and caused a synod to be held under the presidency of Mennas
(whom he had named patriarch of Constantinople), which renewed
the condemnation of the impugned doctrines and anathematized
Origen himself. Still later, he was induced by the machinations
of some of the prelates who haunted his court, and by the influence
of Theodora, herself much interested in theological questions,
and more than suspected of Monophysitism, to raise a needless,
mischievous, and protracted controversy. The Monophysites
sometimes alleged that they could not accept the decrees of the
council of Chalcedon because that council had not condemned,
but (as they argued) virtually approved, three writers tainted
with Nestorian principles, Theodore of Mopsuestia, Theodoret,
and Ibas, bishop of Edessa. It was represented to the emperor,
who was still pursued by the desire to bring back the schismatics,
that a great step would have been taken towards reconciliation if
a condemnation of these teachers, or rather of such of their books
as were complained of, could be brought about, since then the
Chalcedonian party would be purged from any appearance of
sympathy with the errors of Nestorius. Not stopping to reflect
that in the angry and suspicious state of men’s minds he was sure
to lose as much in one direction as he would gain in the other,
Justinian entered into the idea, and put forth an edict exposing
and denouncing the errors contained in the writings of Theodore
generally, in the treatise of Theodoret against Cyril of Alexandria,
and in a letter of Bishop Ibas (a letter whose authenticity was
doubted, but which passed under his name) to the Persian bishop
Maris. This edict was circulated through the Christian world to
be subscribed by the bishops. The four Eastern patriarchs, and
the great majority of the Eastern prelates generally, subscribed,
though reluctantly, for it was felt that a dangerous precedent
was being set when dead authors were anathematized, and that
this new movement could hardly fail to weaken the authority of
the council of Chalcedon. Among the Western bishops, who
were less disposed both to Monophysitism and to subservience,
and especially by those of Africa, the edict was earnestly resisted.
When it was found that Pope Vigilius did not forthwith comply,
he was summoned to Constantinople. Even there he resisted,
not so much, it would seem, from any scruples of his own, for he
was not a high-minded man, as because he knew that he dared
not return to Italy if he gave way. Long disputes and negotiations
followed, the end of which was that Justinian summoned
a general council of the church, that which we reckon the Fifth,
which condemned the impugned writings, and anathematized
several other heretical authors. Its decrees were received in the
East but long contested in the Western Church, where a schism
arose that lasted for seventy years. This is the controversy
known as that of the Three Chapters (Tria capitula, τρία κεφάλαια),
apparently from the three propositions or condemnations contained
in Justinian’s original edict, one relating to Theodore’s
writings and person, the second to the incriminated treatise of
Theodoret (whose person was not attacked), the third to the
letter (if genuine) of Ibas (see Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, ii. 777).
At the very end of his long career of theological discussion, Justinian himself lapsed into heresy, by accepting the doctrine that the earthly body of Christ was incorruptible, insensible to the weaknesses of the flesh, a doctrine which had been advanced by Julian, bishop of Halicarnassus, and went by the name of Aphthartodocetism. According to his usual practice, he issued an edict enforcing this view, and requiring all patriarchs, metropolitans, and bishops to subscribe to it. Some, who not unnaturally held that it was rank Monophysitism, refused at once, and were deprived of their sees, among them Eutychius the eminent patriarch of Constantinople. Others submitted or temporized; but before there had been time enough for the matter to be carried through, the emperor died, having tarnished if not utterly forfeited by this last error the reputation won by a life devoted to the service of Orthodoxy.
As no preceding sovereign had been so much interested in church affairs, so none seems to have shown so much activity as a persecutor both of pagans and of heretics. He renewed with additional stringency the laws against both these classes. The former embraced a large part of the rural population in certain secluded districts, such as parts of Asia Minor and Peloponnesus; and we are told that the efforts directed against them resulted in the forcible baptism of 70,000 persons in Asia Minor alone. Paganism, however, survived; we find it in Laconia in the end of the 9th century, and in northern Syria it has lasted till our own times. There were also a good many crypto-pagans among the educated population of the capital. Procopius, for instance, if he was not actually a Pagan, was certainly very little of a Christian. Inquiries made in the third year of Justinian’s reign drove nearly all of these persons into an outward conformity, and their offspring seem to have become ordinary Christians. At Athens, the philosophers who taught in the schools hallowed by memories of Plato still openly professed what passed for Paganism, though it was really a body of moral doctrine, strongly tinged with mysticism, in which there was far more of Christianity and of the speculative metaphysics of the East than of the old Olympian religion. Justinian, partly from religious motives, partly because he discountenanced all rivals to the imperial university of Constantinople, closed these Athenian schools (529). The professors sought refuge at the court of Chosroes, king of Persia, but were soon so much disgusted by the ideas and practices of the fire-worshippers that they returned to the empire, Chosroes having magnanimously obtained from Justinian a promise that they should be suffered to pass the rest of their days unmolested. Heresy proved more obstinate. The severities directed against the Montanists of Phrygia led to a furious war, in which most of the sectaries perished, while the doctrine was not extinguished. Harsh laws provoked the Samaritans to a revolt, from whose effects Palestine had not recovered when conquered by the Arabs in the following century. The Nestorians and the Eutychian Monophysites were not threatened with such severe civil penalties, although their worship was interdicted, and their bishops were sometimes banished; but this vexatious treatment was quite enough to keep them disaffected, and the rapidity of the Mahommedan conquests may be partly traced to that alienation of the bulk of the Egyptian and a large part of the Syrian population which dates from Justinian’s persecutions.
4. Justinian was engaged in three great foreign wars, two of them of his own seeking, the third a legacy which nearly every emperor had come into for three centuries, the secular strife of Rome and Persia. The Sassanid kings of Persia ruled a dominion which extended from the confines of Syria to those of India, and from the straits of Oman to the Caucasus. The martial character of their population made them formidable enemies to the Romans, whose troops were at this epoch mainly barbarians, the settled and civilized subjects of the empire being as a rule averse from war. When Justinian came to the throne, his troops were maintaining an unequal struggle on the Euphrates against the armies of Kavadh I. (q.v.). After some campaigns, in which the skill of Belisarius obtained considerable successes, a peace was concluded in 533 with Chosroes I. (q.v.). This lasted till 539, when Chosroes declared war, alleging that Justinian had been secretly intriguing against him with the Hephthalite Huns, and doubtless moved by alarm and envy at the victories which the Romans had been gaining in Italy. The emperor was too much occupied in the West to be able adequately to defend his eastern frontier. Chosroes advanced into Syria with little resistance, and in 540 captured Antioch, then the greatest city in Asia, carrying off its inhabitants into captivity. The war continued with varying fortunes for four years more in this quarter; while in the meantime an even fiercer struggle had begun in the mountainous region inhabited by the Lazi at the south-eastern corner of the Black Sea (see Colchis). When after two-and-twenty years of fighting no substantial advantage had been gained by either party, Chosroes agreed in 562 to a peace which left Lazica to the Romans, but under the dishonourable condition of their paying 30,000 pieces of gold annually to the Persian king. Thus no result of permanent importance flowed from these Persian wars, except that they greatly weakened the Roman Empire, increased Justinian’s financial embarrassments, and prevented him from prosecuting with sufficient vigour his
