NOTES AND ABSTRACTS
The New Labor Party in England. Within the last three or four years a factor has begun to make itself felt in English politics, the significance of which few Englishmen, and, as is to be expected, still fewer foreigners, appreciate. The new Labor party is a result of the trade-union movement. The British and Irish trade unions have now held for a long time an annual congress, which chooses a " parliamentary committee " to represent their political interests.
Careful observers of the situation have felt for some time that a successful socialistic or labor party could be organized only through these trade unions, with their strong foothold in the centralized industries and their very great financial resources. In the year 1899 the Trades-Union Congress passed a resolution direct- ing its parliamentary committee to call a congress of trade unions and socialistic societies to organize the political representation of workingmen.
The result was that in February, 1900, there met in London a gathering com- posed of delegates from sixty-seven trade unions having a membership of 545,316, and three socialistic societies, namely, the Independent Labor Party (the " I. L. P.," so called), the Social-Democratic Federation, and the Fabian Society. These three societies had an aggregate membership of 22,861. At this convention a Labor Representation Committee was chosen from among the delegates of the constituent bodies just mentioned.
The principal question at this first congress and also later was the position of the new organization relative to the existing political parties. The formation of an independent party seemed a difficult and expensive undertaking ; but, on the other hand, a Conservative minority among the trade-unionists made it impossible to swing the full strength of the new movement to the side of the Liberals. In view of these difficulties a policy was finally agreed upon, by which labor members of Parliament were to hold together on all questions relating to labor, but were free otherwise to ally themselves with either of the old parties.
This arrangement continued in force for two or three years, during which time the movement was rapidly gaining ground, both in point of numbers, and in the winning of several notable victories by Labor Representation Committee candi- dates. In February, 1903, however, a change occurred. It was decided that hence- forth labor candidates should refrain from identifying themselves with either of the parties, and should use only the word " Labor " as their party name. The new party has organized itself along the lines laid down by the English trade unions. The delegates to the annual convention have one vote for every 1,000 members of the trade union, trade council, or socialistic society which they repre- sent. The growth of the party is remarkable ; from a membership of 353,070 in 1900-1901, it has increased to 956,025 for the year 1903-4. In general the great majority of the English trade-unionists have given their allegiance to the new movement, with the notable exception, however, of some 450,000 miners, who, with their six representatives in Parliament, hold fast to the Liberal party.
The Labor party has as yet no official program ; its own organization has, up to the present, formed its principal aim. Beyond the nationalization of the rail- roads, and the reform of trade-union legislation, nothing to which it has lent its support has proceeded farther than the usual Liberal program.
The relation of the new party to socialism is a complicated one. The positive ideas of the socialists are constantly winning more and more ground among the trade-unionists, who seem to feel little or no hostility to socialism. If the earn^t and capable socialist leaders are able to wait, and not press forward too rapidly, the future of the Labor party is undoubtedly in their hands.
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