Page:Catholic Encyclopedia, volume 7.djvu/270

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HENRY


230


HENRY


In the natural course of events this brought him into conflict with the lay nobility. While the king was carrying on futile military operations in the year 1051 and later, against the Hungarians, who were trv-ing to throw off the suzerainty of Germany, the discontent in Germany came to a head in the revolt of Lorraine. This revolt, which was repeated several times, assumed dangerous proportions through the marriage of Duke Godfrey of Lorraine with Beatrice, widow of the Margrave Boniface of Tuscany, who was master of an important and commanding position in LTpper and Central Italy. Henry endeavoured to break up this threatening coalition by means of a journey to Rome in 10.55. But Godfrey instigated a fresh insurrection in Germany. A movement in opposition to the king in Southern Germany attained alarming dimensions. Henry, it is true, deposed the rebellious dukes, Conrad of Bavaria, and Guelph of Carinthia. But Duke Conrad stirred up the Hun- garians and destroyed the last vestiges of German prestige in that country. The death of both the South German dukes in the interim soon led to the overthrow of the Duke of Lorraine. It was in these domestic troubles that the disastrous results of the emperor's leniency and indulgence were to appear most clearly and fully. Unbroken now was the oppo- sition to the Crown in Saxony and Southern Germany, unweakened the dangerous alliance of Lorraine and Tuscany in the South, unimpaired the growing power of the Normans, while the papacy grew without hindrance. All the forces with which the fourth Henry had to cope were in the field, ready for action, at Henry Ill's death.

Steindorff. Jnhrhiicher des Deulschen Reichs unter Heinrich III. (Leipzig, 1874-81): Griesinger, Rumerzug Kaiser Hein- rich III. im Jahre lOiB (Rostock Dissertation, 1900); Mar- tens, Die Besetzunn dea pdpRtlichen Stuhles unter den Kaisem Heinrich III. und Heinrich IV. in Zeitschrift far Kirchenrecht, 20-22; Gerdes, Geschichte dcs deutschcn Volkea und seiner Kultur im Mittelalier, II (1898); Manitius, Deutsche Geschichte unter den siichsischen und salischen Kaisem, 911-1125 (Stutt- gart. 1889); Hampe. Deutsche Kaisergeschichte in der Zeit der Salier und Staufer (Leipzig, 1909); also the literature on the popes of this period.

Franz Kampers.

Henry IV, German King and Roman Emperor, son of Henry III and Agnes of Poitou, b. at Goslar, 11 November, 1050; d. at Liege, 7 August, llOS. The power and resources of the empire left behind by Con- rad II, which Henry III had already materially weak- ened, were still further impaired by the feebleness of the queen regent, who was devoid of political ability. The policy of Henry III, which had been chiefly di- rected to Church affairs, had alreatly called forth the opposition of the princes. But now, under the re- gency, which continued the same policy, the hostility between the ecclesiastical and temporal nobles came to a climax on the kidnapping of the king from Kai- serswert (1062). The regency passed into the hanrls of the princes after the seizure of the boy-king. At the outset Archbishop Anno of Cologne had charge of the government of the empire and supervised the educa- tion of the royal child. But he was soon compelled to accept the energetic Adalbert, Archbishop of Bremen, as a colleague. The boy's whole heart went out to the joyous, splendour-loving Archbishop of Bremen. That prelate was now de facin the real ruler of Ger- many. He returned with vigorous steps to the de- serted paths of Conrad H's policy and attempted, not in vain, to restore the empire's prestige, particularly in the East. At the Diet of Tribur this masterful pre- late fell a victim to the jealous hostility of the princes (lOGfi). It now appeared that the young king was quite able to satisfy his violent craving for independ- ence; and he determined to carry out the policy of Adalliert .

Henrj' IV's real political independence did not begin until 1070. When he seized the reins of government, thanks to the energetic rule of Adalbert, the condi-


tion of the empire was no worse than at the death of Henry III. But, meantime, the papacy had been en- tirely emancipated from the imperial power, and the German Church, on which Otto the Great had built up his power, had become more closely united to Rome and ceased to be a constitutional state church. Con- sequently, though this did not appear immediately, the foundations of the Othonian .system were undermined. Strong and energetic popes had appeared on the scene and found allies. On the one hand the powers of Lorraine and Tuscany offered a valuable support to the papacy in Central Italy. Here Beatrice of Tus- cany had contracted a matrimonial alliance with the unruly Duke Godfrey of Lorraine. On the other hand Hildebrand's admirable conciliatory policy had like- wise gained allies in the southern half of the peninsula among the Normans. And finally the high Church party did not lack friends even in Northern Italy. The Pataria of Milan, a democratic movement that combined an economic with an ecclesiastical reform agitation, was won over by Hildebrand to the cause of the Papal See.

This policy inaugurated by Hildebrand already indi- cated opposition to the empire. It is true that on the German side there was a reaction against violations of the legal status prevailing in papal elections and other affairs: but definiteness of aim and enduring vigour were on the side of the reform party and its masterful spokesman Hildebrand, who, as Gregory VII, was soon to come forward as the young king's opponent. (See Gregory VII, Pope; Investitures, Conflict of.) Hatred and passion distorted the portraits of both these men in contemporarj- history. Even to-day we can see only faint outlines of these two men, the central figures of a tragedy of world-wide histori- cal import. We know that Henry IV had a good lit- erary education, but that his literary and artistic inter- ests were not [)rofound and were not, as in the case of his father, submerged in unpractical idealism. He was a conscious realist. He failed altogether to under- stand the politico-religious aims of his father's policy. Some of his contemporaries disparaged his moral char- acter, with some justice perhaps, but certainly with much exaggeration. Of course his nature was passion- ate: that is probably the reason he never in his whole life acquired a refined harmony of character. At times he was plunged in the depths of despair, but he always reacted against the most serious disasters, overcame the worst fits of despondency and was ready to renew the combat. He was also a clever, though perhaps not always an honest, diplomat. This hap- less king was truly the idol of his people because of his pride as a ruler, liis earnest defence of the dignity of the empire and his benevolent care for the peace of the empire and the welfare of the common people.

Ilenrj- had no sooner become independent than he reverted to the principles that governed the policy of Conrad II. He also founded his military power on the ministerials, the lower nobility. The.se mini.sterials were to counterbalance the power of the spiritual and temporal princes, the latter of whom, however, were beginning to achieve territorial independence and to establish within the State a power that could not be overestimated. With his usual hopefulness Henry expected to be able to crush them: he believed that he could at least revive the power of Conrad II. Henry's strong hand first made itself felt in Bavaria. Otto von Northeim lost his duchy and important posses- sions in Saxony besides. '^Phe king bestowed the duchy on Guelph IV, son of .\zzo of Este. We now see at once how well considered was Henry's policy; for from the Saxon lands of Otto von Northeim he sought to create a well roundeil personal domain which was to provide an economic ba.-^is for his royal power. This personal domain he sought to protect by means of royal fortresses. But to the ever restless Saxons, who.se ancient rights the king had indubitably