Life and select literary remains of Sam Houston of Texas/Chapter 6
CHAPTER VI.
After three years of forest life among the Indians in Arkansas, Gen. Houston conceived the idea of becoming a herdsman. He was in the morning of life, and in the full vigor of his powers. The history of American struggles for occupancy of Texan soil had been studied by him, and stirred his interest in the cause of his suffering fellow-citizens. Gen. Jackson had requested him to confer with the Comanche Indians, and induce them to send a delegation to Fort Gibson, on the Arkansas, with the purpose of afterward visiting Washington city. The Choctaws, Chickasaws, and Creeks dreaded the Comanches. Their power and hostile disposition prevented the emigration of other tribes, and it was thought that if a treaty of peace could be secured, that emigration, with peaceful results, would ensue.
A short distance from the junction of the Grand River and the Arkansas, and on the margin of a prairie between the Verdigris and Grand River, was the wigwam of Gen. Houston. On the ist of December, 1832, with a few companions, he set out on a journey through the wilderness to Fort Towson. He reported himself soon thereafter to the authorities at Nacogdoches, Texas, thence went on, after a few days, to San Felipe de Austin, then the seat of government of Austin Colony. Governed by the request of Gen. Jackson, he continued his journey to San Antonio de Bexar, where he had an interview with a delegation of Comanche Indians. The objects contemplated by his secret mission, it is supposed, were accomplished at San Antonio de Bexar. Having fulfilled his mission to the Indians, with two companions he returned to San Felipe de Austin. The following letter is a key to the most important events in the subsequent history of Texas :
"Natchitoches, La., February 13, 1833."Gen. Jackson:
"Dear Sir:— Having been so far as Bexar, in the province of Texas, where I had an interview with the Comanche Indians, I am in possession of some information which will doubtless be interesting to you. and may be calculated to forward
your views, if you should entertain any, touching the acquisition of Texas by the Government of the United States. That such a measure is desired by nineteen-twentieths of the population of the province, I can not doubt. They are now without laws to govern or protect them. Mexico is involved in civil war. The Federal Constitution has never been in operation. The Government is essentially despotic, and must be so for years to come. The rulers have not honesty, and the people have not intelligence. The people of Texas are determined to form a State Government, and separate from Cohahuila, and unless Mexico is soon restored to order, and the Constitution revived and re-enacted, the Province of Texas will remain separate from the Confederacy of Mexico. She has already beaten and repelled all the troops of Mexico from her soil, nor will she permit them to return; she can defend herself against the whole power of Mexico, for really Mexico is powerless and penniless to all intents and purposes. Her want of money taken in connection with the course which Texas must and will adopt, will render a transfer of Texas to some power inevitable, and if the United States does not press for it, England will, most assuredly, obtain it by some means. Now is a very important crisis for Texas. As relates to her future prosperity and safety, as well as the relations which it is to bear to the United States, it is now in the most favorable attitude, perhaps, that it can be, to obtain it on fair terms. England is pressing her suit for it, but its citizens will resist, if any transfer should be made of them to any power but the United States. I have travelled nearly five hundred miles across Texas, and am now enabled to judge pretty correctly of the soil and resources of the country, and I have no hesitancy in pronouncing it the finest country, for its extent, upon the globe; for the greater portion of it is richer and more healthy than West Tennessee. There can be no doubt that the country east of the river Grand, of the North, would sustain a population of ten millions of souls. My opinion is that Texas, by her members in Convention, will, by 1st of April, declare all that country as Texas proper, and form a State Constitution. I expect to be present at the Convention, and will apprise you of the course adopted, as soon as its members have taken a final action. It is probable that I may make Texas my abiding-place. In adopting this course I will never forget the country of my birth. I will notify from this point the Commissioners of the Indians at Fort Gibson of my success, which will reach you through the War Department. I have, with much pride and inexpressible satisfaction, seen your message and proclamation,—touching the nullifiers of the South, and their 'peaceable remedies.' God grant that you may save the Union! It does seem to me that it is reserved for you, and you alone, to render to millions so great a blessing. I hear all voices commend your course, even in Texas; where is felt the liveliest interest for the preservation of the Republic. Permit me to tender you my sincere thanks, felicitations, and most earnest solicitude for your health and happiness, and your future glory, connected with the prosperity of the Union.
