delight in what they were envied for, being poor and necessitous, and the more sensible of their being so, by the titles they had received upon their violent importunity, so that the king was without any joy in the favours he had conferred, and yet was not the less solicited to grant more to others of the same kind, who, he foresaw, would be no better pleased than the rest; and the pleasing one man this way displeased a hundred, as his creating the lord Colepepper at this time, and making him a baron—who, in truth, had served him with great abilities, and though he did imprudently in desiring it, did deserve it—did much dissatisfy both the court and the army, to neither of which he was in any degree gracious, but his having no ornament of education to make men more propitious to his parts of nature, and disposed many others to be very importunate to receive the same obligation."
That is a very uncomfortable sketch of Charles's position, drawn by a hand most favourable to him. In fact, the jealousies and heart-burnings of a court are not kept wholly under when there is a whole kingdom in hand, out of which to carve honours and emoluments for the hungry flockers to the loaves and fishes of royalty, and Charles had now only empty titles and barren dignities at his disposal. The courtiers, like rats cooped up in a tub, were devouring one another, and effectually destroying his peace and prospects.
There was another fertile source of disagreement—the question of peace or war. One party had so far sinned against the commonwealth, and had received such direct votes of condemnation from the parliament, that bad and circumscribed as was their condition, it was better than they could hope for in case of a reconciliation betwixt Charles and his subjects. But another party, who still cherished hopes of sharing in a general pardon, saw daily their estates forfeited and conferred on successful adventurers. Every day menaced more entirely the destruction of their fortunes and the perpetual ruin of their families. These were importunate for peace, and at this juncture their views were favoured by the successor of the marquis of Montrose in Scotland, who induced the Scotch to solicit the English parliament to listen to terms with the king, by which they would become relieved from the scourge of the marquis's predatory Highland army.
Charles had, during the last summer, after every temporary success, proposed negotiations, thus showing his readiness to listen to accommodation, and throwing on the parliament the odium of continued warfare. At the same time it must be confessed that he was by no means inclined to accept terms which would surrender altogether his prerogative, or sacrifice the interests of those who had ventured everything for him. He was constantly exhorted by the queen from France, to make no peace inconsistent with his honour, or the interests of his followers. She contended that he must stipulate for a body-guard, without which he could enjoy no safety, and should keep all treaty regarding religion to the last, seeing plainly the almost insuperable difficulty on that head; for as nothing would satisfy the puritans but the close binding down of the catholics, so that would effectually cut off all hope of his support from Ireland, or from the catholics of England. Charles, in fact, was in a cleft stick, and the contentions of his courtiers added so much to his embarrassments, that he got rid of the most troublesome by sending them to attend the queen in France. He then assembled his parliament for the second time, but it was so thinly attended, and the miserable distractions which rent his court were so completely imported into its debates, that he was the more disposed to try negotiation with the parliament. His third proposal, happening to be favoured by the recommendation of the Scots, was at length acceded to by parliament, but the terms recommended by the Scots—the recognition of presbytery as the national religion, and the demands of the parliament of the supremo control not only of the revenue bat of the army—rendered negotiations from the first hopeless.
In November, 1641, the propositions of the Scots, drawn up by Johnston of Wariston, were sent to the king by a commission consisting of the earl of Denbigh, the lords. Maynard and Wenman, and Messrs. Pierpont, Hollis, and Whitelock, accompanied by the Scotch commissioners, lord Maitland, Sir Charles Erskine, and Mr. Bartlay. Charles probably received a private copy of the propositions, for he received the commissioners most ungraciously. They were suffered to remain outside the gates of Oxford in a miserably cold and wet day for several hours, and then, conducted by a guard, more like prisoners than ambassadors, to a very mean inn. On the propositions being read by the earl of Denbigh, Charles asked him if they had power to treat, to which the earl replied in the negative, they were commissioned to receive his majesty's answer.
"Then," said Charles, rudely, "a letter-carrier might have done as much as you." The earl, resenting this, said, "I suppose your majesty looks upon us as persons of another condition than letter-carriers." "I know your condition,"' retorted the king, "but I repeat it, that your conditions give you no more power than a letter-carrier." Whilst Denbigh had read over the list of persons who were to be excepted from the conditions of the treaty, Rupert and Maurice, who were of the excepted, and were present, laughed in the earl's face. This insolence displeased even the king, and he bade them be quiet. The interview terminated, however, as unfavourably as it began. The king gave them a reply, but sealed up, and not addressed to the parliament or anybody. The commissioners refused to carry an answer of which they did not know the particulars, on which Charles insolently remarked, "What is that to you, who are but to carry what I send; and if I choose to send the song of Robin Hood or Little John, you must carry it." As they could get nothing else, not even an address upon it to parliament, the commissioners, wisely leaving it to parliament to treat the insult as they deemed best, took their leave with it.
When this document was presented to both houses on the 29th of November, 1644, assembled for the purpose, it was strongly urged by many to refuse it; but this was overruled by those who wisely would throw no obstacle in the way of negotiation; and the king thought well immediately to send the duke of Richmond and the earl of Southampton with a fuller answer. They, on their part, found a safe conduct refused them by Essex, then the commander, unless he were acknowledged by the king as general of the army of the par-
