them entered on the poll lists, the inspector shall return all the ballots into the box, and shall thoroughly mingle the same; and one of the inspectors, to be designated by the board, shall publicly draw out of such box, without seeing the ballots contained therein, so many of such ballots as shall be equal to the excess, which shall be forthwith destroyed.”[1] In drawing out the excess number, there was opportunity for corruption and narrow partisanship, and many charges were made of gross discrimination against certain parties.
2. The second great defect of the old system was that it was nobody’s business to furnish correct ballots to the voter. The furnishing of ballots was left to publicly irresponsible party committees. This gave the committee or party leaders almost complete control of the situation. They could have neglected to print any tickets, have failed to distribute, or have destroyed the tickets without incurring any legal penalty, although such action would have virtually meant no election. They could remove or “unbunch” the ticket of any particular candidate, and insert in its place anyone they desired, knowing that many times the ticket would be voted as made up. This was due in part to the indifference of the elector, but not always. Receiving it from an agent of his party, he felt confident that it was all right. But this confidence was often abused. In 1882 the Republican machine sent out the tickets of the Democratic candidate for mayor.[2] In November, 1888, in many election districts in New York City the Tammany and Republican tickets were the same: Harrison electors, Hill for governor, and Grant for mayor.[3] Moreover, the opposing parties imitated each other’s tickets so as to deceive the voter. A facsimile of the opposition ticket would be prepared, containing, however, all or a part of the candidates of another party. Sometimes this counterfeiting was so skilfully done as to deceive even the cautious elector.
3. The expense of printing and distributing the tickets, manning the polls, and supplying booths constituted another evil of the unofficial ballot system. Mr. Ivins estimated that in the city of New York the entire printing bills of each of the three organizations for all purposes was not less than $25,000. Allan Campbell in his campaign against Franklin Edson in 1882 spent about $25,000 for manning the polls and supplying booths, $10,000 for printing the tickets, and $8,000 for their distribution, besides other expenses of the campaign.[4]