"Your friend and obedient servant,
"Sam Houston."
This letter is invaluable as connected with the history of annexation, and the estimate and important part which Gen. Houston bore in its development and accomplishment. Standing upon the banks of the Red River in 1833, in imagination he saw a line drawn from the great northern lakes to the Gulf of Mexico, which separated civilized, cultivated, and enlightened man from savages, or from no less unfortunate people, those who were devoted soul and body to civil and religious despotism. He saw the flood of emigration reducing the wilderness, and planting civilization, the arts and letters where desolation had reigned for ages. His imagination caught fire with the prospect of making a double conquest of Texas. "Coming events cast their shadows before them." He then feared, as he all along feared, British influence, and his fears and jealousy of that power were founded upon an enlarged comprehension of British politics. The views and policy which ever governed Gen. Houston in all his relations to the question of annexation are sagaciously unfolded. That Texas would be free, would be peopled by sons and daughters of freedom' and that civilization and intelligence would career westward on this continent, and only stop with the waters of the Pacific were matters encompassed by the vast energies of Gen. Houston's mind, American soldiers coming in collision with Mexicans breathed new life into the dead body of Mexican politics, and departing left behind a spirit of freedom that tore down the altars of anarchy and bigotry.
A letter of an earlier date will show what influences in the United States were stimulating Houston's mind in his plans for Texas The writer of this letter was a U. S. postmaster.
""Livonia, Livingston Co., N. Y., Aug. 3, 1832."Dear Gen:— I reached home on the 30th ult., and found all well; but have been so much engaged since my return that I have not found a moment to devote to your service till to-day. Before this reaches you Major Flowers will have informed you of the fate of my application to Congress on behalf of the witnesses in the Stansberry inquir)'. The committee reported favorably, but it was so late in the session that it was impossible to get the House to consider it. Matters remained at Washington much as when you left, except that it was nearly cleared of its transient as well as resident population. I was informed by Col. Shote, with whom I parted at Baltimore on my way home, that there was reason to fear that your friends in New York would fail of their engagement to furnish the means of prosecuting your Texas enterprise. I hope it will not prove true, for I had indulged the expectation of hearing of, if I could not witness and participate in, the most splendid results from this undertaking. I do not believe that that portion of country will long continue its allegiance to the Mexican Government, and I would much rather see it detached through your agency, as the consequences could not fail to be highly favorable to your interest, than to learn that the object had been effected through any other means, or even to learn that it had become the property of the United States on the most favorable terms of purchase. I shall feel uneasy until I learn from you how the matter has resulted. I have a large and dependent fc^mily to provide for and protect, and a cold and heartless world to grapple with under circumstances that at present are rather unpropitious, and next to my own deliverance from the embarrassments which surround me, it would give me pleasure to know that the clouds which have hung over and dimmed your
horizon have been dissipated, and that your sun again shines forth in all its wonted grandeur. It has been your fortune to engross more of public attention than any other private individual in this nation, and I am asked daily a hundred questions about that extraordinary man. Gen. Houston; and I most ardently hope that I may ere long be able to say that you have triumphed over every obstacle that interposed against the accomplishment of your wishes, not doubting but that I shall be able to add with honest and commendable pride that those wishes have shown themselves worthy of a high-minded and honorable American.
