong force being left them, and we charged amongst them ourselves, as well as our friends, according as we pleased. Before leaving the camp, I had ordered that Gonzalo de Sandoval should proceed with the brigantines to the place where the Indians had fortified themselves in the houses, thus holding them surrounded, but not attacking them until he should observe that we began to fight; in such manner that, holding them thus surrounded, they had no place to go except amongst the dead, and on the roofs which were left them. For this cause, they neither had, nor procured, arrows, nor darts, nor stones, with which to hurt us. Our friends accompanied us, armed with swords and shields, and such was the slaughter done that day on water and on land, that with prisoners taken they numbered in all more than forty thousand men; and such were the shrieks and the weeping of the women and children that there was none whose heart did not break; and we had more trouble in preventing our allies from killing and inflicting tortures than we had in fighting with the Indians, for no such inhuman cruelty as the natives of these parts practice was ever seen amongst any people. Our allies obtained very great plunder, which we could not prevent, because we were about nine hundred Spaniards, and they more than one hundred and fifty thousand men, and no attention or diligence was sufficient to prevent them from robbing, although we did everything possible to stop it. One of the reasons why I refused to go to extremes in those previous days was that, by taking them by assault, they would probably throw what they had into the lake, and if they did not do so our allies would steal everything they found; and, for this reason, I feared that but a small part of the great wealth existing in the city, as shown by what I had before obtained for Your Highness, would be secured for Your Majesty. As it was already late, and we could no longer endure the stench of the dead which had lain for many days in those streets (the most pestilential thing in the world), we returned to our camps.
That afternoon, I arranged that, as on the next day following we should again enter the city, three large field pieces should be prepared which we would take to the city, because, as I feared that the enemy were so compact that they could not turn round, the Spaniards in charging might be crushed by mere numbers, and therefore I wanted to do them some damage with the field pieces in order to force them out towards us. I ordered the alguacil mayor likewise to be prepared to enter, the next day, with the brigantines, through the canals of a large lake extending amongst some houses where the canoes of the city were all gathered; and there were already so few houses left where they might shelter that the lord of the city, with certain of the chiefs, had placed himself in a canoe, not knowing what to do with themselves. Thus we planned our entrance on the morning of the following day.
When day had dawned, I had our whole force prepared, and the large field pieces brought out; and I had, the day before, ordered Pedro de Alvarado to
The Fall
of
Mexico
await me in the square of the market-place, and not to begin fighting until I arrived. All being assembled, and the brigantines ready for action, behind the houses on the water, where the enemy were gathered, I ordered that, on hearing a musket-shot, the land force should enter the small part which was still to be captured, and force the enemy towards the water where the brigantines would be awaiting them; and I cautioned them particularly to look after Quatamucin, and to endeavour to take him alive, because then the war would stop. I mounted the top of a roof, and, before the fight began, I spoke with some of the chiefs of the city whom I knew, and asked them why their lord did not come, seeing that they were in such straits, and I said they ought not to be the cause of all perishing; and told them to call him, saying that nobody need be afraid; and it seemed that two of those chiefs went to call him. After a short time, they returned with one of the highest chiefs of all of them, who was called Ciguacoacin,[58] captain and governor of them all, whose counsel was followed in everything concerning the war. I showed a very good disposition towards him, so that he might be reassured and have no fears, and finally he told me that the sovereign would in no way appear before me, and that he rather preferred to die where he was, and that he himself was much grieved at this decision but that I could do as I pleased. Recognising by this his determination, I told him to return to his own people, and that he and they might prepare themselves, as I was determined to attack them, and finish destroying them; and so it happened. More than five hours had passed in these parleyings, and the inhabitants of the city were all treading on the dead, others in the water were swimming, and others drowning themselves in the large lake where the canoes were collected. Such was the plight in which they were, that no understanding could conceive how they could endure it; and an infinite number of men, women, and children kept coming towards us, who, in their haste, pushed one another back into the water and were drowned amidst the multitude of dead. It appears they had perished to the number of more than fifty thousand, from the salt water which they drank, or from starvation, and pestilence. All these bodies, (in order that we should not understand their extremity), were neither thrown into the water lest the brigantines might come across them, nor were they thrown outside their boundary, lest we should see them about the city; and thus, in the streets they occupied, were found heaps of dead, so that nobody could step without trampling them. As the people of the city came towards us, I ordered Spaniards to be stationed in all the streets, to prevent our allies from killing those unhappy creatures, who were beyond number; and I also ordered the captains of our allies not to allow in any way those fugitives to be killed, but, as they were so many, it was not possible to prevent it that day, so more than fifteen thousand persons were massacred. Meanwhile, some of the chiefs and warriors of the city were brought to bay on some roofs and in the water, where they could no longer stop, or hide from us all their disasters and their weakness which had become very apparent; and, seeing that the afternoon was coming on us, and that they would not surrender, I had two large field pieces directed against them to see whether they would surrender then, because they would suffer greater damage by our giving permission to our friends to attack them, than by those two field pieces, which caused some destruction. As this also brought no result, I ordered the signal of the musket to be fired, whereupon the corner they still held was immediately taken, and those who were in it were forced into the water, and others who had not fought surrendered. The brigantines swiftly entered that lake, and broke into the midst of the fleet of canoes, and the warriors no longer ventured to fight.
It pleased God that the captain of a brigantine, called Garci Holguin, overtook a canoe in which there were some distinguished people, and, as he had two
August
13, 1521
or three cross-bowmen in the prow of the brigantine, and was crossing in the front of the canoe, they signalled to him not to shoot because their sovereign was there. The canoe was quickly captured, and they took Quatamucin,[59] and the lord of Tacuba, and the other chiefs who were with him; and the said captain, Garci Holguin,[60] immediately brought the said sovereign of the city and the other chief prisoners to the terrace where I was, which was near the lake. When I invited them to sit down, not wishing to show any rigour, he approached me and said to me in his language that he had done all that on his part he was bound to do to defend himself and his people, until he was reduced to that state, and that I might now do with him as I chose; and placing his hand on a dagger which I wore he bade me stab him with it and kill him. I encouraged him, and told him not to be afraid; and this lord having been made prisoner, the war immediately ceased, which God Our Lord was pleased to bring to its end on this day, the Feast of San Hipolito, which was the 13th of August in the year 152 1. So that from the day when we laid the siege to the city, which was the 30th of May of the said year, until it was taken, seventy-five days passed, in which Your Majesty may perceive the hardships, dangers, and cruelties, which these, your vassals, suffered, and in which they so exposed themselves that their deeds will bear testimony of them. In all these seventy-five days of the siege, none passed without more or less fighting.
On the day of the imprisonment of Quatamucin, and of the capture of the city, we returned to camp, having gathered the spoils found that day, and given thanks to Our Lord for the signal mercy and the much wished for victory He had granted us.[61] I remained in the camp for three or four days, and afterwards we came to the city of Cuyoacan where I have remained until now, providing for the good order and government and pacification of these parts. Having collected the gold and other things, we had them melted, with the approbation of Your Majesty's officials, and what was melted amounted to one hundred and thirty thousand castellanos, of which one fifth was given to the treasury of Your Majesty, besides one fifth of other duties belonging to Your Majesty, such as slaves and other things, as will be more extensively seen from the account of all belonging to Your Majesty, which will go signed with our names. The remaining gold was distributed amongst myself and the Spaniards, according to the conduct, service, and quality of each. Besides the said gold, there were certain made pieces, and jewels of gold, of which the best was given to the treasurer of Your Majesty.
Amongst the plunder which was obtained from the said city, many bucklers of gold were found; plumes, and feather work, and things so marvellous that they cannot be described in writing, nor can they be comprehended without being seen. And being such they are, it seemed to me they should not be divided but should all be placed at the disposition of Your Majesty, for which purpose I assembled all the Spaniards, and besought them to approve of all these things being sent to Your Majesty, and that the shares belonging to them and me should be placed at Your Majesty's disposition, which they rejoiced in doing with much good will. They and I send them for Your Majesty's acceptance by the procurators whom the council of this New Spain has deputed.
As the city of Temixtitan was so important, and so renowned throughout these parts, it seems it came to the knowledge of the lord of a very great province, seventy leagues distant from Temixtitan, called Mechuacan,[62] how we had destroyed and desolated it, and, considering the strength and grandeur of the said city, it seemed to the lord of that province that, inasmuch as it could not defend itself, there was nothing which could resist us. So, from fear or whatever cause he chose, he sent certain messengers, who, through the interpreters of his language, told me on his part, that their lord had learned that we were vassals of a great ruler, and that, with my approval, he and his people desired to become vassals and have friendship with us. I answered that it was true that we were all of us the vassals of that great ruler, who was Your Majesty, and that we would make war upon those who refused likewise to be so, and that their lord and they had done very well. As I had received news some short time since of the South Sea, I also inquired of them whether it could be reached through their country; and as they answered me affirmatively, I prayed them to take with them two Spaniards, whom I would give them, so that I might inform Your Majesty about that sea and their province. They replied that they were glad to do so with much good will, but that, to reach the sea, they would have to pass through the country of a great lord, with whom they were at war, and for this reason they could not now reach the sea. The messengers from Mechuacan remained here with me three or four days, and I made the horsemen skirmish for them, in order that they might describe it, and, having given them certain jewels, they and the two Spaniards set out for the said province of Mechuacan.
