Life and select literary remains of Sam Houston of Texas/Chapter 11
CHAPTER XI.
The condition of affairs after the battle of San Jacinto was one of discord and confusion. Discontent was universal. The Government ad interim had not been able to pursue a line of policy generally acceptable. The Convention which had adopted the Constitution at Washington in the previous month of March, had made provision for the crisis, and, accordingly, writs were issued for the election of a President by the people of Texas. Two candidates were named — Gen. Stephen F. Austin and ex-Governor Henry Smith. The latter was an excellent man and a patriot; the former had the love of all parties, and will always be regarded as the father of Texas. Houston, importuned to become a candidate, would not consent until twelve days before the election. He desired private life. If the public councils were guided by firmness and wisdom he did not believe that it would be necessary to fire another hostile gun. Unrelentingly persecuted, his feelings outraged in proportion as he had sacrificed his own interests and devoted himself to the State, he hoped in retirement to be happy and witness his country's freedom. One motive, at last, overcame his disinclination to mingle in the turmoil of public life. The virulence of party ran so high, he feared that the formation of cabinets made of party men would endanger the stability of any administration.
Without a dollar, and without credit, a government was to be created from chaos. He belonged to no party, he possessed the confidence of the masses in a remarkable degree; believing, therefore, that as parties were nearly equally balanced, and as there was great reason to believe that those out of power would so far embarrass an administration as to destroy its efficiency, he allowed his name to be used, hoping to be able still to render signal service to the State. National enthusiasm overcame the turbulence of party when this announcement was made. His election was opposed by a feeble clique of adventurers, who in the turbulent scenes of revolution, and when agitations convulsed the theatre of war, had rushed to Texas, hoping to attract a notoriety which they had in vain sought for in the calmer scenes of life.
A frontier population would not submit to the reins of government held by the Provisional Government of 1835, and the administration of 1836. The people saw that at that time there was only one man in Texas who could sway the multitude, whose strong hand would steady the vessel of State through the boisterous surges; that that man was Sam Houston, the hero of San Jacinto; and when he consented to accept the Presidency, by acclamation they offered it to him.
The rare qualities which make the great General had been displayed by him. The brilliant victory of San Jacinto had been won by the qualities of strategy and heroism. The loftier and nobler qualities which fit one for a cabinet, needed to organize a government which would secure peace, power, and prosperity at home, and command the respect of civilized nations abroad, were now required, and the sequel will prove that they were not required in vain. Gen. Houston was triumphantly elected; Senators and Representatives of the Congress of the Republic of Texas were chosen at the same time.[1]
On the 3d day of October, 1836, these delegates assembled at Columbia, and organized the first Congress of the Republic. The President ad interim, Hon. David G. Burnet, tendered his resignation on the morning of the 22d of October. A resolution was immediately passed by the Congress, "that the inauguration take place at four o'clock, this day," A committee was appointed by both Houses to wait upon the President-elect, and at four o'clock he was introduced within the bar of the House of Representatives. The oath of office was administered by the Speaker, who proclaimed Sam Houston President of the Republic of Texas.
Advancing to a table, he delivered an extemporaneous address, the product of a great mind, a far-reaching statesman; the most important State paper found in the early archives of Texas.
"Mr. Speaker and Gentlemen: Deeply impressed with a sense of the responsibility devolving on me, I can not, injustice to myself, repress the emotion of my heart, or restrain the feelings which my sense of obligation to my fellow-citizens has inspired. Their suffrage was gratuitously bestowed. Preferred to others, not unlikely superior in merit to myself, called to the most important station among mankind by the voice of a free people, it is utterly impossible not to feel impressed with the deepest sensations of delicacy in my present position before the world. It is not here alone, but our present attitude before all nations has rendered my position, and that of my country, one of peculiar interest.
"A spot of earth almost unknown to the geography of the age, destitute of all available resources, few in numbers, we remonstrated against oppression, and, when invaded by a numerous host, we dared to proclaim our independence and to strike for freedom on the breast of the oppressor. As yet our course is onward. We are only in the outset of the campaign of liberty. Futurity has locked up the destiny which awaits our people. Who can contemplate with apathy a situation so imposing in the moral and physical world? No one. The relations among ourselves are peculiarly delicate and important; for no matter what zeal or fidelity I may possess in the discharge of my official duties, if I do not obtain co-operation and an honest support from the co-ordinate departments of the government, wreck and ruin must be the inevitable consequences of my administration. If, then, in the discharge of my duty, my competency should fail in the attainment of the great objects in view, it would become your sacred duty to correct my errors and sustain me by your superior wisdom. This much I anticipate—this much I demand. I am perfectly aware of the difficulties that surround me, and the convulsive throes through which our country must pass. I have never been emulous of the civic wreath—when merited, it crowns a happy destiny. A country situated like ours is environed with difficulties, its administration is fraught with perplexities. Had it been my destiny, I would infinitely have preferred the toils, privations, and perils of a soldier, to the duties of my present station. Nothing but zeal, stimulated by the holy spirit of patriotism, and guided by philosophy and reason, can give that impetus to our energies necessary to surmount the difficulties that obstruct our political progress. By the aid of your intelligence, I trust all impediments in our advancement will be removed; that all wounds in the body politic will be healed, and the Constitution of the Republic derive strength and vigor equal to any emergency. I shall confidently anticipate the establishment of Constitutional liberty. In the attainment of this object, we must regard our relative situation to other countries.
