and latent crisis which had already enervated public power for months in the past, at a time when it should have been intact and energetic. The disgusted Opposition did not put forward during this improvised session a revolutionary decision, because we, the leaders who were present, declared that Wekerle would resign anyhow and that the Opposition was prepared to take common action.
Ever since the Bulgarian affair, a portion of the Opposition had pressed me to place myself at the head of the attack. I did not do so. I knew that the Government did not meet the demands of the situation. I did not dare to cause the downfall of the existing Government until I had some guarantee that a new Government could be formed which could cope with the situation. In spite of all my efforts I was not able to obtain such a guarantee. I feared that an interregnum might take place. The crisis, however, could not be avoided.
After the session of the Opposition, I got into touch with the members of the Labour Party. They called upon me in great numbers. I realized that they had no more confidence in themselves, and that one could expect no more activity from them, and that they were aware that their regime was at an end. I also received an emissary from Wekerle, who informed me that Wekerle would follow my advice. I also had a conversation with Tisza, who seemed to have lost his usual determination. I propounded the programme which I thought necessary: electoral reform, immediate peace,