As I said in the foregoing chapter, Most Powerful Lord, I had obtained a short time ago information of another sea to the south, and had learned that, in two or
Expeditions
to the
Pacific
Ocean
three different directions, it was twelve or fourteen days' journey from here. I was very much concerned because it seemed to me that in discovering it a great and signal service would be rendered to Your Majesty, especially as all who have any knowledge or experience of the navigation in the Indies have held it to be certain that, with the discovery of the South Sea in these parts, many islands rich in gold, pearls, precious stones, spices, and other unknown and admirable things would be discovered: and this has been and is affirmed by persons of learning and experience in the science of cosmography. With this desire, and wishing to render Your Majesty this most singular and admirable service, I dispatched four Spaniards, two through certain provinces, and the other two through certain others; and, having first informed myself of the routes they were to take, and giving them guides from amongst our friends, they departed. I ordered them not to stop until they had reached the sea, and, upon discovering it, to take actual and corporeal possession of it in the name of Your Majesty.
The first travelled about one hundred and thirty leagues through many beautiful and fair provinces without encountering any hindrance, and arrived at the sea, and took possession of it, in sign of which they placed crosses on the coast of it. Some days afterwards, they returned with an account of the said discovery, and informed me very minutely of everything, bringing me some of the natives of the said sea [coast] and also very good samples from the gold mines, which they found in some of those provinces through which they passed; I send these, with the other samples of gold, to Your Majesty. The other two Spaniards were somewhat longer, because they travelled about one hundred and fifty leagues through other parts until they reached the sea, of which they likewise took possession. They brought me a full description of the coast, and, with them, came some natives of it. I received them and the others graciously, and they, having been informed of Your Majesty's great power, and given some presents, returned very contented to their country.
In the other account, Most Catholic Lord, I told Your Majesty, how, when these Indians routed and expelled me from the city of Temixtitan the first time, all the provinces subject to the city rebelled against the service of Your Majesty, and made war upon us; and, by this account, Your Majesty may see how we reduced to Your Royal service almost all the provinces which had rebelled. Certain provinces on the coast of the North Sea at ten, fifteen, and thirty leagues' distance from the said city of Temixtitan, had revolted and rebelled, and their natives had treacherously killed certainly more than one hundred Spaniards who had thought themselves safe. I could not possibly proceed against them before the conclusion of the war, so, after I had dispatched those Spaniards who had first discovered the South Sea, I determined to send Gonzalo de Sandoval, alguacil mayor, with thirty-five horsemen, two hundred Spaniards, some of our allies, and some of the chiefs and natives of Temixtitan, to this province, which we called Tatactetelco and Tuxtepeque and Guatuxco and Aulicaba; and, having been instructed how to conduct this expedition, he began his preparations for it.
At this season, the lieutenant, whom I had left in the town of La Segura de la Frontera, in the province of Tepeaca, came to this city of Cuyoacan, and informed me how some of the natives of that province and other neighbouring ones, vassals of Your Majesty, were troubled by the natives of the provinces of Guaxacaque [Oaxaca] who made war on them because they were our friends, and, besides it being necessary to correct this evil, it was well to secure that province of Guaxacaque, because it was on the road to the South Sea, and to pacify it would be very advantageous as well for the aforesaid as for other reasons, which I will hereafter state to Your Majesty. The said lieutenant told me that he had privately received information respecting that province, and that we could subjugate it with a small force, because, while I was in the camp against Temixtitan, he had gone there, as those of Tepeaca had urged him to make war upon the natives of it, but, not having taken more than twenty or thirty Spaniards they had forced him to return, less leisurely than he would have wished. Having heard his relation I gave him twelve horsemen and eight Spaniards, and the said alguacil mayor and the lieutenant left this city of Guaxacaque on the 15th October, 1521.
When they reached the province of Tepeaca, they there made their review, and each departed on his conquest. The alguacil mayor wrote to me five days later that he had arrived at the province of Guatuxco, and that, although he had much apprehension that he would find himself in straits with the enemy as they were very skilful in war and had many forces in the country, it had pleased Our Lord that he should be received peaceably; and that, although he had not reached the other provinces he felt sure that all the natives of them would offer themselves as vassals of Your Majesty. Fifteen days later, other letters of his arrived in which he reported to me that he had advanced, and that the whole of the country was already at peace, and that it seemed to him it would be well to settle in the most accessible parts and thus make sure of it, as we had already discussed many times before, and for me to decide what should be done in the matter. I wrote, thanking him very much for what he had done on his expedition in the service of Your Majesty, telling him that all he reported about settling was approved by me, and I sent him word to establish a town of Spaniards in the province of Tuxtepeque, and to call it Medellin,[63] I sent the appointment of alcaldes and municipal officials, all of whom I charged to look after Your Majesty's service and the good treatment of the natives. The Lieutenant of Segura de la Frontera departed with his people for the province of Guaxaca with many friendly warriors from that neighbourhood, and, although the natives of that province set themselves to resist, and fought two or three times very stoutly against him, they finally surrendered peacefully without sustaining any damage; he wrote very minutely respecting all this, informing me that the country was very good, and rich in mines, and he sent me a very remarkable sample of gold from it, which I also forward to Your Majesty; and he remained in the said province awaiting my commands.
Having taken measures for the accomplishment of these two conquests, and having heard of the good success of them, and seeing how I had Rebuilding already peopled three towns with Spaniards of and that a number of them still remained with Mexico me in this city, I debated where to establish another town within the circuit of the lakes; for it was needed for the greater security and peace of all these parts. Considering also that the city of Temixtitan, which was a thing so renowned and had made itself so important and memorable, it seemed to us that it was well to rebuild it, for it was all destroyed. I distributed the lots to those who offered themselves as householders, and I appointed the alcaldes and municipal officers in the name of Your Majesty, as is customary in your kingdoms; and, while the houses were being built, we agreed to continue living in this city of Cuyoacan, where we are at present. In the four or five months since the rebuilding of the said city of Temixtitan was begun it is already very beautiful, and Your Majesty may believe that each day it will become nobler, so that as it was before the head and mistress of all these provinces, so it will be henceforward; it is being and will be so built that the Spaniards will be perfectly strong and safe, and supreme lords of the natives, secure from any fear of being assailed by them.
In the meantime, the chief of the province of Tecoantepeque, which is near the South Sea where the two Spaniards discovered it, sent me certain notables by whom he offered himself as vassal of Your Majesty, and made me a present of certain jewels, pieces of gold, and feather work, all of which was delivered to the treasurer of Your Majesty; I thanked the messengers for what they told me on behalf of their chief, and I gave them certain presents which they took and returned very happy.
At this season, those two Spaniards returned from the province of Mechuacan, whence the messengers had come from that chief, and told me that the South Sea could be reached by that way, except that it had to be done through the country of a chief who was his enemy. A brother of the chief of Mechuacan came with the two Spaniards, and other chiefs and servants with him, exceeding two thousand persons, whom I received, showing great love towards them; and they gave me on the part of the chief of the said province, who is called Calcucin, a present for Your Majesty of shields of gold, weighing [word missing] marks, and many other things which were delivered to Your Majesty's treasurer. To show them our customs, and let them report to their chief, I had all the horsemen ride to the square, where they manœuvred and skirmished, the foot soldiers marching in file, and the musketeers firing their muskets and firing with the artillery against the tower. The chiefs were all dreadfully frightened to see the effect it made, and to see the horses manœuvring; then I had them taken to see the destruction and desolation of the city of Temixtitan, and they were astonished on beholding it and its strength and its fortress, situated as it was in the water. After four or five days, I gave them for their chief many such things as they esteemed, and others for themselves, so they departed very happy and satisfied.
I have heretofore made relation to Your Majesty about the river of Panuco, which is fifty or sixty leagues down the coast from the city of Vera Cruz, where the ships of Francisco de Garay had gone two or three times and received a good deal of hurt from the natives of the said river on account of the little tact which the captains who had been sent there had shown in the traffic they attempted to establish with the Indians. Afterwards, when I perceived that on the whole coast of the South Sea there was a lack of harbours, and that none was equal to the harbour of that river, and also because those natives, after coming to me to offer themselves as vassals of Your Majesty, are making war against the vassals of Your Majesty, our friends, I felt it very necessary to send a captain there with a force to pacify all that province, and, if the country was a likely one for settlement, to establish a town on that river, so that the entire neighbourhood might be assured. Although we were few and scattered in three or four places, from which reason there was some opposition to taking more people from here, nevertheless, both in order to help our friends, and because, after the taking of the city of Temixtitan, ships had arrived bringing some people and horses, I prepared twenty-five horsemen and one hundred and fifty foot soldiers to go with their captain to the said river.
