compensation to the Oropians, Cameades excited great attention by his philosophical conversation and lectures, in which he preached the pernicious doctrine of an expediency distinct from justice, and illustrated his doctrine by touching on a dangerous and delicate subject — the example of Rome herself. "If Rome were stript of all that she did not justly gain, the Romans might go back to their huts." Cato, offended with these principles, and jealous of the attention paid to this Greek, gave advice which the senate followed — " Let these deputies have an answer, and a polite dismissal as soon as possible." Upon the conquest of Perseus, the leading men of the Achaian union, to the number of nearly 1,000, including the historian Polybius, were brought to Rome, B. C. 167, as hostages for the good behaviour of the Achaians, and, afterwards, without any proof of disaffection, were detained in exile from their country, and distributed among the coloniae and municipia of Italy. When their numbers were reduced to about 300, by an exile of 16 years, the intercession of the younger Africanus, the friend of Polybius, prevailed with Cato to vote that they should be permitted to return to their country. The conduct of the old senator — he was now eighty-three — was kinder than his words. He did not interpose until the end of a long debate, and then assented to the proposal on the ground, that it was a matter of perfect indifference. "Have we nothing better to do than to sit here all day long debating whether a parcel of worn-out Greeks shall be carried to their graves here or in Achaia?" When the exiles further besought the senate that they might be restored to their former status and honours in their own country, Cato intimated that they were fools for going home, and were much better off as they were. He said with a smile, that Polybius was like Ulysses returning to the cave of the Cyclops for his hat and sash. The active powers of Cato had been so much more educated than his affections, that he appears to have been nearly devoid of sympathy with fine and tender feelings, though some allowance may be made for a little assumed ungraciousness of demeanour, in order to keep up his Catonian character. Nowhere in his writings or his speeches do we meet with generous and elevating sentiments. His strong will and powerful passions of anger and ambition were guided by a keen and cold intellect, and a practical, utilitarian, common sense.
Even in the closing years of his protracted life, Cato had no repose. In his 81st year, B. C. 153, he was accused by C. Cassius of some capitale crimen (the nature of which is not recorded), and defended himself in person with unbroken strength, with unfaltering voice, and with unshaken memory. "How hard it is," he said, "for one whose life has been past in a preceding generation, to plead his cause before the men of the present!" (Val. Max. viii. 7. § 1; Plut. Cato, 15.)
In the very year before his death, he was one of the chief instigators of the third Punic war. The anxiety of the senate had been excited by the report that a large army, under Ariobarzanes, was assembled on the Carthaginian territory. Cato recommended an instant declaration of war against the Carthaginians, on the ground that their real object in procuring the assistance of the Numidians was hostility to Rome, although their nominal object was the defence of their frontier against the claim of Masinissa to part of their dominions. Scipio Nasica thought that no casus belli had arisen, and it was arranged that an embassy should be sent to Africa to gain information as to the real state of affairs. When the ten deputies, of whom Cato was one, came to the disputed territory, they offered their arbitration, which was accepted by Masinissa, but rejected by the Carthaginians, who had no confidence in Roman justice. The deputies accurately observed the warlike preparations, and the defences of the frontier. They then entered the city, and saw the strength and population it had acquired since its conquest by the elder Africanus. Upon their return home, Cato was the foremost in asserting that Rome would never be safe, as long as Carthage was so powerful, so hostile, and so near. One day he drew a bunch of early ripe figs from beneath his robe, and throwing it upon the floor of the senate-house, said to the assembled fathers, who were astonished at the freshness and fineness of the fruit, "Those figs were gathered but three days ago at Carthage; so close is our enemy to our walls." From that time forth, whenever he was called upon for his vote in the senate, though the subject of debate bore no relation to Carthage, his words were "I vote that Carthage no longer be," or, according to the more accepted version of Florus (ii. 15) "Delenda est Carthago." Scipio Nasica, on the other hand, thinking that Carthage in its weakened state was rather a useful check than a formidable rival to Rome, always voted to "let Carthage be." (Liv. Epit. xlviii. xlix.; Appian, de Bell. Pun. 69; Plin. H. N. xv. 17.) This story must appear strange to those who know not that, during the republic, it was a Roman custom for senators, when called upon for their votes, to express — no matter what the question — any opinion which they deemed of great importance to the welfare of the state. (Tac. Ann. ii. 33.)
In the very last year of his life, Cato took a conspicuous part in the righteous but unsuccessful prosecution of S. Sulpicius Galba. This perfidious general, after the surrender of the Lusitanian army, in flagrant breach of faith, put to death some of the soldiers, and sold others as slaves in Gaul, while a few escaped by flight, among whom was Viriathus, the future avenger of his nation. Galba pretended to have discovered that, under cover of the surrender, the Lusitanians had concerted an attack; but he obtained his acquittal chiefly through the compassion excited by the theatrical parade of his young weeping sons and orphan ward. Cato made a powerful speech against Galba, and inserted it in the 7th book of his Origines, a few days or months before his death, B. C. 149, at the age of 85. (Cic. Brutus, 23.)
Cato was twice married; first to Licinia, a lady of small property but noble birth, who bore a son, M. Porcius Cato Licinianus, the jurist, and lived to an advanced age. After her death he secretly cohabited with a female slave; for, though he was a faithful husband, and as a widower was anxious to preserve his reputation, the well-known "sententia dia Catonis" proves that he set but little value upon the virtue of chastity. When his amour was discovered by his son, he determined to marry again, and chose the young daughter of his scribe and client, M. Salonius. The way in which a patron could command his client, and a father
