of a continuous encounter there between Tierney and Croker as ‘the most brilliant scene in the House of Commons during the twenty-three years he was member of it.’ On the catholic question he maintained throughout the principles advocated in his pamphlet of 1807, and was admitted by those who had no reason to love him to speak upon it with frankness, warmth, and sincerity, while differing from the views of his party. Thus in 1819 Lord Monteagle, then Mr. Spring Rice, writes of a speech Croker had recently made on this question, that ‘it showed him to be an honest Irishman no less than an able statesman … ready to quit the road of fortune under the auspices of his personal friend Peel, if the latter was only to be conciliated by what Oxonians term orthodoxy and the Cantabs consider as intolerance.’ To have abandoned the lead of Peel would have indeed been a severe trial, for Croker had at this time been attached to him for many years by the ties of affectionate friendship as well as of political sympathy. From 1812, when Peel was secretary of state for Ireland, down to Peel's corn law measure in 1845, they were in constant and most confidential communication. Peel was godfather of Croker's only child, a son born in January 1817, and named Spencer after his father's first patron, Mr. Perceval. This child was the light of his parents' eyes, but was cut off by a sharp illness on 20 May 1820. The ambition to advance himself in public life seems to have died when he lost his boy. The grief for this loss, which overshadowed the rest of his life, completely unnerved him. The fear of mischief to health of mind and body, which might ensue on retiring from office, alone kept him from resigning his post at the admiralty. He even went the length of intimating to Lord Liverpool his readiness to place it at his lordship's disposal, if this would facilitate his arrangements in forming his ministry. But Croker's services were far too important to be dispensed with; and it was well for his own ultimate happiness that his mind was kept at work at his ‘old green desk,’ and not allowed to dwell upon a sorrow which never ceased to weigh heavily upon him. To Peel Croker had for years looked forward as the man best fitted to become the leader of his party. Peel hung back even from office; but Croker now became more urgent than ever in soliciting him to join their ranks and to aspire to a commanding position. Thus he writes (14 Sept. 1821): ‘For my own part in the whole round of the political compass there is no point to which I look with any interest but yourself. … I should like to see you in high and effective office for a hundred reasons which I have before told you, and for some which I have not told and need not tell you; but if I looked only to your own comfort and happiness, I should never wish to see you within the walls of Pandemonium.’ Croker's wish was gratified in 1822, when, after the accession of George IV, Peel took office as home secretary under Lord Liverpool; and the two friends fought the battle of their party side by side down to 1827, when the break-down of Lord Liverpool's health raised the question of a successor. The choice lay between Canning and Peel; but, much as Croker would have wished to see Peel take the place he had long desired for him, he saw that this could not be in the existing state of parties. ‘My regard and gratitude to the Duke of Wellington, who first brought me forward in public life,’ he writes to Canning (27 April 1827), ‘my private love for Peel, and my respect and admiration for you, made and make me most anxious that you should all hold together.’ But finding this could not be arranged, Croker stood by Canning, and played so important a part in his counsels while forming his cabinet that a cloud of jealousy towards his old friend was raised for a time in Peel's mind. This, however, was soon dissipated before the unmistakable proofs of devoted loyalty and unselfishness on Croker's part. He refused higher office for himself under Canning, and on Canning's death a few months afterwards, Croker urged upon his successor, Lord Goderich, the importance of introducing Peel and the Duke of Wellington into the new cabinet, and a coalition of the tories with the moderate whigs. To clear the way for this he even offered to resign his own appointment, ‘worth 3,200l. a year and one of the best houses in London.’ Peel had too mean an opinion of Goderich's capacity to accept him for a leader, and preferred to stand aloof. He had soon the satisfaction of coming into office under a leader in the Duke of Wellington of a very different stamp, resuming his old position at the home office. Again Croker refused to take higher office. But his services had been so valuable to his leaders, that they insisted on his allowing himself, as a slight recognition of them, to be sworn of the privy council, an honour which he had refused to accept from two previous administrations. In the stormy conflicts that prevailed during the Wellington administration (1829–30), Croker fought the battle of his party in parliament with vigour and success. On the question of the catholic claims his opinions from the day he entered parliament in 1807 had been in advance of theirs; and when they were driven by stress of circumstances in 1829 to adopt