While engaged in dispatching this captain, they wrote to me from Vera Cruz that a ship had arrived in its port, in which there came Cristobal de Tapia,[64] inspector of the foundries in the island of Hispaniola. I received a letter
Arrival of
Cristobal
de Tapia
from him the next day afterwards, in which he made known to me that fog coming to this country was for the purpose of taking charge of its government by order of Your Majesty; for this purpose he said he had brought the royal provisions, but would in no wise present them until we met, which he desired should happen immediately. As his animals had been fatigued at sea, he had not begun his journey and he prayed me to give orders how we might see each other, either by his coming hither or my going to the sea-coast. Immediately I received his letter, I answered it, saying that I rejoiced at his arrival, and that nobody could have come provided with Your Majesty's orders for holding the government of these parts whom I would receive with more satisfaction, not only on account of our mutual acquaintance, but also as fellow neighbours and early settlers in the island of Hispaniola,
Since the pacification of these parts was not so complete as it should be, and any novelty would disquiet the natives, I besought Fray Pedro Melgarejo de Urrea, commissary of the Cruzada,[65] (who accompanied us in all our hardships and well knew the state of things here, making himself so useful in Your Majesty's service that we had availed ourselves of his devotion and advice), to go and see the said Tapia, and to examine the warrants of Your Majesty; and, since he knew better than anyone else what was profitable to your royal service in these parts, to come to some agreement with the said Tapia as to what was most advantageous, for I conceived that he would not exceed them in any way. I besought him thus in the presence of Your Majesty's treasurer, who also charged him in the same sense. He departed for the city of Vera Cruz where the said Tapia was staying; and to insure that, in the city or wherever the Inspector might come, he would be well served and accommodated, I sent two or three notable persons with the said Father. After they left, I awaited his answer.
Meanwhile I was preparing for my departure, giving orders about some things necessary to Your Majesty's service, and for the pacification and quieting of these parts. Some ten or twelve days afterwards the justice and Municipal Council of Vera Cruz wrote to me that the said Tapia had presented the provisions he brought from Your Majesty and your governors in your royal name, and that they had been received with all due reverence, but as for executing them, they had answered that as most of the Municipal Council were here with me, aiding in the siege of the city, they would report to them, and all would do and comply with what was most profitable to Your Majesty's service and the good of the country. The said Tapia was somewhat displeased by this reply, and had even attempted something scandalous. As this grieved me somewhat, I replied, praying and charging them very much to look chiefly to Your Majesty's service, endeavouring to satisfy the said Tapia and not to give occasion for any tumult as I was about starting to see him, ready to comply with what Your Majesty had ordered and was most suitable to your service. Being on the very eve of starting on my journey, and the captain and people, whom I intended to send to the river Panuco, having been detained here, where it was necessary, while I was away for this city to remain well guarded, the Procurators of this New Spain requested me with many protestations not to leave, because, as this entire province of Mexico and Temixtitan had only recently been pacified, it would be disturbed by my absence, and much injury would be done to the service of Your Majesty and to the tranquillity of the country; they gave many other causes and reasons for their said requirement that I should not leave this city at that present time, and they told me they would go themselves to the city of Vera Cruz where the said Tapia was staying, with power of attorney from the councillors, and would see the warrants of Your Majesty and do all that was suitable to Your Royal service. As this seemed to us expedient, the said procurators left, and I wrote to the said Tapia letting him know what was happening, and that I was sending my power of attorney to Gonzalo de Sandoval, alguacil mayor, and to Diego de Soto and Diego Valdenebro, who were there in the town of Vera Cruz, in order that in my name, they together with the municipal councillors and procurators of their municipal councils, might take measures to do what was suitable to Your Majesty's service and for the good of the country; for they have been and are persons who would do so. They met Tapia, who was already on the road, accompanied by Fray Pedro, and required him to return to the city of Cempoal, and there Tapia presented Your Majesty's provisions which were received by all, with the submission due to Your Majesty. As for executing them, they appealed that to the presence of Your Majesty, because such was advantageous to your royal service for the causes and reasons apparent in their same petition, and as will appear more fully from what passed; all of which the procurators who came from this New Spain carried, signed by a public notary. After exchanging other decrees and requirements between the said inspector and the procurators, he embarked in his ship as he was required to do, because, after publishing that he had come to be governor and captain of these parts his presence had caused some disquietude, and the people of Mexico and Temixtitan had plotted that the natives here should rebel and work a great treason, which, if it had been carried out would have been worse than the past. The plan was, that certain Indians who were in Mexico, agreeing with the natives of this province which the alguacil mayor had gone to pacify, should come to me in all haste, telling me that twenty ships had arrived on the coast with a great many people, and that, as they had not come on land, they could not be good people, and that I should come there and see what was the matter, they having prepared themselves, and going with me as warriors; and, to make me believe this, they brought me a drawing of the ships on paper. As they brought me this news secretly, I immediately divined that their intention was mischievous, and its purpose was to get me out of this province, for the chiefs of it had known all these past days that I had been prepared to march, but seeing that I remained quiet they devised this plan. I dissembled with them, and afterwards captured some who had invented the plot.
The coming of the said Tapia and his want of experience of the country and its people caused a great deal of confusion, and his remaining here would have done much harm, had not God remedied it, and he would have done better service to Your Majesty, if when he was in the island of Hispaniola he had refrained from coming, without first consulting Your Majesty, and making known the condition of things in these parts. For he had learned from the ships I had sent to the said island for help, and knew clearly that the scandal it was hoped to create by the coming of the armada of Panfilo de Narvaez had been remedied, principally by what the governors and royal council of Your Majesty had provided; and more still, for the said Tapia had been required many times by the Admiral and the judges and officials of Your Majesty who reside in the said island of Hispaniola not to interfere in these parts without Your Majesty first being informed of everything that had happened, and hence they forbade his coming under certain penalties; but by scheming and looking more to his private interest than to Your Majesty's service he obtained the revocation of the prohibition. I relate all this to Your Majesty, because, when the said Tapia left, the procurators and myself did not send a report, for he would not have been a good carrier of our letters, and also that Your Majesty may see and believe that, in not having received the said Tapia, Your Majesty had been well served, as will be more fully proven as often as may be necessary.
In a chapter before this, I made known to Your Majesty that the captain, whom I had sent to conquer the province of Guaxaca, was waiting there for my commands, and, as he was needed, and was judge and lieutenant in the town of Segura de la Frontera, I wrote to him to give the eighty men and ten horsemen whom he had to Pedro de Alvarado. The latter I had sent to subjugate the province of Tututepeque, forty leagues beyond Guaxaca near the South Sea, where they did much damage to, and made war against, those who had given themselves as Your Majesty's vassals, and to those of the province of Tututepeque, because they had allowed us to come through their country to discover the South Sea. Pedro de Alvarado left this said city the last of January of this present year, and, with the people he took from here, and with those he got in the province of Guaxaca, he united forty horsemen, two hundred foot soldiers, aided' by forty archers and musketeers, and two small field pieces. Twenty days later, I received letters from the said Pedro de Alvarado, saying that he was on the road towards the province of Tututepeque, and he told me that he had captured certain native spies, and obtained information from them; for they had told him that the lord of Tututepeque and his people were expecting him on the field and he was determined to do in that journey all he possibly could to pacify that province, and besides the Spaniards had collected many and good warriors.
While waiting to hear the end of all this business, I received letters on the 4th of the month of March of the same year from the said Pedro de Alvarado in which he reported to me that he had entered that province, and that three or four towns of it had set themselves to resist him, but had not persevered in it, and that he had entered the town and city of Tututepeque, and had been well received as far as appearances went; and that the chief had asked him to lodge there in some of his great houses, which were thatched with straw, but that, inasmuch as the place was not very suitable for the horsemen, he had not accepted, but had come down to a part of the city which was more level; that he had also done this because he had learned that the chief had planned to kill him and all of them, by setting fire at midnight to the houses where the Spaniards were lodged.
When God had disclosed this baseness, he had feigned ignorance and, as if accidentally, had carried the chief and his son with him and had decided to keep them in his power as prisoners; they had given him twenty-five thousand castellanos and from what the vassals of that chief had told him, he believed there were great treasures. The whole of the province was as pacified as possible, and they carried on their markets and commerce as before. The country was very rich in gold mines, for in his presence they had taken out a sample which was sent to me. Three days before, he had been to the sea, and taken possession of it for Your Majesty, where, in his presence, they had taken out a sample of pearls which he likewise sent to me, and which I sent to Your Majesty, together with the sample from the gold mines.
