facts which have been mentioned today: the fact that in Malaya the alliance is by far the largest party; the fact that in Singapore 33 out of 51 Assembly men supported Federation when it was debated in the Assembly and the rest only abstrained; the fact that on the question of the referendum, despite very hard propaganda by the Barisan Sosialis and others that those who disagreed with federation should cast blank votes, they secured only 26 per cent. of the total votes; and also the fact that in Sarawak—I forecast this for myself when I was there—there is a substantial majority in favour of federation.
I am not ignoring the contention that even one of the Sarawak pro-Malaysian parties apparently desires a referendum. I am not at all clear, incidentally, as to when this referendum was supposed to be held. I should like some enlightenment on that point. There was this meeting between the Tunku and President Sukarno and the meeting of the Foreign Ministers, and apparently there was some agreement that there should be a referendum, but information on this is obscure.
However, let me make these two points. First, by what right even the Tunku to say what the other territories inside the prospective Federation shall do? Secondly, I ask whether the referendum was supposed to be held this side of 31st August or at some future date? Those two factors are very important and I should like some enlightenment on them. Meanwhile I can only go by these figures, that according to the party votes the alliance, which was strongly pro-federation, received 56,808 votes, or 30 per cent.; the pro-Federation Panas received 28,242 votes or 15 per cent.; and the Independents, who I understand are mostly in favour of Federation, received 55,000 votes or 29.7 per cent.; whilst the Sarawak United People's Party received 45,493 votes representing 24 per cent. This is fairly conclusive evidence that the people of Sarawak, voting in their district councils—the first tier in the three-tier system—returned by a substantial majority those candidates who support federation.
Enough has been said to indicate that there is practically no dissent in North Borneo. As to Brunei, I content myself by saying that it is a pity that the Sultan should withdraw from his previous agreement to enter the Federation, and apparently on a question of precedence. I will accept it, but at the same time I do not forget that Brunei is an extremely wealthy country. It has a per capita income greater than that of this country. I wonder whether, apart from the criticism of the Sultan on the part of many of the 85,000 inhabitants of Brunei, there is not also this consideration that federation may mean to some extent a modification of the wealth which is at present available to him and his subjects?
I hope most earnestly that federation will go forward. I recognise that it is not absolutely certain it will succeed. There is no parallel between this and other Federations such as the West Indies and Central African Federations. We must be rather hesitant about making too close a parallel and analogy. This Federation has arisen, I believe, because it is really felt that the association of these territories—four, and if possible five—is desirable in itself for political and economic reasons. I admit that there has been a strategic factor, but it is only one factor. I believe that another factor is that it is a way by which these different racial communities can at last learn to work together in co-operation.
I therefore plead that we should give it a chance. Do not let us damn it with faint praise or praise it with faint damns. Let us not be too eager to rush into those areas to tell them what to do, for one of the great mistakes which so many people make is to assume that what is familiar and appropriate in our own country is also applicable elsewhere. Every country has differences in context, history and background. Although there are some points of similarity, there are very great differences indeed which should cause us to hesitate before we rush too quickly into interfering or advising other communities.
I am content to say that the people themselves must work out their own salvation. Whether they have a referendum is not for us to decide but for them. How they work out or modify their Federation is a matter for them. All we can do is to say to them, "We set you free: to stand on your own feet and to work out your own salvation. We want to work with you in friendship so that this part of the world can become one more example of how the different races can live
