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social condition. I believe that I shall meet with few dissentients to such a proposition. But the measure before Parliament, so far from aiming at these results, rather makes a step in the opposite direction. It tends, on the contrary, to sever and dissociate; and to perpetuate a distinction which there remains no difference to justify, except that the affairs so to be insulated are Irish, and not English or Scotch.
No doubt, under existing circumstances, there is a bar to the consolidation of Irish and British internal administration in the same office, which must be admitted to have some actual present weight,—although I hope to be able to shew how it may be advantageously removed;—and which, in point of fact, seems to suggest the only plausible reason for the contemplated arrangement. The Home Office in London is already, if not overworked, at least fully employed; and to impose upon it, in addition to its present duties, the direct discharge of those connected with the Government of Ireland, would be to overwhelm it. The force of this objection, such as it is, must be admitted; and if the constitution and functions of that department were immutable, it would leave us scarcely any alternative but that of adopting the rude and inartificial contrivance of establishing a new and separate office here, to carry on the business which has been hitherto transacted in Dublin. But is this a fixed and unchangeable element in the question? I would rather