As God, Our Lord, had well guided this business, and fulfilled my desire to serve Your Majesty on this South Sea, being as it is of such importance, I have provided with so much diligence that, in one of the three places where I discovered the sea, two medium-sized caravels and two brigantines are being built: the caravels for the purpose of discovering, and the brigantines to follow the coast. For this purpose, I sent, under a reliable person, forty Spaniards, amongst whom go ship-masters, ship-carpenters, wood-sawyers, blacksmiths, and seamen; and I have sent to the city for nails, sails, and other things necessary for the said ships, and all possible haste will be used to finish and launch them. Your Majesty may believe that it will be a great thing to accomplish this, and the greatest service since the Indies have been discovered will be thus rendered to Your Majesty.
While I was in the city of Tesaico, before we laid siege to Temixtitan, preparing and furnishing ourselves with
Conspiracy
of
Villafaña
the necessities for the said siege, and entirely unaware of what certain persons were plotting, one of the conspirators warned me that certain friends of Diego Velasquez, who were in my company, had treasonably plotted to kill me, and that amongst them they had elected a captain, an alcalde, and alguacil mayor, and other officials. My informer begged that I should thwart this by all means, for, besides the scandal which would follow, respecting my person, it was clear that not a Spaniard would escape, for, seeing us turned against one another not only would we find the enemy against us, but even those whom we regarded as friends would join in and finish with all of us. I thanked Our Lord, because in the discovery of this treachery lay the remedy. We immediately seized the principal offender, who spontaneously confessed that he had designed and planned, with many persons whom he betrayed in his confession, to assault and kill us, and to take the Government of the country for Diego Velasquez, and that it was true he had designed to appoint captains and alcaldes, and that he himself was to be the alguacil mayor, and that he was to seize and kill me. Many persons were involved in this, whom he had placed on a list which was found in his lodgings (although torn in pieces), together with the names of persons with whom he had spoken of the said affair; he had not only contemplated this in Tesaico, but he had also communicated it, and spoken of it during the war against the province of Tepeaca. After hearing the confession of this man, who was called Antonio de Villafaña, a native of Zamora, and as he reiterated it, the judge and myself condemned him to death, which was executed on his person.[66] Although we found others inculpated in this offence, I dissembled with them, treating them as friends, because the case being mine, although more properly it might be said to be that of Your Majesty, I was not willing to proceed rigorously against them; this dissimulation has not produced much advantage, because since then some partisans of Diego Velasquez have started many intrigues, and have secretly created many seditions and scandals, in which it has been necessary for me to be more on my guard against them than against our enemies. But God, Our Lord, has always conducted everything in such a manner, that, without executing any punishment on them, there has been, and exists, peace and tranquillity; and if from henceforth I should discover anything else it shall be punished as justice dictates.
After the city of Temixtitan was captured, and while we were in Cuyoacan, Don Fernando, the lord of Tesaico died, which much grieved us all because he was a good vassal of Your Majesty and a great friend of the Christians; and with the approval of the chiefs and the notables of that city and of his province the lordship was given in the name of Your Majesty to a younger brother, who was baptised and took the name of Don Carlos,[67] and as far as we know he has followed until now in the footsteps of his brother, and seems much pleased with our habits and conversation. I made known to Your Majesty in the other account how there was a very high and conical mountain near the provinces of Tascaltecal and Guaxocingo, from which much smoke almost constantly issued, ascending straight like an arrow.[68] As the Indians gave us to understand that it was a very fearful thing to ascend it, and that those who went there perished, I made certain Spaniards undertake it, and examine the summit of the mountain. When they ascended, the smoke came out with such noise that they neither could nor dared to reach its mouth; and afterwards I made some other Spaniards go, who ascended twice, reaching the mouth of the mountain where the smoke comes out, and from one side of the mouth to the other it was two crossbow-shots, for the circumference of it is almost three-quarters of a league, and the depth is so great that they could not see the bottom of it, and they found near the circumference some sulphur, deposited there by the smoke. They heard such a great noise made by the smoke that they made all haste to come down, and before they had descended to the middle of the mountain an infinite number of stones came rolling down, greatly endangering their position; and the Indians held it a very great thing to have dared to go where the Spaniards had gone.
In one of my letters, I told Your Majesty that the natives of these parts were much more capable than those of the other islands, appearing to be as intelligent and as reasonable as is ordinarily considered sufficient; wherefor it appeared wrong to oblige them to serve the Spaniards as those of the other islands do, though without some assistance, the conquerors and settlers of these parts would on the other hand be unable to maintain themselves. In order not to force the Indians to help the Spaniards, it seemed to me that Your Majesty might order that as compensation the latter should receive assistance from the incomes which here belong to Your Majesty for their provisions and sustenance; respecting this Your Majesty may provide what seems profitable to your service, according to the more extensive relation which I have made to Your Majesty. Seeing the many and continual outlays of Your Majesty, and that we ought rather to augment your rents by all possible means than to be an occasion of further expenses, and considering also the long time we have spent in the wars, and the necessities and debts caused thereby, and the delay attendant upon Your Majesty's decision in this case, and above all the many importunities of Your Majesty's officials and of all the Spaniards from which it was impossible to excuse myself, I found myself almost forced to place the chiefs and natives of these parts amongst the Spaniards, to recompense them for the services they have rendered to Your Majesty. Until something else is ordered or this confirmed, the said chiefs and natives serve and give each Spaniard to whom they are allotted the needful for his subsistence. This step was taken with the approbation of intelligent persons, who have had, and have, great experience of the country, for there was nothing else possible not only for the maintenance of the Spaniards but also for the preservation and good treatment of the Indian, as is shown in the more extensive relation which the procurators who now go from this New Spain will make to Your Majesty. The plantations and farms of Your Majesty have been established in the best and most convenient provinces and cities.
Most Catholic Lord, may God Our Lord preserve and augment the life and very royal person and powerful state of Your Caesarean Majesty with increase of much greater Kingdoms and Lordships, as your royal heart may desire. From the City of Cuyoacan of this New Spain of the Ocean Sea on the 15th of May, 1522. Most Powerful Lord, Your Caesarean Majesty's very humble servant and vassal who kisses the royal hands and feet of Your Majesty.
- ↑ Said to have been introduced by a negro slave who came with Panfilo de Narvaez (Torquemada, lib. iv., cap. lxxx.).
- ↑ Texcoco.
- ↑ Tezmulocan: present name is San Martin Tesmelucan, in the state of Puebla.
- ↑ This was the usual flag of truce. It was in the form of a square of netting. Cortes, with Israelitish rapidity, calculated its money value at four marks, and Bernal Diaz was equally quick at estimating it to be worth eighty dollars: eight ounces went the mark.
- ↑ Coanacochtzin succeeded his brother Cacamatzin who was strangled by order of Cortes on the Sorrowful Night. He had long aspired to his brother's crown, and, with his younger brother IxtlilXochitl, shared in the betrayal of Cacamatzin when he was seized in his palace at Texcoco and carried by boat to Mexico. Ixtlilxochiti had already met Cortes on the road from Tlascala to Tlepehuacan, bearing likewise his flag of truce, and offering his friendship and
- ↑ Coatlinchan and Huexothla. From Chiantla and Texcoco the villages and haciendas extended in an unbroken succession to Coatepec.
- ↑ Now called Tenango Tepopula.
- ↑ These people came begging forgiveness for their part in the former hostilities and offering assistance; thus one by one, the adjacent cities and tribes abandoned the capital to its fate.
- ↑ Cortes misses this name entirely; which is not to be wondered at. as the boy was called Ahuaxpitcatzin.
- ↑ Meaning Coanacochtzin.
- ↑ He is described, by the historian Ixtlilxochitl, as being as white as a Spaniard, tall, graceful, and of genial manners. He spoke Castilian fluently, and almost every evening after supper he spent much time in discussion with Cortes, who became very fond of him.
- ↑ Already mentioned as alguacil mayor of Vera Cruz; he was a fellow townsman of Cortes from Medellin and one of the bravest and most competent captains in Mexico, being also extremely popular with his men, and always faithful to his commander. In temperament, he was a happy contrast to Pedro de Alvarado. His death at an early age, which took place in 1528 at Palos, was a great grief to Cortes, who attended him in his last hours.
- ↑ Chalco was tributary to Mexico but under a ruler of its own.
- ↑ Juan Yuste came originally with Panfilo de Narvaez, passing later into service under Cortes. He started with five horsemen and twenty-five foot to bring some gold from Vera Cruz, and at Tlascala he was joined by three hundred natives. Ignorant of the events which had followed upon Alvarado's massacre in Mexico, he and his party proceeded with entire confidence, and were surprised with the consequences Cortes describes.
- ↑ Aiutecatl and Teutepil.
