the Lambeth Articles. His long labours as a scholar and his position as a professor entitled him to speak with some authority. At the same time his observations do not appear to have been conceived in any captious spirit, but rather with the design of justifying his formal acceptance of the new articles, and explaining the construction which he placed upon them. The Calvinistic party, flushed with their recent victory, were, however, incensed at his presumption; for his discourse was construed into an attempt to reopen a controversy which they fondly hoped had been set at rest for ever. Although but few of the heads were in Cambridge, the vice-chancellor, Roger Goad, felt himself under the necessity, after a consultation with one or two of their number, of communicating with Whitgift concerning 'this breach of the peace of the university.' Baro himself deemed it expedient to defend his conduct in a letter to the archbishop, and to seek a personal interview with him. His efforts were, however, without result. Whitgift looked upon his 'troublesome course of contending' as inexcusable, while he was himself too definitely pledged to the defence of the new articles to be able to entertain any proposition which involved their reconsideration or modification. Baro was cited before the vice-chancellor and heads, and required to produce the manuscript of his sermon, while he was peremptorily forbidden to enter upon further discussion of the doctrine involved in the Lambeth Articles. It is probable that the proceedings would have resulted in his actual removal from his professorial chair had it not become apparent that he was not without sympathisers and friends. Burghley interposed in his behalf with unwonted vigour, expressing his opinion that the professor had been too severely dealt with; while Overall (afterwards bishop of Norwich), Harsnet (afterwards archbishop of York), and the eminent Lancelot Andrewes, all alike declined to affirm that the views which he had put forth were heterodox. The election to the Lady Margaret professorship was, however, at that period a biennial one, and Baro's appointment terminated November 1596. Before that time, foreseeing that he would probably not be re-elected, he wrote to Burghley, offering, if continued in office, to treat of the doctrine of predestination with great caution, or even altogether to abstain from any reference to it. His appeal was not attended with success, and before the year closed he deemed it necessary to leave Cambridge. 'Fugio, ne fugarer,' the utterance attributed to him on the occasion, sufficiently indicates the moral compulsion under which he acted. Dr. John Jegon, the master of Corpus Christi College, made an effort to bring about his return. Writing to Burghley (4 Dec. 1596) he speaks of Baro as one who 'hath been here longe time a painful teacher of Hebrew and divinity to myself and others,' and 'to whome I am very willing to showe my thankful minde;' and he then proceeds to suggest that should Baro return 'and please to take pains in reading Hebrew lectures in private houses, I doubt not but to his good credit, there may be raised as great a stipend' (Masters, Life of Baker, p. 130).
Baro did not, however, return to Cambridge, but lived for the remainder of his life in London; residing, according to the statement of his grandson, 'in a house in Dyer's Yard, in Crutched Fryers Street, over against St. Olive's Church, in which he was buried' (Baker MSS. xxix. 187). He died in April 1599, and Bancroft, at that time bishop of London, who sympathised with him both in his views and in the treatment he had experienced, honoured him with an imposing funeral, in which the pall was borne by six doctors of divinity, and the procession (by the bishop's orders) included all the clergy of the city. The feature which invests Baro's career with its chief importance is the fact that he was almost the first divine in England, holding an authoritative position, who ventured to combat the endeavour to impart to the creed of the church of England a definitely ultra-Calvinistic character, and he thus takes rank as the leader in the counter movement which, under Bancroft, Andrewes, Laud, and other divines, gained such ascendency in the church of England in the first half of the following century. Writing to Nicholas Heming, the Danish theologian, from Cambridge (1 April 1596), he says: 'In this country we have hitherto been permitted to hold the same sentiments as yours on grace; but we are now scarcely allowed publicly to teach our own opinions on that subject, much less to publish them' (Arminius, Works, ed. Nichols, i. 92). Some twenty years later, it being asked at court what the Arminians held, the reply was made that they held all the best bishoprics and deaneries in England.
Baro had eight children, most of whom died young. The eldest, Peter, was a doctor of medicine, and, with Mary, his wife, was naturalised by statute 4 Jac. I. He practised at Boston in Lincolnshire, where he successfully exerted himself to uphold Arminian views (Cotton Mather, Hist. of New England, bk. iii. p. 16). A grandson, Samuel Baron, practised as a physician at Lynn Regis in Norfolk, and had a large family; his fifth son, Andrew, was elected a fellow of Peterhouse in 1664.
