circulated far and wide, which I knew to have been spread by sisters. These two brethren took care of the money, and paid the expenses, and distributed any allowances to the poor. Mr. N. insisted on an arrangement, against their remonstrance, which separated the expenses from the poor; and soon after I arrived at Plymouth it had to be announced that there had been no means of paying for more than a year’s gas, and wine for communion for half a year.
Such was the state of things when I arrived—ignorant of all these details, but since my last visit having felt that clericalism and worldly principles had usurped the place of the Spirit of God. I had received no complaint, no letter about it. It was a letter, as I have stated, of Mr. H.’s which shewed me that all barrier was gone against evil which I knew to be at work, but which had been hitherto borne with as individual evil. The tract shop had become a violent party sectarian instrument. It was an institution I always indeed thought objectionable. One tract was sold there shewing how the universal consent of the Church was against those who differed from Mr. N. and that it could easily be shown that those who did were “subverting the first elements of Christianity.” This tract had been published on a resolution of the Plymouth teachers taken after a remonstrance from some London brethren.[1]
It has been supposed that it was my sudden arrival which occasioned the feeling and conduct which followed. This is all untruthful pretence. Mr. N. had ever since my letter to Mr. Harris, (I have the date from Mr. N. himself) been labouring to prepare the minds of all he could against me. This I learnt after my arrival. It is only since the London meeting that I have known that Mr. Harris had furnished him with my three or four private letters to him, which Mr. N. took about and
- ↑ I do not mean that the remonstrance turned on this sentence. It was, I believe, rather on the earlier part, and practically imputing certain views, and on other points.