- ↑ History hardly records a greater tour de force than the construction, transport, and launching of these brigantines: the glory of the conception belongs to Cortes, but the merit of its execution was due to the Tlascalans. Martin Lopez, a ship-carpenter, was in charge of the work, assisted by a few other Spaniards, but the brunt of the work and the cost were borne by the Tlascalans.
Prescott recalls two instances of similar undertakings but on a smaller scale with less distance to cover: the first was during the siege of Taranto by Hannibal, and the second at the same place, seventeen centuries later under Gonsalvo de Cordoba. Balboa also built four small boats on the isthmus of Darien, two of which he succeeded in carrying to the coast and launching successfully. For magnitude of the undertaking, distance of transport, number of men engaged, with no beasts of burden to help them, and the importance of the issue at stake, the achievement of Cortes and the Tlascalans stands alone. The arrival of the convoy at Texcoco was rightly made the occasion of a triumphal entry, to the sound of music and salutes, while the crowds enthusiastically cheered for Castile and Tlascala. It was found necessary to build a canal in which to join the parts of the brigantines together, and from which to launch them safely on the waters of the lake. In the Voyage de Thomas Gage, the author, who travelled in Mexico in 1626, says that, as the tallow and oil required in the ship building were very scarce in Texcoco, they were obtained from the dead bodies of the Indians slain in the daily skirmishes. As the fat of dead Indians was found useful for dressing wounds, there is no reason why it should not do equally well as ship's tallow. Cortes had previously built two brigantines on the lake, bringing the cordage, sails, and iron, from the dismantled ships in Vera Cruz, just to show Montezuma what the "water houses" were like, but he had also counted on using them in case of need; they had, however, been destroyed during the fighting with Alvarado, while Cortes was absent.
- ↑ Xatlocan: a place near Zumpango surrounded by a lake of the same name: it was a dependency of Texcoco.
- ↑ Cuauhtitlan, three leagues from Mexico.
- ↑ Tenayucan.
- ↑ Atzcapotzalco, barely one league from Mexico; called the town of Silversmiths as it was famous for its metal work.
- ↑ Huaxtepec.
- ↑ Ayachapichtla; Sandoval was not disposed to attack because of his own extreme weariness, and the exhausted condition of his men and horses, but the captain Luis Marin counselled him on no account to withdraw, as upon the Chalcans, who were watching only to see which side was the stronger in order to give their alliance to the victor, the moral effect would be bad.
- ↑ Santiago (St. James) was the patron Saint of Spain, and from the times of the Moorish wars his name had been their battle cry. Bernal Diaz naively relates that this battle was fought and won by the Indians of Tlascala and Chalco, the Spaniards being more interested in capturing Indian women and collecting booty than in slaying the enemy, adding also that the cruelties of the Indians were so shocking that the Spaniards tried to save the enemy from their own allies. Bernal Diaz attacks Gomara's account of the stream being red with blood, and says that, while some wounded Mexicans did make their way down to the water, in seeking to escape, and it may have been discoloured for the length of time required to say an "Ave Maria," it is untrue that anyone suffered from thirst on that account, as the town possessed several fountains of the finest water.
- ↑ Bernal Diaz relates that Quauhtemotzin was so enraged when he heard of the defection of the Chalcans and of the hostilities against him, in which they had taken part with the Spaniards, that he despatched a force of twenty thousand warriors against them, which was transported across the lake in two thousand canoes. Sandoval had barely got back to Texcoco and had not even had time to make his report to the commander, when an express arrived from Chalco with the news that things were in a worse state than ever. Cortes, hastily assuming that Sandoval had returned too soon, leaving his mission only half accomplished, fell into a rage, and ordered Sandoval's instant return to Chalco, without hearing a word of what he had to say in explanation. Sandoval was so much hurt at this injustice that on his second return to Texcoco bringing the prisoners, he would have nothing to say to Cortes in spite of the latter's apologies and protests. The two men did afterwards make up this quarrel, and became as good friends as ever. There was also much grumbling over the partition of the slaves; first His Majesty's fifth was deducted, then the fifth belonging to Cortes, then the officers took their shares, so that by the time it came to allotting any to the soldiers there was not much of any value left. Bernal Diaz says that those who were in favour with Cortes, bought their slaves privately and had them branded, paying the price to him: many slaves also escaped or disappeared, but the soldiers were credited with their value, which was charged against them in the division of the spoils.
- ↑ Bernal Diaz speaks of but one ship, on board which came Julian de Alderete, royal treasurer; also Fray Pedro Melgarejo de Urrea, a Franciscan, of whom further mention will be made, and many others. The welcome news was brought that Juan de Fonseca, the Bishop of Burgos, was out of favour with the Emperor.
- ↑ Tozopan, Mexicalzingo, and Nautlan.
- ↑ Tlamanalco: a little more than one league from Chalco.
- ↑ Xiuhtepec.
- ↑ Cuauhnahuac: the present Cuernavaca. This town, the ancient capital of the Tlahuica tribes, situated on an isolated sort of promontory at an elevation of over five thousand feet, and surrounded, save on one side, by a narrow but profound canon which was impassable, was defended by a strong garrison under Coatzin, its lord. The feat of the Tlascalan, to which Cortes does scanty justice, was
- ↑ The name Xochimilco signifies "field of flowers": the town was situated on the left bank of the lake of the same name.
- ↑ Cortes searched in vain for this Indian who saved his life, but, as he could never be found dead or alive, he finally declared that he was persuaded that it was not an Indian but his holy patron St. Peter who had rescued him. Clavigero pertinently notes that, in this battle as in many others, the Indians might easily have killed Cortes had they not determined to take him alive and sacrifice him. Bernal Diaz attributes the rescue of Cortes to a Castilian soldier, Cristobal de Olea, who led a body of Tlascalans to his relief, but makes no mention of any one particular Tlascalan. Cortes may, however, be supposed to know better, and he refers to Olea as "a servant of mine who helped raise the horse." Olea received three frightful wounds from the deadly maquahuitl, a weapon which the Mexicans wielded with great address.
The fighting in and around Xochimilco lasted from the 1 5th of April until the morning of Friday the 20th, when the Spaniards arrived in Tlacopan (Tacuba), and, though Cortes says little about the events of those days, his men suffered considerably. While a small division was engaged in pillaging some storehouses near Xochimilco, the Mexicans attacked them; wounding a number and taking Juan de Lara, Alonso Hernandez, and two other soldiers of Andres de Monjaraz's company prisoners. These men were carried in triumph to Temixtitan where, after being questioned by Quauhtemotzin, they were sacrificed and their arms and legs taken to be exhibited in the neighbouring provinces as a forecast of the fate awaiting the remainder of the white men (Bernal Diaz, cap. cxlv.).
Cortes wished to leave behind the spoils taken at Xochimilco rather than be cumbered with them, but yielded to the clamours of his men, who declared they were able to defend what they had taken. The arrival in Tlacopan was marked, as Cortes relates, by the capture of two more Spaniards, Francisco Martin Vendabal and Pedro Gallego, and the commander, on this occasion, made a rare display of feeling which led to the composition of a romance or ballad, long in popular vogue —
"En Tacuba esta Cortes
Con su escuadron esforzado,
Triste estaba y muy penoso,
Triste y con gran cuidado,
La una mano en la me j ilia
Y la otra en el costado," etc.Standing on a lofty teocalli, a group of the leaders, including Julian de Alderete and Fray Pedro Melgarejo, surveyed the country, with the great capital floating on the waters of its lake, and one Alonzo Perez, noting the pensive sadness of the commander's mien, begged him not to feel dejected, for losses and destruction were incident to warfare, but that of him it could never be said that like Nero he had watched the burning city, quoting the couplet —
"Mira Nero de Tarpeya
A Roma come de ardia."Cortes answered, calling him to witness how often he had begged the Mexicans to make peace and save themselves, adding that his sadness was not for any one cause alone, but from thinking of all the hardships still to be endured in reconquering the city, which with God's help they must now undertake.
- ↑ Huitzilopocho is the present Cherubusco. Cuitaquaca was Cuitlahuac and is now called Tlahua; the last town mentioned should be Mixquic.
- ↑ Citlatlepoc.
- ↑ Acolman, where Cortes first learned that reinforcements had arrived from Vera Cruz.
- ↑ Chinantla: the lance heads of black obsidian which are frequently mentioned were chiefly manufactured here, and were called by the same name. Chinantla now forms part of the state of Oaxaca.
- ↑ The feast fell upon Sunday April 28th, and was chosen for the launching of the brigantines. All the Spaniards received the sacraments; Fray Olmedo said Mass at an altar erected near the lake and blessed the boats. Amidst salvos of artillery, strains of music from the Christian and Indian bands, and the enthusiastic cries of "Castillo! Tlascala!" from the crowds, the brigantines glided gracefully into the lake. A solemn Te Deum closed the ceremony.
