follow its example, and to demand plainly of the assembly whether it meant to save the nation. The assembly annulled the decree of the section Manconseil, and Vergniaud and Cambon denounced their proceeding as a usurpation of the sovereignty of the people; but it seemed to be, not the principle which they condemned, but the irregularity of its enunciation, and the indecorous language applied to the assembly.
The crisis was now at hand. The efforts of the jacobins had now culminated with the great blow which should crush this ancient monarchy to the earth. The federates called a meeting of the committee of insurrection to arrange the final plans. The insurrection itself was resolved by it to take place immediately on the discussion of the dethronement by the assembly—that is, on the 9th or 10th of August. On the other hand, a meeting of the king's friends was held in the garden of M. de Montmorin, minister of foreign affairs. At that meeting each reported what he had discovered. Lally-Tollendal stated that he had received an anonymous letter, in which the writer informed him of a conversation at Sauterre's, announcing the plan of marching to the Tuileries, killing the king in the fray, and, seizing the prince regent, to do what seemed best with him; or, if the king should not be killed, to make all the royal family prisoners.
MARBLE STAIRCASE OF THE CHATEAU DE VERSAILLES.
It was resolved that the king should leave Paris, at whatever risk, escorted by the Swiss and a troop of his friends, who were numerous, and prepared to die in his defence, if necessary. The duke de Liancourt renewed his offers, and those of La Fayette were relied on. Money was raised, and, after a deliberation of three hours, Montmorin communicated the result to the king, who assented to the plan, and ordered them to arrange with Messieurs Monteuil and Sainte-Croix. The courtiers were delighted; they believed that now, at length, they saw the deliverance of the monarch; and, could they have put Louis into a carriage and driven off with him at once, this might have been done, but to allow him an interval to deliberate in was certainly to insure his relapse. The next morning all was over; Louis declared he would not leave Paris, as it would begin a civil war. All were thunderstruck. Bertrand de Molleville urged Louis to fly without a moment's delay—to-morrow, even, might be too late; but the poor infatuated king replied, that he was assured, from good authority, that the insurrection was not so near as they imagined; that it might be retarded, if not prevented; and that he was adopting measures for that purpose. On hearing this fatal language, Montmorin said to Molleville, "The king is lost, and so are we all. You laughed at me six months ago, when I told you it would come to a republic; now, you see!" Montmorin assured Molleville that this time the queen was more to blame than the king; she did not like to trust to the constitutionalists and La Fayette. She was confident of the speedy arrival of the allies to their rescue.
And yet what a life had Marie Antoinette been long leading! She was in continual dread of assassination, with her whole family. An attempt had been made to murder her in her bed; she had only time to fly in her night-dress to another room, and her body was pierced with daggers in the rage of the disappointed assassins. She was constantly hearing, even in the palace, the obscene and menacing language of