"A subject of no small importance is the situation of an extensive frontier, bordered by Indians, and open to their depredation. Treaties of peace and amity, and the maintenance of good faith with the Indians, seem tome the most rational means for winning their friendship. Let us abstain from aggression, establish commerce with the different tribes, supply their useful and necessary wants, maintain even-handed justice with them, and natural reason will teach them the utility of our friendship.
"Admonished by the past, we can not, in justice, disregard our national enemies. Vigilance will apprise us of their approach, a disciplined and valiant army will insure their discomfiture. Without discrimination and system, how unavailing would all the resources of an old and overflowing treasury prove to us. It would be as unprofitable to us in our present situation as the rich diamond locked in the bosom of the adamant. We can not hope that the bosom of our beautiful prairies will soon be visited by "the healing breezes of peace. We may again look for the day when their verdure will be converted into dyes of crimson. We must keep all our energies alive, our army organized, disciplined, and increased to our present emergencies. With these preparations we can meet and vanquish despotic thousands. This is the attitude we at present must regard as our own. We are battling for human liberty; reason and firmness must characterize our acts.
"The course our enemies have pursued has been opposed to every principle of civilized warfare—bad faith, inhumanity, and devastation marked their path of invasion. We were a little band, contending for liberty—they were thou sands, well appointed, munitioned, and provisioned, seeking to rivet chains upon us, or extirpate us from the earth. Their cruelties have incurred the universal denunciation of Christendom. They will not pass from their nation during the present generation. The contrast of our conduct is manifest; we were hunted down as the felon wolf, our little band driven from fastness to fastness, exasperated to the last extreme; while the blood of our kindred and our friends invoking the vengeance of an offended God was smoking to high heaven, we met our enemy and vanquished them. They fell in battle, or suppliantly kneeled and were spared. We offered up our vengeance at the shrine of humanity, while Christianity rejoiced at the act and looked with pride on the sacrifice. The civilized world contemplated with proud emotions conduct which reflected so much glory on the Anglo-Saxon race. The moral effect has done more towards our liberation than the defeat of the army of veterans. Where our cause has been presented to our friends in the land of our origin, they have embraced it with their warmest sympathies. They have rendered us manly and efficient aids. They have rallied to our standard, they have fought side by side with our warriors. They have bled, and their dust is mingling with the ashes of our heroes. At this moment I discern numbers around me who battled in the field of San Jacinto, and whose chivalry and valor have identified them with the glory of the country, its name, its soil, and its liberty. There sits a gentleman within my view whose personal and political services to Texas have been invaluable. He was the first in the United States to respond to our cause. His purse was ever open to our necessities. His hand was extended in our aid. His presence among us and his return to the embraces of our friends will inspire new efforts in behalf of our cause. [The attention of the Speaker and that of Congress, was directed to Wm. Christy, Esq., of New Orleans, who sat by invitation within the bar.] A circumstance of the highest import will claim the attention of the court at Washington. In our recent election the important subject of annexation to the United States of America was submitted to the consideration of the people. They have expressed their feelings and their wishes on that momentous subject. They have, with a unanimity unparalleled, declared that they will be reunited to the great Republican family of the North. The appeal is made by a willing people. Will our friends disregard it? They have already bestowed upon us their warmest sympathies. Their manly and generous feelings have been enlisted on our behalf. We are cheered by the hope that they will receive us to participate in their civil, political, and religious rights, and hail us welcome into the great family of freemen. Our misfortunes have been their misfortunes—our sorrows, too, have been theirs, and their joy at our success has been irrepressible.
"A thousand considerations press upon me, each claims my attention. But the shortness of the notice of this emergency (for the speaker had only four hours' notice of the inauguration, and all this time was spent in conversation) will not enable me to do justice to those subjects, and will necessarily induce their postponement for the present. [Here the President, says the reporter, paused for a few seconds and disengaged his sword.] It now, sir, becomes my duty to make a presentation of this sword—this emblem of my past office. [The President was unable to proceed further; but having firmly clenched it with both hands, as if with a farewell grasp, a tide of varied associations rushed upon him in the moment, his countenance bespoke the workings of the strongest emotions, his soul seemed to dwell momentarily on the glistening blade, and the greater part of the auditory gave outward proof of their congeniality of feeling. It was in reality a moment of deep and painful interest. After this pause, more eloquently impressive than the deepest pathos conveyed in language, the President proceeded.] I have worn it with some humble pretensions in defence of my country,—and should the danger of my country again call for my services, I expect to resume it, and respond to that call, if needful, with my blood and my life."