- ↑ Pedro de Alvarado was one of four brothers all of whom fought under the command of Cortes; Jorge served afterwards in Guatemala, and died in Madrid in 1540; Gomez died in Peru, and Juan a bastard brother died at sea while going to Cuba to bring horses. Pedro was one of the most daring and cruel of the Spanish captains; two exploits gained him a conspicuous place in the annals of the conquest, the first being the massacre of the nobles during the religious dance in the great temple, which provoked such terrible consequences, and the second his renowned leap which still holds its place amongst the heroic feats of history under the name of El Salto de Alvarado, a street in Mexico near the spot of the alleged jump perpetuating the legend.
Bernal Diaz denies the fact, and bluntly explains that the story took its origin from a libellous refrain or pasquinade composed by a soldier who had a sharp faculty for such rhyming. This represented Alvarado as deserting his two hundred and fifty men during the retreat of the Noche Triste, saving himself by jumping his horse over a canal, and it passed, according to Diaz, into the common stock of camp stories and jokes. This desertion was one of the accusations presented in his trial (record published by D. Jose" Ramirez, Mex. 1847) to which Alvarado answered that he had held his men together as long as he could, but that it was they who deserted him, leaving him wounded, with his horse killed, and that he escaped only by a soldier taking him up behind him on his horse in the fight; nothing is said about any "leap." Cortes likewise never mentions it. The legend will never die, for it is of those which please popular fancy and become enshrined in the historical folk-lore, which is imperishable.
After the conquest, he was made governor of Cuauhtemallan and Chiapa, but his restless spirit spurred him to other adventures, and he fitted out an expedition in 1535, by royal licence, composed of some five or more ships, carrying fifteen hundred men, and the necessary horses and arms, bound for Peru, where he landed at Puerto Vie jo, marching thence to Quito. His arrival was unwelcome to Pizarro and Diego Almargo, who solved the difficulty by buying out his armament for 100,000 castellanos said at the time to have been an enormous price. He returned to Mexico, and undertook other ventures to the Spice Islands and California, and was finally killed in 1541 by a kick from a horse. When dying, he was asked where he suffered, to which he replied "In my soul."
Alvarado was called Tonatiuh (the sun) by the natives, on account of his high colouring and red beard; he was handsome, physically strong and brave, a typical swashbuckler of his period, cruel to the Indians, faithless to his friends, of quick temper, poor judgment, and known as a confirmed liar. Bernal Diaz fought in Alvarado's division during the siege.
- ↑ Although a number of the men had been sailors or fishermen, and consequently knew something about handling boats, none of them wanted to act as rowers for the brigantines, and it was with difficulty that Cortes completed his crews. Many of the natives of Palos, Triana, and other sea-ports, whom he ordered to take the oars, even objected on the score of their gentle birth, but the commander enforced his orders in spite of all excuses and protests. Each brigantine displayed the royal standard as well as its own particular ensign (Bernal Diaz).
- ↑ According to Bernal Diaz, who was in Alvarado's division, Olid had taken possession of all the available houses in Acolman for himself and his troops, marking the houses thus appropriated with green branches, so that when Alvarado's division reached the town there were no quarters for them. The soldiers of the two divisions almost fell to fighting, and the two commanders had challenged one another, but several of the cooler-headed officers interfered and restored a semblance of peace; but Alvarado and Olid were never afterwards friends. Cortes sent the Franciscan, Fray Pedro Melgarejo and Captain Luis Marin, as his peace-makers.
Another incident occurred at this time, which Cortes passes over in silence. This was the desertion of the Tlascalan general, Xicotencatl, who left the army, accompanied by a few followers, and returned to Tlascala. Various reasons are given for his action; Bernal Diaz attributes it to jealousy of Chichimecatl, and a perfidious plan to get possession of his lands while the latter was absent, fighting against Mexico. Herrera ascribes his desire to return home, to a love affair (lib. i., cap. xvii.). There had been a quarrel between a Spanish soldier and a Tlascalan chief, in which the latter was badly wounded; the matter was hushed up, so that Cortes should not hear it, as he was very strict in such matters; thus the soldier remained unpunished and as Xicotencatl was a relative of the wounded chief he left (Prescott, lib. vi., cap. iv.). Cortes first sent some Tlascalans to seek to induce him to return, and, this failing, he despatched some Spanish horsemen, with orders to arrest the general and bring him back. He simultaneously sent news of the affair to the Senate of Tlascala, informing the senators that amongst Spaniards, desertion was punishable by death. The versions of Xicotencatl's end do not agree. Herrera describes his death by hanging in public at Texcoco, while Bernal Diaz says he was executed where he was captured. Xicotencatl had always mistrusted the Spaniards, nor could the blandishments of Cortes nor the popular sentiment in Tlascala ever change his opinion. He was opposed to the alliance, and after fighting the Spaniards in the field, he continued to oppose them in the councils of his people. Cortes was aware of his sentiments and conscious of the bad effect such an example of desertion would have if left unpunished; hence it is likely he was glad to be rid of an ally on whose fidelity he could not count. Xicotencatl's act of desertion was indefensible, and its penalty by the code of Tlascala was death.
- ↑ Called Tepepolco: extensive quarries of the red porous stone Tetzontli, used for building purposes, were found here, and the place afterwards became the property of Cortes, and was known as Peñon del Marques.
- ↑ This was the small fortress called Xoloc, which stood at the junction of the causeways leading to Itztapalapan and Cuyoacan respectively. It consisted of two small towers surrounded by a wall, and was not large enough to hold a numerous garrison, and hence was easily captured by the Spaniards. It was just after passing Xoloc that the first meeting between Montezuma and Cortes took place.
- ↑ Como iban mas que retraiendose is the quaint device of Cortes to avoid saying that the Spaniards were in full flight.
- ↑ The Mexican historian, Ixtlilxochitl, is authority for the story that Cortes and his Texcocan ally, Prince Ixtlilochitl, headed this assault upon the great teocalli, penetrating into the sanctuary of the idol; and that Cortes himself tore away the jewelled mask of gold from the idol's face while the Prince of Texcoco struck off its head with his sword. In the absence of any mention of these details by Cortes or any other witnesses, this version seems unworthy of credence.
- ↑ It seems incredible that neither Spaniards nor allies should have sustained any loss in this long day's fighting, which, though it ended to their advantage, had witnessed their utter rout and the capture of their gun on the square. Bernal Diaz, who was fighting under Alvarado, on the causeway from the Tacuba side, gives a more convincing description of the daily losses and the wounds which the men had to dress as best they could when they returned at night to their camp. There was a soldier Juan Catalan, who was reputed to have the gift of healing by prayer and charms, who had his hands full, as the Indians also placed faith in him, and brought him all their wounded. "I say," he piously adds, "that it pleased our Lord Jesus Christ in his mercy to give us strength and to speedily heal us."
- ↑ The Mexican historian, Ixtlilxochitl, contradicts Cortes on this point, affirming that the boy-king Fernando was already dead, and that his brother Ixtlilochitl reigned. Both these princes bore the same Christian name of Fernando, hence the natural and unimportant confusion of their identity, but, as Cortes says nothing of the first one's death, which he could have no motive in misrepresenting, and distinguishes very clearly between the two, his version, given at the time, must prevail over that of a later writer. The same chronicler claims that Ixtlilochitl fought throughout the siege with the Spaniards, performing prodigies of valour, and he reproaches Cortes for suppressing all mention of these services in his despatches, and for failing to recompense him and his people after the victory to which their valour so largely contributed (Orozco y Berra, lib. iii., cap. vi.).
- ↑ Otomies: tribes inhabiting the mountain regions to the west. Orozco y Berra gives June nth as the probable date of their arrival in the camp.
- ↑ The perfidy of these people dealt a terrible blow to Quanhtemotzin and the defenders of Temixtitan, for to their defection they added treachery of the blackest complexion. Their chiefs appeared before the Emperor with offers of assistance, which were gratefully accepted by the hard-pressed sovereign. Their troops were assigned places, and, when the fighting began, made a feint at first of attacking the Spanish allies, but afterwards suddenly turned their arms against the Mexicans who were of course taken completely by surprise; their chiefs quickly rallied, however, and bringing up fresh troops the traitors soon got the worst of it, and, leaving many dead, and others prisoners, the remainder fled from the city. The prisoners were upbraided by Macehuatzin, lord of Cuitlahuac, who decapitated four of the principal ones with his own hand and delivered the others to Quauhtemotzin, who ordered them to be sacrificed in the temples of Mexico and Tlatelolco (Sahagun, lib. xii., cap. xxxiv.; Torquemada, lib. iv., cap. cxiii.). One of the worst effects of the defection of the lake towns was to cut off the supplies of fresh water and food, which, in spite of the vigilance of the brigantines, they had found means to transport into the beleaguered city. Henceforth hunger was added to the horrors of the siege, while the Spanish camp was enriched by supplies of fresh provisions.
