and perils, Dr. Jameson hoisted the Union Jack on the site of the present Salisbury, and he became the company's administrator.
In addition to a holding acquired on Lake Nyassa, the company's range of operations was rapidly extended beyond the Zambesi, to the southern end of Lake Tanganyika. It was Rhodes's hope to push farther and connect Africa under the British flag from the Cape to Cairo. But the Anglo-German treaty of 1890, which extended German East Africa to the Congo, made this impossible. In 1892, when the retention of Uganda by the imperial government seemed doubtful, Rhodes protested against its surrender, and wrote to Lord Salisbury, the foreign secretary, offering to carry the telegraph from Salisbury to Uganda at his own expense. The offer was declined, but Uganda was retained. In 1893 came war with, the Matabele, who were oppressing the neighbouring tribe, the Mashonas. A stubborn fight was waged, largely under the direction of Rhodes but immediately by Dr. Jameson, who as administrator of the company at Fort Victoria took the field. The company's victory, despite heavy loss, was assured by the submission of the Matabele chiefs (14 Jan. 1894). After the death of the Matabele chief Lobengula (23 Jan.) Rhodes brought three of his sons to Cape Town to be educated at his cost. The war confirmed the British possession of 440,000 square miles of territory.
On 17 July 1890 Rhodes became prime minister of the Cape in succession to Sir John Gordon Sprigg. He was maintained in power by Dutch and English votes practically for more than five years, and for that period was virtually dictator of South Africa. He was at the outset head of a 'ministry of all the talents.' John Xavier Merriman was treasurer-general, J. W. Sauer colonial secretary, and Sir James Sivewright commissioner of crown lands. The propriety of his combining the dual position as head of the British South Africa Company and of the Cape ministry was questioned (22 June 1893) ; but he at once made clear his readiness at any time to resign the premiership. While the development of the north occupied much of his attention, no colonial premier did so much to raise and broaden Cape politics. He carried through important reforms, notably in local education and in native policy, and went far to unite to their own consciousness the interests of British and Dutch in South Africa. The formidable Dutch political organisation, the Afrikander Bond, which sought openly the dominance of the Dutch in Cape politics and furtively the establishment of a Dutch republic, with the Transvaal as basis, was coaxed into his service. It is said that of 25,000 Chartered Company shares reserved for him to dispose of at will, a large proportion were given to Dutch applicants. This is the nearest approach to anything like bribery which his career discloses. He admitted that he struck a bargain with Hofmeyr, the leader of the Bond, who pledged himself with some reluctance in the name of the Bond not to throw any obstacles in the way of northern expansion in return for Rhodes's support of a tariff to protect the agricultural interest of South Africa. He was entirely frank in his desire to identify Bondmen with the Chartered Company's work, and when seeking to create a local board of control in the colony, he offered its presidency to the most distinguished of living Dutchmen, the chief justice, now Lord De Villiers, whose sympathies were with the Boer republics. He attended a Bond banquet on Easter Monday 1891, to show that there was no longer anything antagonistic between the Bond and the mother country. He deprecated on the one hand too sentimental a regard for the Boer republics, and on the other any wish to interfere with the independence of neighbouring states, with which he counselled 'customs relations, railway communication, and free trade in products.' With equal candour he addressed the Bond by letter on 17 April 1891, defining his views about the settlement in the north.
In the early days of his ministry (Feb. 1891) Rhodes and the governor. Sir Henry (afterwards Lord) Loch [q. v. Suppl. I] had visited London to discuss South African affairs. He discouraged interference of the home government in local affairs, but he hoped for the realisation of an imperial federal scheme. That hope had led him in 1888 to subscribe a sum of 10,000l. to the funds of Parnell's followers. Rhodes admired Parnell's earnestness but stipulated that the Irish members should remain at Westminster. He made it clear that home rule was in his belief a step on the road to imperial federation. But he felt convinced that 'the future of England must be liberal' and gave to the funds of the English liberal party 5000l. (February 1891) on condition that the gift should be kept secret, and that Irish representation at Westminster should be preserved in any home rule bill. Misgivings of the liberal policy in Egypt caused him subsequent concern, but he
