driven into doing a very weak thing and doing it in a very weak manner too. You have probably seen Sloan's letter to his “dear brother” in Janesville. That letter has cost him over two thousand votes, for it made even state rights men doubt of the good sense of their candidate. So there was no fire, no enthusiasm, no alacrity in the fight on our side, while Dixon's friends were active and working in all parts of the state. Recent developments show that the farm-mortgage interest went in for Dixon, while, during the campaign, Sloan had to bear the odium of it. In short, there was foul play, discontent, disaffection, treachery everywhere; men who had worked to get Sloan nominated and voted for him in the convention, turned right against him as soon as his letter appeared, and our opponents found in the apparent make-up of the thing a new ground to place their batteries upon. Thus the thing was done. Meanwhile we have to rally for a new battle. The Democrats are no stronger than they were before, and, whatever may have happened, the state is sure for the Chicago nominee by an increased majority.
You have heard of our municipal election here. We have made large inroads upon the Democracy and if our Republicans had believed in the possibility of victory, victory would have been ours. The whole work was done by a few young men. The old stagers did not move. I venture to predict, that if Douglas is not nominated at Charleston and the Chicago convention gives us a good Republican candidate, Milwaukee will give us a majority next fall, and the Second ward will be the Republican banner ward of the city. Seward stock is rising in the West. Bates may have gained a little by his letter, but he will not get the foreign vote. I think that Seward stands the best chance, but if he should fail to get the nomination, Lincoln's and Wade's prospects are the next best.
Give my best regards to Washburn and Doolittle. I shall reply to their letters as soon as I can find time. You have won golden opinions by your defense of the freedom of debate. Lovejoy and yourself did nobly. Your two or three sentences and determined action were better than a long and eloquent speech.
As to your running for Congress again next fall I think you will hardly escape the nomination and we shall reëlect you as a matter of course. How they feel in the rural districts I do not know, but I suppose it is all the same way. It would be difficult to unite upon any other man, and now, more than ever before, we want representatives who stand their ground.
Yours as ever,C. SCHURZ.
Milwaukee, April 12, 1860.—Hon. J. R. Doolittle. My Dear friend: Since yesterday the Republicans of this city are in a state of great excitement about Potter. The telegraph has not informed us yet whether he has accepted the challenge or not. We expect further news about noon. We all feel deeply anxious. God grant that all goes well. Whatever the result may be, do me the favor to send me all the particulars you can gather.
You have learned of the result of the judicial election in this state. Yesterday I wrote a letter to Potter about this very matter, and I think he will show it to you—if he survives. This morning the official returns are coming in, and Dixon's majorities are coming down so wonderfully that there is still some hope of Sloan's election.
In your kind letter of March 13 you speak of the candidates for the presidency. As to Wade I agree with you perfectly. I have a kind of fondness for the brave old roundhead, but I think Lincoln will be stronger in the convention. If Pennsylvania and New Jersey should unite upon Wade, that would alter the case. But as things now are it looks as though Seward would go into the convention with nearly a majority of the delegates.
The day of division is drawing near now and I hope you will be kind enough to keep me advised of what is going on in high circles.
Excuse this short and hasty letter. I feel so anxious about our brave friend Potter that I can hardly think of anything else. But I must not forget to congratulate you upon your excellent speech on state rights. It is a grand vindication of the doctrine.
Yours as ever,
C. SCHURZ.
[At this day it seems strange that one good Republican should write another high in office congratulating him on a speech in advocacy of state rights. This was the rock on which the party threatened to split in the 50’s before the events of the war solidified the party firmly in antagonism to the heresy. For a time, influenced by the fugitive slave law excitement, the majority of the Wisconsin Republicans were undoubtedly committed to the state rights doctrine. Sherman M. Booth led this element, and the celebrated Glover rescue did much to give popular approval to the doctrine. Judge A. D. Smith's decision giving precedence to the laws of the state where they came in conflict with the Federal statute was applauded by this radical element of the party. Timothy O. Howe, a far-seeing statesman, sought to prevent the Republicans from espousing the dangerous policy, but met with little encouragement. He manfully stood by his principles, and thereby lost the United States senatorship. His subsequent election and reëlection, twice, fully vindicated his position, and the course of events has justified his judgment.]
Milwaukee, April 17, 1860.—Hon. J. F. Potter, My Dear Sir: Your constituency have come to the conclusion that you are “a devil of a fellow.” Indeed, this impression seems to be quite general in this region. People threw up their hats when the news came that you had driven Pryor to the wall. Republicans congratulated each other and Democrats swore they would vote for you the next time. The question whether you will be renominated and reëlected seems to be settled. All those that had any aspirations that way will have to hang up their harps. You will be renominated, if I understand the temper of the people, not only on account of your availability, but of your unavoidability. Your fate is sealed. You have done the right thing at the right time and in the right place. I felt terribly anxious about you when I learned that you were challenged. I knew that you would show them your teeth, but I did not know that you would show it in so emphatic a way, that could not be but successful. This was even better than declining to fight. You will see the effect of your course next fall. That is all I can say.
For two days the papers had Sloan elected by a small majority. But since yesterday Dixon is ahead again, very little indeed, but in all probability sufficiently to elect him. Almost any Republican might have defeated him. This is a lesson which we are not likely to forget soon.
Yours as ever,C. SCHURZ.
Philadelphia—Nov. 30, 1860—Hon. J. F. Potter. My Dear Friend: I expected to see you at Milwaukee before your departure for Washington, but was disappointed. Well, the crisis is upon us, and it depends upon the attitude of the Republicans to make its result final and decisive. If the North now remains firm, the slave power is done for. We have to choose between a short and violent crisis and a long, exhausting and dangerous one. Common prudence seems to dictate that we should meet the issue boldly, take the bull by the horns, meet treason when and where it is committed and put it down by all the means which manifest destiny has put into our hands. My dear Potter, if slavery in its present form and strength exists in this republic ten years hence, the Republican party will be responsible for it. We have got them at last: do not let them escape once more. If no compromise had been made in 1833, we would never again have heard of the disunion cry. Let not that mistake be repeated. The future of the country, the repose of the nation depends on our firmness.
Now a few words about a matter of personal interest. You remember that on that memorable night when we went to the