- ↑ Cortes says nothing of the losses suffered by the Spaniards during the operations of these days, though they were considerable enough to merit notice. The Mexicans had arranged a clever device for capturing the brigantines, which was partially successful. They stationed thirty of their largest canoes, full of warriors, amongst some rushes, and drove a number of stakes into the bottom of the lake in such wise as to impede the movements of the brigantines. Some smaller canoes, such as usually carried supplies, were then sent into the open, where they were quickly discovered by the Spaniards, who gave chase, allowing themselves to be drawn into the trap, where the stakes interfered with their movements. The captain of one of the brigantines, Portillo, was killed, and Pedro Barbo was mortally wounded; many others were wounded, and the Mexicans carried off one brigantine in triumph. They paid dearly for this victory, for Cortes was so much mortified by this disaster, that a counter ambuscade was prepared, which drew the Mexicans successfully, and in which they suffered severe loss of many canoes, a number of slain, and others prisoners. The Aztecs had one formidable warrior of giant stature, called Tzilacatzin, who was wonderfully skilful with his sling, every stone he sent bringing down its man. He was made the aim of all the Spanish archers, and musketeers, his great stature making him easily distinguishable, but they could never hit him. On one of these days eighteen Spaniards were captured alive and sacrificed, their bodies being afterwards cut up and distributed to be eaten. Another day a furious assault led by a daring warrior of Tlatelolco called Tlapanecatl, almost succeeded in capturing the ensign Corral who carried the Spanish standard, and did carry off no less than fifty-three Castilian prisoners, besides numerous of the allies, and four horses all of whom were sacrificed in the various temples. In the rout of Alvarado, which Cortes here briefly mentions, but which was a complete disaster, five more Spaniards were taken alive, besides many Indian prisoners; a horseman and his horse were drowned, and the survivors, all badly wounded, and utterly demoralised, drew off to their camp amidst the victorious shouts of the Mexicans. The latter followed up to the very camp, but were repulsed with loss by a small battery stationed there, which was worked by an able engineer, named Medrano. The guns were so placed that they raked the entire causeway, and as the brigantines used their guns on both sides, the camp was effectively protected (Bernal Diaz, cap. cii.; Sahagun, lib. xii., cap. xxxvi.; Torquemada, lib. iv., cap. xciii.). Alvarado was an intrepid commander, and, nothing daunted by his repulse, he continued for four days to renew his attack at the same point, until, on Friday, June 28th, he finally captured the bridge. Six more Spaniards perished in these combats, besides the wounded and allies whose dead were unnumbered.
- ↑ Tianguiz or Tianquiztli is the Mexican word for market.
- ↑ This was the last victorious day for the Mexicans, and witnessed their culminating effort against their foes. Quauhtemotzin was everywhere present amongst his troops, urging them to a supreme struggle, and sounding his trumpet of conch-shell, "upon hearing which signal" Bernal Diaz says, "it is impossible to describe the fury with which they closed upon us" (cap. ciii.). Dominating the shouts of "Santiago!" the screams of the wounded, the crash of arms, and the fierce war-cries of the Mexicans, was heard the lugubrious roll of the sacred Tlapanhuehuetl of serpents' skins which the priests beat with inspired frenzy before the war-god on the teocalli. Cortes again owed his escape from instant death to the determination which obsessed the Mexicans to take him alive for the sacrifice. His rescuer was the same Cristobal de Olea who had once before come to his aid in a moment of peril at Xochimilco; with one blow of his sword he cut off the arm of the warrior who held the general, falling dead himself the next moment.
Bernal Diaz says that Olea slew four chiefs before he himself fell (loco citato).
Seven horses were killed, seventy Spaniards were captured alive, Cortes was badly wounded in the leg; Sandoval likewise in three places and both his division and that of Alvarado suffered serious reverses. When an account came to be taken of the extent of the disaster, dismay filled the sinking hearts of the Spaniards, and the Indian allies began to doubt the power of the teules and to ask themselves whether they were not after all fighting on the wrong side. Cortes threw the blame for this catastrophe on Alderete, who had disobeyed his order never to advance without first securing his retreat. Alderete denied that he had ever had any such order, and declared that it was Cortes who had urged the troops forward. Recriminations and censures were thus exchanged, for naturally nobody would accept responsibility for such a calamity; it appears certain that Cortes had not been in favour of the assault, but had allowed his better judgment to be overruled by his companions, who were weary of the daily fighting, and thought they could storm the Tlateloco market-place, and so end the siege.
While gloom reigned in the Spanish camp, there was exultation amongst the Mexicans whose waning hopes of victory were revived by their success. The priests proclaimed that the war-god was appeased by the savour of so many Spanish victims and within eight days would give his faithful a complete victory over the impious invaders. This oracle was published amongst the allies, and shook their wavering faith in the Spaniards; they saw that the city stubbornly held out, they perceived that the strangers were neither invincible nor immortal, and, as the ancient superstitious fear of their gods reasserted itself, tens of thousands quietly detached themselves from the Spanish camp and marched off homewards. Cortes used every effort to hold them and urged that they should at least wait eight days and see whether the prophecy was fulfilled before deciding against him. The Tlascalan general, Chichimecatecle, and Prince Ixtlilxochitl of Texcoco remained steadfast to their sworn allegiance. The latter was naturally an object of peculiar hatred to the Mexicans, who reviled him, and heaped imprecations on him as a renegade from his race, and a traitor to his country. If he felt these taunts, he did not betray his feelings, but day after day joined in the scenes of carnage, facing both danger and obloquy unmoved. For five days there was some respite, the Spaniards nursing their wounds and preparing for a resumption of hostilities, while the Mexicans were engaged in making overtures to win back their faithless subjects and allies.
The situation of the Spaniards was well-nigh desperate, but that of the Mexicans was hardly better, for famine stalked their streets, claiming as many victims as the Spanish cannon, and terribly weakening the defenders of the city. The besiegers tenaciously held their position on the causeways, and, aided by the brigantines, on the lakes, were unceasingly vigilant in maintaining the blockade.
Throughout the siege there were a few Spanish women — some of them described as "wives" of the soldiers — in camp, who displayed scarcely less courage than the men, for, not only did they occupy themselves in the nursing which is women's natural function in wartime, but they even mounted guard to relieve the weary soldiers, who needed rest; and instances are given of their joining in the actual fighting. Cortes had intended leaving all these women at Tlascala, but his proposed order to that effect aroused such opposition, especially among the women themselves who declared that Castilian wives, rather than abandon their husbands in danger, would die with them, that it was never given. Little has been said of the courage and devotion of these obscure heroines, but Herrera has recorded the names of five, Beatriz de Palacios, Maria de Estrada, Juana Martin, Isabel Rodriguez, and Beatriz Bermudez, as meriting honorable mention in the annals of the conquest.
The eight days appointed by the priests for the destruction of the besiegers expired, and the prophecy remained unfulfilled; seeing which the vacillating allies returned to the Spanish camp in large numbers where the politic general received them with his customary imperturbable urbanity, and, after reproaching them for their faithless desertion in a panic of foolish superstition, declared that he pardoned their fault and accepted them once more as vassals of Spain, and his allies.
- ↑ Malinalco.
- ↑ Probably Huisuco.
- ↑ Cuernavaca again though Cortes varies his incorrect spelling.
- ↑ A gentleman who first came to San Domingo with Columbus in 1493: he landed on the coast, which he named Florida, in 1512, when sailing under a commission from Don Diego Columbus, governor of San Domingo. Instead of discovering the fountain of perpetual youth he had come to seek, he was wounded in a skirmish with the Indians from which he died in Cuba.
- ↑ The logic of this taunt was verified later, as Cortes observes, for the work of rebuilding the city fell upon the Indian allies who had destroyed it.
- ↑ A soldier called Sotelo, native of Seville, who claimed to have seen much service in Italy, and to know all about the construction of engines of warfare, proposed to Cortes to make this catapult. As Bernal Diaz says, he was eternally talking about the wonderful military machines he could build, with which he promised to destroy in two days the remaining quarter of the city, where Quauhtemotzin held out. The commander consented to the trial, and stone, lime, timber, cables, and all the necessary materials, were furnished, together with carpenters, and masons, to carry out Sotelo's instructions. The machine was erected on the platform of masonry known as the Mumuztli, a sort of theatre which stood in the square, and the process of its construction was watched with exultant expectations by the Indian allies, who foresaw the wholesale destruction of their enemies by means of the mysterious machine. They indulged in jubilant prophecies, and called on the Mexicans to observe the growth of the engine destined to accomplish their overthrow. The Mexicans were equally impressed by the strange monster, and watched its building with the feelings of one in the condemned cell, who hears the workmen building the scaffold on which he is to perish at dawn. The day of the trial (August 6th) arrived, and a huge stone was fired which instead of flying over into the Indian quarter where it was aimed, shot up into the air, and fell back into exactly the place from whence it departed. Cortes was furious with Sotelo, and ashamed of the failure in the presence of the gazing multitude: the luckless inventor was in disgrace, and the catapult remained one of the standing jokes in the army. Infusing some gaiety into the company this invention may be said to have served some good purpose, even though not exactly the one expected of it.
