departure—that Charles still continued to dream of escaping, though to himself it appeared impossible, unless the Scots had rather see him do so than fall into the hands of the independents. The king had arranged with Sir Robert and William Murray his scheme of escape in disguise, but it was found impossible. Once more, therefore, he wrote to the parliament of England for permission to go to London and open a free debate with both houses for the settlement of all differences. The message received no notice whatever; but the two houses went on debating as to the disposal of the king's person. The lords voted that he should be allowed to come to Newmarket; the commons that he should go to Holraby, in Northampton, one of his houses, to which he was considerably attached. After further debate this was agreed to by the lords.
The Scots, seeing that they must yield up the person of the king to the English parliament or prepare to fight for it, asked themselves what they were to gain by a civil war for a king who would not move one jot towards complying with their wishes? They made one more effort to persuade him to take the covenant, but in vain. In reply to their solicitation, he made this ominous reply:—"It is a received opinion by many, that engagements, acts, or promises of a restrained person, are neither valid nor obligating; how true or false this is I will not now dispute, but I am sure if I be not free, I am not fit to answer your or any propositions." And he demanded if he went to Scotland whether he should be free, with honour and safety. It was clear what was in his mind—that if he did take the covenant he would be at liberty to break it when he had the power; and as the Scots had determined that they would not receive him into Scotland at the certain cost of a civil war, when they could with such a person have no possible guarantee of his keeping his engagements even were he brought to make them, they replied that he must at once accept their propositions, or they must leave him to the resolution of parliament. Two days after, the 16th of January, 1647, the parliament of Scotland acceded to the demand of the English parliament that the king should be given up, a promise being obtained that respect should be had to the safety of his person in the defence of the true religion, and the liberties of the two kingdoms, according to the solemn league and covenant. More was demanded by the Scots, namely, that no obstacle should be opposed to the legitimate succession of his children, and no alteration made in the existing government of the kingdom. To this the lords fully assented, but the commons took no notice of it.
On the 5th of January, the two hundred thousand pounds, engaged to be paid to the Scots before leaving England, arrived at Newcastle, in thirty-six carts, under a strong escort, and having been duly counted, a receipt was signed on the 21st at Northallerton, and on the 30th Charles was committed to the care of the English commissioners, consisting of three lords and six commoners, the earl of Pembroke being at then: head. He professed to be pleased with the change, as it would bring him nearer to his parliament. The Scots, having finished their business in England, evacuated Newcastle, and marched away into their own country.
In all these transactions we have endeavoured in vain to discover any ground for the common calumny against the Scots, that they bought and sold the king. On the contrary, we have shown that all contract regarding their reimbursements and remuneration was completed five months before the delivery of the king. That they did all in their power to induce him to accept their covenant, and with that their pledge to defend him to the last drop of their blood. Montreuil says, that even at the very last moment the earls of Lauderdale and Traquair again pressed the king to consent to accept the covenant and establish presbyterianism, and they would convey him to Berwick and compel the English to be satisfied with what he had thus offered them. That the Scots offered him (Montreuil) twenty thousand Jacobuses, to persuade the king to comply, but that he could not prevail. It must be remembered, too, that when they did surrender him, it was only on promise of safety to his person, and not to the independents, who made no secret of their designs against the monarchy, but to their fellow believers, the parliament, which entertained no such intentions, and had already offered Charles the same terms on the same conditions.
Before the close of this year, that is in September, the earl of Essex died, Ireton married Bridget Cromwell, second daughter of Oliver Cromwell, and a great number of officers in the army were again in parliament; the Self-denying Ordinance, having served its turn, being no more heard of.
CHAPTER VI.
REIGN OF CHARLES I. (Concluded.)
For a long time, during these transactions that we have recorded, the difference of opinion betwixt the presbyterians and the independents had been growing more marked and determined. The latter, from a small knot of dissenters, had grown into a considerable one, and the more influential, because the most able and active, leaders of both parliament and the army were of that sect. Under the head of independents, however, ranged themselves, so far as politics were concerned, a great variety of other dissenters—Arminians, millenaries, baptists and anabaptists, familists, enthusiasts, seekers, perfectists, Socinians, Arians, and others—all of whom claimed freedom of worship, according to their peculiar faiths. On the other hand, the presbyterians, backed by the Scots, were set on establishing as thorough a religious despotism as either popery or Laud had ever contemplated. Their tenets and form of government were alone to be
