measures, bearing grievously as they did upon the whole people. Accordingly, for a time a detective police covered Ireland, alike to defend and encourage the good as to restrain and ferret out the bad. The law descended when necessary to the level of the lawless, in order to fight secrecy and secret societies with the like weapons. As the law had a comparative infinity of resource in the sinews of war, it must needs prevail, if it would but put forth all the needed strength. It did so, and, as was fit, it prevailed. If it had to fight at times in mean and inglorious ways, that was because its enemies were no otherwise to be met. But the one fought to preserve, the other to destroy, society. In the end, Ireland became as much a part of us as Cornwall or Northumberland, Wales or Scotland. The fine Irish character was quite restored, the ill-temper, as the souring of centuries of injustice, all dispelled, and the social and economic circumstances, if not entirely, at least very largely, changed for a better future.
We had happily agreed in Ireland's exceptional case, as I have said, to allow ordinary modes and principles to be slapped in the face at discretion. When neither land laws, nor land commissions of the past would or could adequately attain the object, we attained it by further and stronger means. When the object must be attained, the means must be such as would attain it. When the way had been cleared by a final settlement of the arrears of rent question, the bold course of limiting by law the territorial holding to such value or area as might alike do most justice to the land, and place the greatest possible number of Irish families as proprietors upon