- ↑ Huitzilopotchli, also spelled Huitchilopochtli: the god of war whose statue stood in the great teocalli.
- ↑ Chihuacoatl.
- ↑ Quauhtemotzin, seeing that escape was hopeless, stood up in the canoe saying: "I am the King of Mexico and of this country; take me to Malintzin. I ask only that my wife and children and the women be spared." Some twenty persons were with him, all of whom Holguin brought back to the city. There is little to add to what Cortes here says about what passed on that historic occasion, except that he gave orders that the Princess Tecuichpo, youngest daughter of Montezuma, recently married to her cousin Quauhtemotzin should receive every consideration. Humboldt, commenting on Quauhtemotzin's choice of instant death, commends the unfortunate young sovereign's conduct in the following terms: "Ce trait est digne du plus beau temps de la Grèce et de Rome. Sous toutes les zones, quelle que soit la couleur des hommes, le langage des âmes fortes est le même lorsqu'elles luttent contre le malheur" (Essai Politique, p. 192, 4to ed.). The captive monarch was not deceived by the suave manners and honied words of his captor, and his forebodings were realised, when, a few days later, upon his protesting that there was no treasure left in the city, Cortes consented to his torture to force him to speak. Bernal Diaz seeks to excuse Cortes's part in this unworthy proceeding. It may be said in extenuation that he yielded to the angry clamours of disappointed soldiers, and the insinuation that he had arranged with Quauhtemotzin to conceal the treasure so as later to appropriate it for himself. The custodian of the royal fifth, Aldarete, seems to have insisted on the torture. The king bore the pain unflinchingly and rebuked his fellow sufferer who groaned aloud, saying: "Do you think I am taking my pleasure in my bath?" His feet were almost burned off, and he remained a cripple until his death. The anniversary of his capture and the fall of the city were celebrated as a public holiday all during the period of Spanish rule in Mexico, but the Republic has abolished this observance. The eleventh and last of the Aztec sovereigns was the son of Ahuitzotl; he succeeded Cuitlahuatzin and married his widow Tecuichpo. He was a young man of great personal bravery and energy, in all things the opposite of his superstitious uncle Montezuma. He worked indefatigably to win allies, organise an effective defence, and save the tottering kingdom and city; he galvanised the timid into something like courage, confirmed the waverers, and encouraged the patriots; large stores of arms and provisions were laid in, the useless, aged men, and women and children, were sent off to safe places in the mountains, while the city was filled with warriors. The kings of Texcoco and Tlacopan joined in these plans, co-operating with their fellow sovereign. Had like zeal and harmony existed a year earlier Cortes and his men would never have reached the capital, save as victims to be offered to Huitzilopochtli. Quauhtemotzin arrived too late. Nothing could ward off the oncoming disaster. The powerful states of Tlascala, Cholula, and others, had openly gone over to the Spaniards, blind to the inevitable destruction they were preparing for themselves; the allies of Mexico were doubtful and faint-hearted, — some of them merely neutrals, awaiting the issue to declare for the victor. Never did prince die for duty's sake, choosing death with open eyes and making a last stand for a forlorn cause, more nobly than did the heroic Quauhtemotzin. His captivity and death are noted in the Fifth Letter.
- ↑ While the brigantine with the royal captain and his fellow prisoners was returning across the lake, Sandoval came on board and demanded that Quauhtemotzin be delivered to him, as he was commander of that division of the fleet, but Holguin claimed the honour of the capture, and refused to yield to his superior. The dispute which ensued, delayed matters, but Cortes who was informed of the dissension, sent Luis Marin and Francisco Lugo with peremptory orders to cease wrangling, and bring the prisoners to him.
Bernal Diaz relates that, afterwards, the commander called the two claimants, and cited to them, by way of example, the incident from Roman history of the capture of Jugurtha and the dispute between Marius and Sylla as to the honour of that feat, which was productive of civil wars which devastated the state. He calmed them with the assurance that the circumstance should be fully laid before the Emperor, who would decide which of the two should have the action emblazoned in his arms. Two years later, the imperial decision was given, and ignored both the contestants, granting instead to Cortes himself the device of seven captive kings, linked with a chain and representing Montezuma, Quauhtemotzin, and the rulers of Texcoco, Tlapocan, Iztapalapan, Coyohuacan, and Matolzingo.
- ↑ See Appendix at close of this Letter.
- ↑ Michoacan was an independent kingdom, peopled by a different race from the Mexicans, and speaking a different language, though it shared to some degree the manners, customs, and civilisation of Anahuac: the chief city was Pazuaro on the lake of the same name. There was an almost permanent state of hostilities between the Tarasque (tribal name of the natives of Michoacan) and Aztec nations.
- ↑ Named after Cortes's birthplace in Estremadura.
- ↑ When the news of Narvaez's summary treatment of the commissioner from the audiencia of Hispaniola, Ayllon, reached Spain, proceedings were begun against him, but the Bishop of Burgos, always active in Velasquez's interests, secured their suspension until fuller information might be had, and also the release of Narvaez from the prison in Vera Cruz, where Cortes had confined him. Cristobal de Tapia, an inspector of the royal smelting operations in Hispaniola was therefore despatched to Vera Cruz, with full powers to deal with the matter; he was hardly the man for the mission, and was as little able to cope with Cortes as Narvaez had been.
- ↑ He was a Franciscan friar, empowered to administer the Bulas de la Cruzada. The indulgences provided by such bulls were granted on the usual conditions required for obtaining an indulgence, and were applicable to the living and the dead. This usage originated, as the title indicates, with the Crusades, and after it had fallen into disuse elsewhere, was continued in Spain owing to the long centuries of warfare against the Moors and the later conflicts with the Barbary pirates. It became therefore a peculiarly Spanish institution, and was extended to all countries under Spanish rule.
- ↑ This man was a private soldier who had come to Mexico in Narvaez's company; not Cortes alone but also Sandoval, Alvarado, and Olid were to be killed, and the commandership given to Francisco Verdugo, brother-in-law to Diego Velasquez, who was said, however, to be ignorant of the conspiracy. The plan was for several of the conspirators to stab the four leaders while they were seated at table. Cortes displayed a wise self-restraint in going no further in the affair than the execution of Villafaña, though he had the list of other names, the finding of some of which surprised and pained him greatly. He spread the report that Villafaña had swallowed the paper containing the list of the guilty ones.
- ↑ This is an error; after Don Fernando's death, the young prince Ahuaxpitzcatzin, an illegitimate son of Nezahualpilli, who had received the name of Carlos upon his baptism as a Christian, was chosen King, but Cortes had refused to recognise the election, and had prevailed on the electors to annul it in favour of his ally, the ambitious Ixtlilxochitl, whose Christian name was also Don Fernando. The confusion of the two Fernandos, Kings of Texcoco has already been noticed.
- ↑ The volcano of Orizaba which was mentioned in the First Letter. The Indian name was Citlatepetl, meaning Star Mountain. Humboldt gives the height as 17,368 feet; the crater is now extinct.
This lad was placed on the throne of Texcoco, and Antonio de Villareal and Pedro Sanchez Farfan had charge of his education, while Prince Ixtlilxochitl, who had also been baptised under the name of Fernando, had command of Texcocan military operations.
indeed remarkable, and is described by Bernal Diaz, who claims also to have followed on the heels of the intrepid warrior. Two immense trees growing on opposite sides of the ravine, inclined towards one another until their branches met; seeing this the bold Tlascalan con- ceived the plan of crossing by this aërial bridge, and, with an agility worthy of his conception, he safely passed on the swaying boughs over the dizzy height, and slid down the tree trunk on the other side, while the garrison of Cuernavaca were fighting elsewhere, and unobservant of his achievement. About thirty Spaniards and a number of Tlas- calans followed his example, three of whom lost their balance and fell into the stream below. Bernal Diaz says that it was a frightful undertaking, and that he himself became quite blind and giddy from the great height and danger. Indeed it was no small thing for a man, weighted with arms and armour, to essay such a feat, and if the credit of the invention belongs to the Tlascalan, we cannot withhold our admir- ation from the thirty Spaniards who had the hardihood to follow him.
Cuernavaca is the present capital of the State of Morelos, and is one of the most beautiful and interesting towns in Mexico, while its situa- tion is hardly excelled in picturesqueness and grandeur by any other in the world. The palace, which Cortes afterwards built there, still stands, and a charming villa, with luxuriant gardens overhanging the great barranca which was built by a Spaniard, Laborda, in the XVIIIth century, became a favourite resort of the unfortunate Em- peror Maximilian during his brief and luckless reign.