NOTES AND ABSTRACTS 86 1
The Socialistic Idea of the State. M. Dramas defines the state as "a moral personality representing the superior and constant interests of the society." In the light of this definition he proposes to discuss M. Deville's thesis : that the state is "the public power of coercion which the division into classes has created and main- tains in human societies ; and which, wielding the power, makes the law and receives the taxes."
It is obvious that the attitude of the working classes toward the state will vary according as they hold one or the other of these conceptions of the government. Accordingly we find within the socialistic pale parties varying from the revolutionary anarchists to the social democrats. Thus the Marxists conceive of the state as an arbitrary, coercive power under the control of the bourgeoisie. And against this artificial authority the working people are urged to rebel, and to assert their inherent human rights against the " classes."
But, our author asks, can the state be an instrument of one class, and yet come to be hostile to the interests of society as a whole ? Where the elements of a state are in such hostility that no equilibrium of interests can be maintained disruption of the government ensues. That the state may assert its power it must be the expression of the national consciousness. Thus the first end of the state was trie common defense. The alliance of the various gentes to attain this was the result. That the rise of the Germanic state was due to the common mores of the conquering gentes Engels 1 him- self points out. So in Athens as in Rome, it was the expression of the popular con- sciousness that took form in the laws and ordinances of the representative body, and M. Dramas shows how the fall of Rome was due to the diversity of interests which could not longer find coordination in the decrees of the senate. As Ant. Labriola shows, Christianity spread throughout Europe by adapting itself to the varied forms of local custom. The state, therefore, has its roots in the nature of the society itself, and is not an "invention."
Based thus upon a corporate consciousness, the state has for its end the coordina- tion of the interests of all the elements entering into its composition. To the attain- ment of this end it avails itself of public revenues ; and for the promotion of the general welfare it promulgates its laws. It thus reinforces the power of the individ- ual to proceed in ways of social usefulness, by granting to him the protection of its legal power. The state is the heritor of the ideas of the past, and is inspired with the ideals of the present. It mediates between contending systems and preserves what is best for all. It is thus in close and vital relations with its elements. And it is when the state ventures to cut loose from the traditions of its people or attempts to promote an interest that is not of general utility that it is torn by revolution. If the workingmen would only recognize this fact of the moral solidarity between the gov- ernment and the governed, they would doubtless organize their members into a force that could be distinctly felt in the national consciousness. And thus they might attain the legalizing of the ideas and the recognition of the claims for which they contend. PAUL DRAMAS, "LTd^e socialiste de 1'Etat," in La Revue socialiste, Sep- tember, 1900. H. B. W.
The Organization of Labor. "It is by work that men, possessing nothing or only a little, ought to procure that which is necessary to their existence." Every day shows that many among those who work have not enough work, or not remunerative enough work, to buy even the necessaries of life. And if work assures them their daily existence, it does not furnish enough so they can lay by something for times of business depression, for sickness, or for old age. Such a state of affairs, if painful to those who are its victims, is also inhuman and dangerous to the peace of modern society.
Charity in all its forms is often dangerous by the demoralization it engenders. Alms may often relieve the suffering, but they do not diminish the poverty. On the contrary, they often increase pauperism. Assistance through work is much better than mere almsgiving.
But a better plan than any yet found is assurance a guarantee upon life, against sickness, accidents, old age, and business stagnation. This possesses in itself a moral code, and is in many cases the true remedy for the grave conditions we have named.
1 Engels and Labriola are socialistic writers of the Marxist school.
