with Washington at his camp, and had then proceeded to the congress at Philadelphia.
Ministers blindly treated all those warnings as groundless and ridiculous, declaring that we were never on better terms with France. In one of the debates, the earl of Coventry stated the true philosophy of colonisation. He begged their lordships to look at the map of America, and then ask themselves whether, at best, we could long hope to retain such a vast continent under our sway? He declared that the profits of a great and growing legitimate commerce were the real advantages of states planted by the parent country to that country; and that the true wisdom was to secure the affection of such peoples by granting them the most perfect freedom of action. Such doctrines, however, were far beyond the majority of statesmen of the time, and had to be made intelligible by humiliation and misfortune. Even the most enlightened of the opposition contemplated the separation of America from us as synonymous with the ruin of our trade. They did not yet comprehend the depth of the roots of blood and affinity, even though shaken and outraged, nor the mighty force of mutual necessities in nations. On the 10th of May, alderman Sawbridge, now lord mayor, made a motion for placing the Americans in the same position with regard to this country as Ireland; and general Conway made a final motion for inspecting the powers of the commissioners sent to America. All these efforts were vain.
During these discussions Wilkes brought in a motion for reform in parliament, by increasing the number of representatives for the larger counties, for the metropolis, and by conferring the franchise on the great manufacturing towns of Sheffield, Leeds, Manchester, and Birmingham. Such a motion required, yet, many long years to render it effective. The lords, also, spent a great deal of time investigating the question of the legality of the marriage of the celebrated beauty, the duchess of Kingston, formerly Miss Chudleigh, who was accused of being at the same time married to Mr. Augustus John Hervey, now earl of Bristol. Though she had, before marrying the duke of Kingston, procured a sentence of the Consistorial Court for the dissolution of her first marriage, the lords pronounced her guilty of bigamy; but, on the plea of her privileges as a peeress, exempted her from punishment. By this decision she was reduced to the rank and title of countess-dowager of Bristol, but not deprived of the benefit of the late duke of Kingston's will on her behalf. Her former husband, the earl of Bristol, also, was now deceased.
The king prorogued parliament, under the pleasing delusion that his German mercenaries would soon bring his rebellious subjects to reason; and the ministers apparently as firmly shared in this fallacious idea.
In America, during this time, various encounters had taken place betwixt the English and American forces. Washington, spite of the severity of the winter weather, was pressing the blockade of Boston. But the difficulties with which he had to contend were so enormous, that, had general Howe had any real notion of them, as he ought to have had, he might have beaten off the American troops over and over. His troops, it is true, only amounted to about seven thousand, and Washington's to about fifteen thousand; but besides the deficiency of powder in Washington's camp, the conditions on which his troops served were such as kept him in constant uncertainty. He declared that it took two or three months to bring them into any tolerable degree of subordination. By the time that was partly done, the period of their engagement terminated, and he was reduced to relax discipline, and coax them to renew their term. He complained, too, that the patriotism of the New Englanders did not bear a close inspection. He declared in his letter to his friend, Joseph Reed, that the conduct of the New England troops was scandalous, and that "a dirty, mercenary spirit pervaded the whole;" that "notwithstanding all the public virtue which is ascribed to the people of Massachusetts, there is no nation under the sun, that I ever came across, which pays greater adoration to money than they do . . . Such a dearth of public spirit and want of virtue; such stock-jobbing and fertility in all the low arts, to obtain advantage of one kind or another in this great charge of military management, I never saw before, and pray God I may never be witness to again." He declared that, could he have foreseen what he should have to suffer from them, he would never have accepted the command.
Fortunately for him, the English in Boston were benumbed with that kind of lethargy which God sends when he means to punish a nation. The affairs of the commissariat, though they had the command of the sea, and had plenty of ships to bring in provisions, were managed with that ineffable neglect, which has made that department of our service, down to our time, the scorn of the whole world. In the terrible weather of this winter the troops suffered miserably from want both of fuel and food, and they were compelled to pull down houses for the timber for their fires. The officers tried to get through this wretchedness the best they might by establishing a theatre, holding balls, and projecting masquerades. They observed that England seemed to have forgotten them, and they tried to forget themselves.
This was the condition of things when, early in March, Washington commenced acting on the defensive. He threw up entrenchments on Dorchester, now South Boston heights, overlooking and commanding both Boston town and harbour. Taking advantage of a dark night, on the 4th of March he sent a strong detachment to the heights, who, before mining, threw up a redoubt, which made it necessary for general Howe to dislodge them, or evacuate the place. It seems amazing, after the affair of Bunker's Hill, that Howe had not seen the necessity of occupying the post himself. He now, however, prepared to attack the redoubt, and the soldiers were eager for the enterprise. The vanguard fell down to William Castle, at which place the ascent was to be made; and on the morrow, the 5th of March, the anniversary of what was termed the massacre of Boston, the fight was to take place. A violent storm, however, arose, rendering the crossing of the water impracticable. By the time that it ceased, the Americans had so strengthened their works, that it was deemed a useless waste of life to attempt to carry them. The only alternative was the evacuation of Boston. Howe had long been persuaded that it would be much better to make the British headquarters at New York, where there were few American troops, and where the king's friends were numerous; and this certainly was true, unless he had mus-
