Page:Cambridge Modern History Volume 7.djvu/300

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268 Periodical census. Slaves. [1737 and taxation were to go together ; that taxation and wealth ought to go together; that population and wealth were no measure of each other. He admitted the last statement when applied to different climates with differing forms of government and differing stages of civilisation. He contended that the case was otherwise with the United States. Climate indeed varied; yet as government, laws, and manners were nearly the same, and intercourse was free, population, industry, arts, and labour would constantly tend to equalise themselves. The value of labour might be considered as the principal criterion of wealth and of ability to pay taxes, and would find its level in different places where inter- course was easy and free, with as much certainty as the value of money or anything else. The Convention agreed to the part of the Williamson motion providing for a periodical census of free inhabitants, and went on to consider the provision for counting the slave population as three to five of the free. This was objected to by certain members from the North, on the ground already mentioned, that it would cause discontent among their people. In the further discussion of this part of the motion, Gorham said that estimates had been made in various towns of Massa- chusetts, and it had been found, even including Boston, that the most exact proportion prevailed between numbers and property. Wilson had observed a like relation in Pennsylvania; comparing the newer settle- ments even with Philadelphia, he could find little difference between numbers and wealth. This part of Williamson's proposition was defeated ; and finally the whole was rejected, no State voting for it as it then stood. The Con- vention was now thrown back upon the motion of Randolph, proposing a periodical census of wealth and population, to which was added a provision, agreed to by all, that "direct taxation ought to be pro- portioned to representation." Again it was chiefly a question of slavery; and members from the South spoke very plainly. Randolph urged that express security should be provided for including slaves in the represen- tation. He regretted the existence of that kind of property; but it did exist, and the holders of it would require the security he asked for. A motion to make the blacks equal to the whites in representation received the votes of only two States, South Carolina and Georgia. Finally the Convention adopted, entire, a proposal to apportion repre- sentation to direct taxation, the blacks to be as three-fifths of the whites in both particulars, and a census to be required within six years and within every ten years thereafter; six States voting for it, two against it, and two being divided. The South was now willing to strike out the word " wealth," and so moved. Gouverneur Morris, opposing, foresaw a transfer of power, in the plan as it stood, from the North to the South and the interior, in other words from the maritime to the landed interest; and the result would be that commerce would be oppressed.