this: "Silence is sometimes golden; at other times it is just
simply plain yellow."
The possible results of this legislation forced this upon my attention. As I have before said, however, in the absence of anything more courageous or more mandatory in character, taking the view of the gentleman from New Jersey [Mr. Eaton], we may feel it the wiser plan to vote affirmatively. But I do not want my country to be plain yellow. Nevertheless. I may climb this tree with you to get away from a forest fire, as I have before stated.
Lest I be considered out of order, my remarks will be largely based on the discretion given to the President. Whenever the administration in power has to conduct the Nation’s affairs, criticisms from the other side naturally would be forthcoming. Through this entire bill there is whenever the President has issued "this" or determined "that", and, of course, there may be politics, so-called, in the criticism of giving the President of the United States discretion in making these highly important decisions. I presume these decisions must be left to somebody, and he is the only President I have got. Much as I am fearful about his hasty decisions and his lack of willingness to make decisions when anarchy Is in our own country and on our own doorstep, we may be forced to clothe him with the power contained in this bill.
Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. GIFFORD. I do not yield. I only have 5 minutes. If it had not been for the courageous statements in another body on yesterday, I might have felt that the Congress itself would remain silent in this present hour of domestic peril. But some courageous Members have at last, of their own volition, not waiting for the President, expressed their views with force and clearness. It can be assumed that they have delayed expression waiting for some courageous act of the administration. However, all through this entire' bill you are leaving much discretion to the President. We have much reason to be fearful of his future decisions.
Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield now?
Mr. GIFFORD. Yes; I yield.
Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Did I understand the gentleman by his observation and criticism of the President to desire the return of Mr. Hoover?
Mr. GIFFORD. Oh! Did I criticize the President?
Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. No.
Mr. GIFFORD. No. I will give your President credit for all good intentions in the world, but read the Saturday Evening Post of latest issue, reminding us that hell is paved with good intentions, and if war should come from his good intentions, I do not want to see hell paved with his good intentions, do I? Or do you? Good intentions have nothing to do with it. It is results that must be considered in this bill when granting such powers.
Mr. HOOK. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. GIFFORD. I yield.
Mr. HOOK. Does not the gentleman know when he criticizes the President
Mr. GIFFORD. Did I criticize the President?
Mr. HOOK. That the Supreme Court has said these labor problems are local problems?
Mr. GIFFORD. In speaking of the President and my
criticism possibly, my fearfulness may be justified, when a President will attempt to arouse the country against the Judiciary, and attempt to destroy the faith of our people in that great and last bulwark of our liberties. I am indeed fearful of the views of the President and of his constantly changing views, and I should be excused for mildly criticizing the great discretion granted him in this proposed resolution. Pending decision of amendments to be offered I am still doubtful as to how I should vote in its final form. [Here the gavel fell.]
Mr. KOPPLEMANN. Mr. Chairman. I offer an amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Kopplemann: Page 30, line 4. strike out the word "or”, and on line 6, after the words "of war", Insert “or materials of war"; and add, after the word "war", on line 10, the words "and materials of war."
Mr. McREYNOLDS. Mr. Chairman, I make a point of order against the amendment. This section does not deal with materials of war. The amendment is not in order at this place in the bill. It is not germane to the bill at this point. In the next section it will be germane. The next section deals with materials of war. This section only deals with the exporting of arms and implements of war.
The CHAIRMAN (Mr. Warken). The Chair is inclined to agree with the gentleman from Tennessee that the amendment would be germane if offered to section 4, but it is not germane to section 3. The Chair, therefore, sustains the point of order.
The Chair will recognize the gentleman from Connecticut [Mr. Kopplemann] after section 4 has been read.
Mr. BERNARD. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Bern aid: Page 19, line 32, strike out all of subsection (c).
Mr. BERNARD. Mr. Chairman, this section reads that "when the President shall find a state of civil strife exists in a foreign state and that such armed conflict is of such magnitude", and so on.
This section applies very clearly. We have a very vivid and tragic example of what this section would do today in Spain. The people of Spain today, under a democratic government for the first time in its history, are being attacked by the forces of fascism. No one in the world dares deny that. We have ample proof that the forces of Hitler and Mussolini are actively engaged against the Spanish democratic government.
We have placed an embargo on Spain; an arms embargo against a friendly democratic country, while at the same time we shut our eyes to the fact that the forces of fascism, under Mussolini and Hitler, are doing their level best to rape the democracy of Spain. We are faced today, Mr. Chairman, with a situation of great importance, and we must give due consideration to this proposal, because this clause will of necessity place an embargo on any other democratic nation which may be faced with a similar situation. If we are to prevent fascism; if we are to prevent that terrible instrumentality used and engendered by the ruthless and dying capitalistic systems of Italy and Germany, where the laboring masses have been exploited and all civil liberties have been thwarted, then let us at least be frank in our purpose and adopt, if we will, a policy of giving aid to the imperialistic designs of Italy and Germany.
Why was fascism adopted in Italy and Germany? Because the working class of these countries awakened, and the tories fearing loss of wealth and power singled out ruthless demagogues and directed them to mercilessly beat the masses into submission. That is exactly what happened in Italy and Germany; that is exactly what Franco has been directed to do in Spain today.
When the great bulk of the Spanish people were illiterate and living under a feudal state no one objected, no one came to their rescue, but when the people of Spain finally opened their eyes and had the audacity, the temerity to establish a government of their own, then the enemies of the working class came to the rescue of the money lords, those who had been in control of the Spanish Government before. In this view, Mr. Chairman, I am not alone. Permit me to read an excerpt from the bulletin of the Methodist Federation for Social Service, the issue for March 1937:
We want a world organized around the democratic way of life. The Fascist are determined to destroy that of life and to do It by merciless warfare. The only chance of stopping them without fighting is to prevent any economic aid from this country for their war plans and activities and to enable the victims of their
attack to get aid here in such ways as will not draw us into conflict. The proposal to Include civil strife In the neutrality bill invites the Fascist powers to do elsewhere, perhaps on this continent, what they have done In Spain.