"I am negotiating for a contract to furnish several thousand stands of arms for the Government. If successful, I think, with the advantages I have of waterpower and machinery, I can not fail to make it profitable. If I get the contract I will content myself with endeavoring to manage it to the best advantage. Our Anti-Masons and Nationals have leagued together to defeat Van Buren and the Regency in this State. It is a contest in which I can not participate. I think the result doubtful. Pennsylvania will go for the old General, veto and all, though I think it equally certain that she will not give Van Buren a vote. The General will be re-elected, and I think P. I. Barbour will be the Vice-President, which is all I ask for. As I feel a deep interest in your movements, let me enjoin it on you to write to me particularly and as often as you have leisure and can find amusement in so doing. Several copies of your letter to me of the 7th June last have been sent to Ohio, Michigan, etc., and if any apology offers I intend to publish the whole correspondence. I have no doubt that letter will be published in Ohio for the benefit of Stansberry. May the smiles of Heaven attend your undertaking and cheer you, wherever your lot may be cast.
"Yours,John Van Fossen."To Gen. Sam Houston, Cantonment Gibson, Arkansas Territory."
In 1832 the people of Texas, in the vicinity of Nacogdoches, openly and generally expressed themselves in favor of inviting either Gen. Sam Houston or Gen. Wm. Carroll to come among them, and take the lead of any revolutionary movement which might be determined upon. While, therefore, Gen. Houston was passing through Nacogdoches on his way to San Antonio de Bexar, he was warmly importuned by the people of the former place to take up his residence among them, and to permit them to use his name as a candidate for election to the convention which was called to meet in the April following. The people appeared at once to recognize the great qualities of civil and military leader which his history and character shadowed forth. On his return from San Antonio de Bexar to Nacogdoches he learned that by an unanimous vote he had been elected a member of the convention. After so generous and cordial a greeting he took up his residence among his new constituents. The convention met in a rude, narrow apartment at San Felipe de Austin, April 1st, 1833. Wm. H. Wharton was chosen president. The assembly, composed of over fifty members, entered immediately upon the object of their meeting, and as each delegate had to pay his own expenses, the business of the convention was completed in thirteen days. A State Constitution was framed,—a model of its kind. A memorial was also adopted by the convention, and each document was signed by all the members present. The memorial was addressed to the Supreme Government of Texas, and set forth reasons why Texas should become one of the States of Mexico. It was urged that Texas, as a State of the Confederacy, could establish her rights to land promised previously by the General Government, and also negotiate treaties with the hostile Indian tribes. On the Indian territory encroachments had been made. And subsequently to these wrongs against the Indians, the Mexican soldiers stationed at Nacogdoches, Velasco, and Anahuse had come to an open rupture with the colonists in the summer of 1832, caused by the difference between Bustamente and Santa Anna. Bustamente undertook to subvert the Constitution of 1824, in which he was supported by the military stationed throughout Texas. Santa Anna announced himself as the friend and supporter of the Constitution. In the civil revolution which began in Mexico and spread into Texas, the colonists sided with Santa Anna, and expelled the military despotism to whose usurpations, without murmuring, up to that time they had submitted. The colonists did not doubt that their Constitution would be received with favor, and ratified by the Federal authorities. Stephen F. Austin, Wm. H. Wharton, president of the convention, and James B. Miller were appointed commissioners to bear the Constitution and memorial to the Federal authorities of Mexico.
Stephen F. Austin went alone to the City of Mexico. Very little encouragement was given to his mission, although he was received with some formality. The only reason which could have been urged against ratifying the Constitution was that Santa Anna also had resolved on establishing a military despotism.
Great pains had been taken to construct a Constitution acceptable to the Federal Government. Under the Constitution of 1824, in organizing States the provinces of Texas and Cohahuila were formed into one State, reserving the right to Texas to constitute herself a separate State whenever her population was sufficient to justify the measure. The policy pursued toward Texas, both by Cohahuila and the Federal Government, made it necessary for her to become a distinct State as soon as possible. Her territory had been given away in large tracts, under the pretext of raising funds to aid Mexico in defending her frontiers from the Indians. Not a dollar had ever been appropriated to that object. Whenever troops were stationed in Texas they were sent to towns near the seaboard, where there was slight danger of hostile attacks from the savages. But another point could be gained: the support of the Government, otherwise not likely to be given, might be extorted in the face of a military force overawing the citizens of the place. Fifteen or twenty tribes of hostile Indians made incursions at will, and the colonists were compelled either to go without protection or protect themselves with any means in their power.