Gen. Houston exhibited the broad national principles on which he intended to govern the country, and his political forecast by the first step which he took in his administration. He called to his Cabinet his two most important rivals for the Presidency. General Stephen F. Austin, the sagacious and incorruptible patriot, became Secretary of State. Ex-Provisional Governor Henry Smith became Secretary of the Treasury. The rancor of party abated under the high policy and magnanimity of these selections. They proved that, aiming at the public good. Gen. Houston had no party but his country—the whole country.
An old trunk contained all that was worthy to be regarded as the archives of an independent State. Chaos had reigned everywhere. The new Cabinet restored order. The death of Gen. Austin a few months after his accession to office was deeply regretted by the people. An upright, enlightened, patriotic man, he was beloved by Gen. Houston, who ever ascribed to him a position on the apex of the pillar of true glory.
Public business was done in an orderly and efficient manner as soon as Congress was completely organized. Houston found on his arrival at Columbia for inauguration that his former captive, Santa Anna, was retained about twelve miles from the seat of government, a prisoner, under a guard of twenty men. The captive president sent a message to the President-elect, desiring to see him. Having given up nearly all hope of ever regaining his liberty, he did not implore his release. He desired only to see his conqueror, whom he had found to be a magnanimous foe. Gen. Houston was affected by the message. He regretted that the captive president had been left to drag out months of weary imprisonment, in violation of the most solemn pledge of faith from the Government ad interim. He determined that the name of Texas should not bear the stain of dishonor. In conversation he said: "After a victory like San Jacinto we could richly have afforded to have been magnanimous; now the only question is, can we afford to be just?"
The Government had been in a state of quasi dissolution for months. It had no means to support captives. Destitute of the comforts, and even of many of the necessaries of life, Santa Anna and his friends had been living on a mere pittance. Accompanied by several gentlemen, Houston visited the prisoner. Their meeting was affecting. After the custom of his nation, Santa Anna opened his arms, and advanced to meet his visitor. The large heart of Houston was great enough to hold even his enemies, and in like manner he received the captive president with open arms. The captive rested his head on Houston's broad breast (for he hardly came up to his shoulders). It is said the Mexican wept at the recollection of his reverses, and the Virginian wept from sympathy with the man whom he had vanquished.
In the presence of Major W. H. Patton and others, Gen. Almonte acting as interpreter, Santa Anna appealed to his conqueror to interpose his power in his behalf. He had written a letter to Gen. Jackson, through an enclosure to Houston at Nacogdoches. A very kind reply had been returned by Gen. Jackson, The hero of New Orleans passed a high eulogium on his friend, the hero of San Jacinto, for his magnanimity toward his captive. Gen. Jackson often said that Houston would receive, as he deserved, as much honor from all good men on account of his considerate and kind treatment of Santa Anna after the victory as for the victory itself. "Let those who clamor for blood clamor on," said Jackson. "The world will take care of Houston's fame."
This interview occurred before Houston's inauguration as first Constitutional President of the Republic, but he assured the Mexican president that when he acceded to power he would remember him. Col. Wm. Christy and other generous men who were deeply interested in the honor of Texas, had, a short time before, sent to Santa Anna some comforts. The party dined with the Mexican prisoner that day, and parted. After Houston had returned to Columbia Santa Anna addressed Gen. Houston a communication, which he laid before Congress and solicited his release. The subject was referred to a committee of both Houses. A report, very inflammatory in its character, was made. The Senate in secret session adopted a resolution requiring his detention as a prisoner. In calm, dignified terms Houston vetoed the resolution. He set forth the probability of his (Santa Anna's) assassination. One attempt had been made before Houston's arrival. The belief was expressed that whether Santa Anna might die from violence or disease, Texas would never escape the odium of his death, and that if he were restored to his country Mexico would be kept in commotion for years, and Texas would not be safe.
The Senate reversed its decision, and referred the matter to the discretion of the President. Houston, on his own responsibility, determined at once to release him. As Gen. Jackson had requested Santa Anna, if released, to visit him, Houston promised that he should have an escort chosen by himself. Santa Anna returned his thanks by the messenger, and requested that Col. Geo. Hockley, Bernard E. Bee, and Major W. H. Patton might be allowed to attend him to Washington city. About the 25th of November Houston went with the escort to take his final leave of the liberated captive. The following paper is a copy of Gen. Houston's instructions. It was written by Houston, and is copied from the original in possession of the writer of these pages.
