the Long parliament with composure, and put his name to the fervid address of congratulation forwarded by his army to the parliament. In a private letter he simply expressed his pleasure that so great a change had been effected without bloodshed, and his hope that the men in power would 'enter upon something to keep us in peace and quietness' (ib. iii. 475, 480 ; Thurloe, vii. 667, 669). But when the newly appointed commissioners for the nomination of officers began to remove and to change the officers of the regiments under his command, Monck at once signified his dissatisfaction (Baker, Chronicle, ed. Phillips, pp. 670, 675 ; Old Parliamentary History, xxi. 427). His discontent was well known, and in the summer of 1659 overtures were made to him from the royalists.
Immediately on receiving the news of Cromwell's death Lord Colepepper had pointed Monck out to Hyde as the instrument best able to effect the king's restoration. He 'commandeth,' Colepepper wrote, absolutely at his devotion ... a better army than that in England is, and in the king's quarrel can bring with him the strength of Scotland I need not give you his character ; you know he is a sullen man that values him enough, and much believes that his knowledge and reputation in arms fits him for the title of Highness and the office of Protector better than Mr. Richard Cromwell's skill in horseracing and husbandry doth. You know, besides, that the only ties that have hitherto kept him from grumbling have been the vanity of constancy to his professions, and his affection to Cromwell's person. . . . Nothing of either of them can now stick with him, The way to deal with him is, by some fit person to shew him plainly, and to give him all imaginable security for it, that he shall better find all his ends (those of honour, power, profit, and safety) with the king than in any other way he can take' (Clarendon State Papers, iii. 413). It was accordingly resolved to approach Monck through his cousin, Sir John Grenville, and his brother, Nicholas Monck [q. v.] Charles, on 21 July 1659, gave Grenville full powers to treat with Monck, and undertook to make good any engagements he might make to Monck or his officers. At the same time he drew up a letter to the general himself. 'I cannot think,' he wrote, 'you wish me ill, for you have no reason to do so ; and the good I expect from you will bring so great benefit to your country and yourself, that I cannot think you will decline my interest. ... If you once resolve to take my interest to heart, I will leave the way and manner of declaring it entirely to your own judgment, and will comply with the advice you shall give me' (Baker, Chronicle, ed. Phillips, p. 672 ; Clarendon State Papers, iii. 417, 421, 516). Nicholas Monck arrived at Dalkeith at the beginning of August 1659, on the ostensible pretext of arranging a match for his daughter. He communicated the contents of the king's letter to his brother. The general allowed him to talk freely and listened favourably, but would not promise to receive the letter (ib. iii. 543, 618). Monck's chaplains, Gumble and Price, have both left accounts of this incident, but Price was at the time more trusted. He goes too far, however, when he represents Monck as henceforth resolved to restore the king, and has to admit that neither then nor much later durst he venture to mention his name to the general. Both agree, however, in stating that Monck resolved to cooperate with, or take advantage of the royalist-presbyterian rising then on foot in England, and that he concerted some of the necessary military preparations for that step. Price himself was charged to draw up a letter from the army in Scotland to the parliament, declaring for a full and free parliament and for the known laws and liberties of the nation. But Monck postponed action till the arrival of the next post from England, and it brought the news of Lambert's defeat of Sir George Booth [q. v.] The plan was immediately abandoned, the letter burnt, and the conspirators sworn to secrecy.
Disheartened by this check, and finding the independence of his command greatly limited by the action of parliament in displacing many of his officers, Monck wrote to Lenthall begging leave to retire (3 Sept.) His intention was to go to Ireland and live on the estate which he had purchased with his arrears of pay. But Clarges, Monck's agent in London, and Speaker Lenthall, contrived to keep back the letter for ten days, till Monck changed his mind (Baker, p. 675). One of the reasons for this course was the prospect of an immediate breach between the parliament and the army. 'I see now,' said Monck, ' that I shall have a better game to play than I had before. I know Lambert so well that I am sure he will not let those people at Westminster sit till Christmas-day' (Price, p. 726). Through Clarges, Monck promised support to the parliamentary leaders, and a letter which parliament received from him on 5 Oct. emboldened them to deal severely with Lambert and his followers. When they revoked Fleetwood's commission as commander-in-chief, Monck was one of the persons in whose hands they vested the command of the army (Baker, p. 682 ; Commons' Journals, vii. 792; cf. A Letter from