In the new Constitution it was proposed by Branch T. Archer, a distinguished son of Virginia, that there should be a clause authorizing the State of Texas to create a bank, or banks. Mexico had no banks. The principal men of the convention supported Archer's proposition to place a clause in the Constitution authorizing banks. Houston opposed it. He was in principle opposed to any system of banks, except such a system as brought its power within very narrow limits. In the infancy of the State he could not hope for a sound banking system, as human cupidity and stringent times would be stronger than constitutional provisions. Policy also, in Houston's opinion, forbade the institution of banks. Their creation, or the power to create them, would be an innovation upon the legislation of the General Government. If Texas wished or hoped for success as a distinct State she must defer to the prejudices and institutions of Mexico. Jealousies and suspicions should be avoided. Mexico would find in the bank clause of the Constitution a valid reason for the rejection of the Constitution. Thus reasoned Houston with great eloquence and ability. He succeeded not only in causing the article in dispute to be stricken out, but another clause inserted, forbidding the establishment of all banks and banking corporations for a period of ninety-nine years, which clause was adopted by a large majority in the convention. Gen. Houston's policy, in these early struggles of Texas to obtain the full prerogatives of an American Commonwealth, was profoundly wise. He was cool, calm, and deliberative in every emergency; even in the strangest events of his life, an imperturbable discretion did not desert him. Upon all the questions of State or National policy Houston's sagacity saw the end from the beginning, and placed him on the side which ultimately won success. The influence which chiefly moulded the action of the convention, and toned the political feelings and events which succeeded, was the result of the wise counsels and shrewd speeches of Gen. Houston. It is supposed by some of the ablest patriots of Texas that had Houston's wise counsels always governed the Republic or the State, the independence of Texas would have been secured with slight loss of life or treasure. If all Houston's associates had been as truly noble in purpose and spirit as Stephen F. Austin, whose share in the great work of freeing Texas from tyranny and establishing it as a State was hardly inferior to Houston's, much sacrifice and suffering would have been spared to the people. Austin, failing to secure the ratification of the Constitution, determined to return to Texas, But while on his way home he was pursued by order of the Government, carried back to the City of Mexico, and there thrown into a dungeon, where he passed many months of gloom and suffering. A purer patriot never trod Texan soil. Amiable, enlightened, excellent, he was respected and beloved by the colonists, and ever will his incorruptible virtues and unsullied fame be treasured by the people of Texas. The stories of his sufferings in his long imprisonment reached Texas, and a deep sensation was produced everywhere. The only press in Texas, then located at Brazoria, gave utterance to the indignation of the colonists; which was roused to the rage of a single man. The population of Texas did not at that time exceed 20,000 souls; and yet indiscreetly they spoke of the wrongs which they endured, and the rights secured to them under the Constitution of 1824. These unrestrained ebullitions of feeling were likely to plunge Texas into a sanguinary struggle with Mexico before she was prepared for such a struggle. Houston, as eager as any man for the political redemption of Texas, discouraged these unwise developments of feeling. Without the form of a trial, with no definite accusation brought against him, Austin had been thrown into a prison. Santa Anna had great confidence in Austin. On all occasions Austin had been loyal to recognized principles, and was the friend of order under all circumstances in Texas. Carrying out the design of his father, Moses Austin, who died in the incipiency of the colony, he had migrated with 300 families, colonists, and was the first to introduce the materials of the magnificent political structure which presented subsequently such form and beauty. Liberated at length by Santa Anna, and permitted to return home, he found public indignation aroused and expressed freely in municipal meetings. But when few, if any, orderly meetings were meditating extreme measures, and public feeling against him was subsiding, Santa Anna proved manifestly that he could be satisfied with nothing short of absolute power.