"Memo, for President General Santa Anna.
"[A spirited letter to the Mexican Minister at Washington, enjoining on him obedience to the orders given him.]
"In all cases, while Gen. Santa Anna admits the fact that he is a prisoner, let him assume the style of a President, and head of the Mexican Republic.
"It would be well for the President General to write to General Jackson an official letter, which may be such as diplomacy requires, whilst he could write a confidential official letter to General Jackson, assuring him that he is willing to countenance, or to contribute to the annexation of Texas to the United States (referring to the action of the people). In his correspondence with the General let him urge or solicit the General to become responsible for his making good all stipulations entered into by him: if this is done at the instance of General Santa Anna, General Jackson can be induced to furnish a national vessel of the United States for Gen. Santa Anna to sail in from this coast to Vera Cruz direct, or to render an escort to any point which may be most desirable.
"I pledge myself most solemnly to do all in my power in accordance with this plan, and my situation, to obtain the release and restoration of General Santa Anna and his countrymen to their homes.
As to the plan proposed by General Santa Anna, it is impossible to say what effect it would have, or that it would have a beneficial effect on the Cabinet of Washington, or the people of that country whose moral and political opinions have weight and influence on the Government, unless previously apprised of the course proposed.
"It could be left with Col. Bee whether or not, on his arrival at Washington, it would be proper to hand the letter referred to to the Mexican Minister.
"It does seem to me that this course is the most safe, and certain of success, presenting the least difficulty of any which can be adopted, and will afford an opportunity for Santa Anna to reach home by January, as I will send a minister forthwith to Washington, with as much dispatch as possible.
"Sam Houston."Columbia, 25th Oct., 1836."
After the parting the little party set out on five horses for the Sabine River, and thence to New Orleans. They lost their way, and were compelled, in regaining it, to cross the battle-field of San Jacinto. The bones of Santa Anna's soldiers were whitening on the field. Santa Anna was deeply moved. The considerate men who attended him, forgetting for a time the Alamo and Goliad, seeming not to observe his agitation, leisurely rode on, leaving the conquered General alone to give vent to his feelings on the field of his slain soldiers.
He succeeded in reaching New Orleans, and thence proceeded to Washington city, where he was the guest of President Jackson, who sent him in an American vessel of war to Vera Cruz, His contemporaries represent him to have been a remarkable man, of perfect form, in height five feet seven or eight inches, with an intellect of high order, with quick and firm eye, with an elocution rich and forcible in an eminent degree, with princely manners and address. His face was finely formed, and head well shaped, but rather long. His career showed him to have been a great man^ with Mexican education and principles. A circumstance occurred in New Orleans not creditable to him. He was accompanied by an escort of his own selection. He informed Gen. Bee that he wished to travel to Washington as became his station as President of Mexico, and requested him to procure $2,000 to enable him to travel in comfort, promising when arrived at Washington to repay the amount by a draft on Vera Cruz. Gen. Bee obtained the amount desired in New Orleans. At Washington city Santa Anna gave him the draft, but on his arrival at Vera Cruz caused it to be protested. Neither the Mexican Government nor its president ever paid it. Subsequently the Legislature of Texas appropriated an amount sufficient to reimburse Gen. B. E. Bee. As this was a private affair, the action of Santa Anna has no excuse. This statement is made to show how he requited the kindness of Gen. Houston and his friends. Impartial history vindicates every act of Houston in his treatment of Santa Anna, while Santa Anna's whole career was inconsistent and a compromise of moral honor.
- ↑ Of the three candidates voted for, Sam Houston received 4,374 votes; Henry Smith, 743; Stephen F. Austin, 587—Total vote, 5,704. M. B. Lamar had a majority of 2,699 for Vice-President. The principal officers during this Presidential term were S. F. Austin, R. A. Irion, and J. Pinckney Henderson, Secretaries of State; Thomas J. Rusk, Wm. S. Fisher, Bernard E. Bee, George W. Hockley, Secretaries of War; Henry Smith, Secretary of the Treasury; S. Rhodes Fisher, William M. Shepperd, Secretaries of the Navy; J. Pinckney Henderson, Peter W. Grayson, John Birdsall, A. S. Thurston, Attorney-Generals; Robert Burr, Postmaster-General; E. M. Pease, Francis R. Lubbock, Comptrollers; John W. Moody, First Auditor; J. G. Welshinger, Second Auditor; Wm. G. Cooke, Stock Commissioner; Wm. H. Wharton, Memucan Hunt. Anson Jones, Ministers to the United States; J. Pinckney Henderson, Minister to Great Britain and France; W. F. Caplett, Secretary of Legation to the United States; George S. Mcintosh, Secretary of Legation to Great Britain and France.