SOCIALISM
64
SOCIALISM
intellectual desert." Its protagonists are largely
occupied, either in elaborating schemes of social re-
form, which not infrequently present no exclusively
socialist characteristics, or else in a,pologizing for
and disavowing inconvenient applications by earlier
leaders, of socialist philosophy to the domain of
rehgion and ethics. Nevertheless, in so far as the
International movement remains definitely Socialist
at all, the formulae of its propaganda and the creed of
its popular adherents are predominantl}- the reflection
of those put forward in "Das Kapital" in 1867.
Moreover, during all this period of growth of the
modern Socialist movement, two other parallel move-
ments in all countries have at once supplemented and
counterpoised it. These are trade-unionism and co-
operation. There is no inherent reason why either ot
these movements should lead towards Socialism:
properly conducted and developed, both should ren-
der unnecessary anything that can correctly be styled
"Socialism". But, as a matter of fact, both these
excellent movements, owing to unwise opposition by
the dominant capitalism, on the one hand, and in-
difference in the Churches on the other, are menaced
by Socialism, and may eventually be captured by the
more intelligent and energetic Socialists and turned
to serve the ends of Socialism. The training in
mutual aid and interdependence, as well as in self-
government and business habits, which the leaders
of the wage-earners have received in both trade-
unionism and the co-operative movements, while it
might be of incalculable benefit in the formation of
the needed Christian democracy, has so far been
effective largely in demonstratmg the power that is
given by organization and numbers. And the leaders
of Socialism have not been slow to emphasize the les-
son and to extend the argument, with sufficient plausi-
bility, towards state monopoly and the absolutism of
the majority. The logic of their argument has, it is
true, been challenged, in recent years, in Europe by
the rise of the great Catholic trade-union and co-
operative organizations. But in English-speaking
nations this is yet to come, and both co-operation and
trade-unionism are allowed to drift into the grip of
the Sociahst movement, with the result that what
might become a most effective alternative for Col-
lectivism remains to-day its nursery and its support.
Parallel with the International movement has run
the local propaganda in various countries, in each of
which the movement has taken its colour from the
national characteristics; a process which has con-
tinued, until to-day it is sometimes difficult to realize
that the different bodies who are represented in the
International Congresses form part of the same agita-
tion. In Germany, the fatherland of dogmatic So-
cialism, the movement first took shape in 1862. In
that year Ferdinand Lassalle, the brilliant and
wealthy young Jewish lawyer, delivered a lecture to
an artisans' association at Berlin. Lassalle was fined
by the authorities for his temerity, but "The Work-
ing Men's Programme", as the lectiire was styled, re-
sulted in The Universal German Working Men's
Association, which was founded at Leipzig under his
influence the following year. Lassalle commenced a
stormy progres.s thrfnighout Germany, lecturing, or-
ganizing, writing. The movement did not grow at
first with the rapidity he had exjjected, and he him-
self wiis killeil in a duel in 1864. But his tragic death
aroused int('r<'st, and The Working Men's Association
grew steadily till, in 1869, reinforced by the adhesion
of the various organizations which had grown out of
Marx's propaganda, it became, at Eisenach, the
Socialist Democratic Working Men's Party. Lieb-
knecht, Bebel, and Singer, all Marxians, were its chief
leaders. The two former were imprisoned for treason
in 1870; but in 1874 ten members of the party, includ-
ing the two leaders, were returned to the Reichstag
by 450,000 votes. The Government attempted re-
pression, with the usual result of consolidating and
strengthening the movement. In 1875 was held the
celebrated congress at Gotha, at which was drawn up
the programme that formed the basis of the party.
Three years later an attempt upon the emperor's life
was made the excuse for renewed repression. But it
was in vain. In spite of alternate persecution and
essays in state Sociahsm, on the part of Bismarck, the
movement progressed steadUy. Bismarck fell from
power in 1890 and since then the party has grown rap-
idly, and is no wthe strongest pohtical bodj'in Germany.
In 1899 Edward Bernstein, who had come under the
influence of the Fabians in England since 1888, started
the "Revisionist" movement, which, while attempt-
ing to concentrate the energies of the party more
definitely upon specific reforms and "revising" to
extinction many of the most cherished doctrines- of
Marxism, has yet been subordinated to the practical
exigencies of politics. To all appearance the Sociahst
Party is stronger to-dav than ever. The elections of
1907 brought out 3,258,968 votes in its favour; those
of .January, 1912, gave it 110 seats out of a total of 397
in the Reichstag — a gain of more than 100 per cent
over its last previous representation (53 seats). The
Marxian "Erfm't Programme", adopted in 1891, is
still the official creed of the Party. But the "Re-
visionist" policy is obviously gaining ground and, if
the Stuttgart Congress of 1907 be any indication, is
rapidly transforming the revolutionary Marxist party
into an opportunist body devoted to specific social
reforms.
In France the progress of Socialism has been upon different lines. After the coUapse of Saint -Simonism and Fourierism, came the agitation of Louis Blanc in 1848, with his doctrine of "The Right to Work". But this was side-tracked by the triumphant poli- ticians into the scandalous "National Workshops", which were probably deliberately estabhshed on wrong lines in order to bring ridicule upon the agita- tion. Blanc was driven into exile, and French So- cialism lay dormant tiU the ruin of Imperiahsm in 1870 and the outbreak of the Commune in 1871. This rising was suppressed with a ferocity that far sur- passed the wildest excesses of the Communards; 20,000 men are said to have been shot in cold blood, many of whom were certaiidy innocent, while not a few were thrown alive into the common burial pits. But this savagery, though it temporarily quelled the revolution, did nothing to obviate the Socialist movement. At first many of the scattered leaders declared for Anarchism, but soon most of them abandoned it as impracticable and thi'ew their en- ergies into the propagation of Marxian Socialism. In 1879 the amnesty permitted Jules Guesde, Brousse, Malon, and other leaders to return. In 1881, after the Anarchist-Communist group under Kropotkin and Reclus had seceded, two parties came into exist- ence, the opportunist Alliance SociaUste R(^pubU- caine, and the Mai'xia.n Parti Ouvrier Socialiste Revo- lutionaire de France. But these parties soon split up into others. Guesde led, and still leads, the Irre- concilables; Jaures and Millerand have been the leaders of the Parliamentarians; Brousse, Blanqui, and others have formed their several communistic groups. In 1906, however, largelj- owing to the in- fluence of Jam-es, the less extreme parties united again to form Le Parti Socialiste Unifie. This body is but loosely formed of various irreconcilable groups and includes Anarchists like Herve, Marxists like Guesde, Syndicalists like Lagardelle, Opportunists like Millerand, all of whom Jaures endeavours, with but slight success, to maintain in harmony. For right across the Marxian doctrinairianism and the opportunism of the parliamentary group has driven the recent Revolutionary Syndicalist movement. This, which is really Anarchist-Communism working through trade-unionism, is a movement distrustful of
