of Sokrates (London, 1865); C. F. Hermann, De Socrates accusatoribus (Göttingen, 1854); W. H. Thompson, The Phaedrus of Plato (London, 1868), Appendix I.; Joel, Der echte and der Xenophontische Sokrates (1901). For the view taken in the present article with regard to the δαιμόνιον, see the writer's paper “On the δαιμόνιον of Socrates,” in the Journal of Philology, v.; and cf. Chr. Meiners, Vermischte philosophische Schriften (Leipzig, 1776)—“in moments of ‘Schwärmerei’ Socrates took for the voice of an attendant genius what was in reality an instantaneous presentiment in regard to the issue of a contemplated act.” For a fuller statement of the writer's view of Plato's relations to Socrates, see a paper on Plato's Republic, vi. 509 D seq., in the Journal of Philology, vol. x., and a series of papers on “Plato's Later Theory of Ideas,” in vols. x., xi., xiii., xiv., xv., xxv. of the same periodical.
SOCRATES, the name of a famous 5th-century church historian. In the course of the last twenty-five years (425-450) of the reign of Theodosius II. (the first thoroughly Byzantine emperor) at least six church histories were written in Greek within the limits of the Eastern Empire—those, namely, of Philostorgius the Arian, of Philip of Side, of Socrates, of Sozomen, of Theodoret and of Hesychius. Of these the first, no longer extant except in fragments, seems to have been the most important. Those of Philip and of Hesychius (the former an untrustworthy and dreary performance mentioned by Socrates [vii. 26, 27]) have also perished. The remaining three are now our main sources for church history from Constantine to Theodosius II. None of them has ventured upon a fresh treatment of the period dealt with by Eusebius; all three begin their narratives about the point where his closes. In the West the Church History of that author had already been continued by Rufinus and his Chronicle by Jerome, and the work of Rufinus was certainly known to the Byzantines. Nor did these write independently of each other, for Sozomen (q.v.) certainly had before him the work of Socrates, and Theodoret (q.v.) knew both of them. The three histories together became known in the West from the 6th century through the selection which Cassiodorus caused to be made from them, and it is to this selection (if we leave Rufinus and Jerome out of account) that the middle ages were mainly indebted for all they knew of the Arian controversies, and of the period generally between the Councils of Nice and Ephesus.
The Ἐκκλησιαστικὴ ἱστορία of Socrates, still extant in seven books, embracing the period from 306 to 439, was written in 439, or within a few years thereafter. He was born and brought up at Constantinople. The date of his birth is uncertain, but it cannot have been far from 380. Of the facts of his life we know practically nothing, except that he was not a cleric but a “scholasticus” or advocate. Of the occasion, plan and object of his work he has himself informed us in the prologues to his first, second, fifth and sixth books. It is dedicated to one Theodorus, who had urged him to write such a history. He had no thorough preparation for the task, and for the period down to the death of Constantius (361) was practically dependent on Rufinus. After his work was finished he became a student of Athanasius' writings and came to see how untrustworthy his guide had been. He accordingly rewrote his first two books (see H. E. ii. 1) certainly before 450 and probably before 444 (see Geppert p. 8), and it is only this revision that has reached us. The chief sources from which he drew were: (1) the Church History, the Life of Constantine and certain theological works of Eusebius; (2) the Church History of Rufinus; (3) certain works of Athanasius; (4) the no longer extant Συναγωγὴ τῶν συνοδικῶν of the Macedonian and semi-Arian Sabinus—a collection of acts of councils with commentaries, brought down to the reign of Theodosius I. (this was a main source); (5) the Constantinopolitan Chronicle; (6) possibly a collection of imperial biographies; (7) lists of bishops; (8) collections of letters by members of the Arian and orthodox parties. He also used writings of Gregory Thaumaturgus, Archelaus, Acacius, Didymus, George of Laodicea, Gregory Nazianzen, Timothy of Berytus (see Lietzmann, Apollinaris von Laodicea, p. 44), Nestorius, Eusebius Scholasticus, Philip of Side, Evagrius, Palladius, Eutropius, the emperor Julian and orations of Libanius and Themistius; and he was apparently acquainted with some of the works of Origen and with Pamphilus' Apologia pro Origene. (On his sources see Jeep, and especially Geppert.) Jeep alleges (pp. 149 sqq.), but without adequate proof, that he made use of Philostorgius. As regards profane history his materials were exceedingly defective. Thus, for example, he confesses that his reason for not giving an account of the wars of Constantine is his inability to ascertain anything certain about them (v. praef.). His reckonings by Olympiads are generally wrong, the error arising chiefly from carelessness. He is greatly indebted to oral tradition and to the testimony of eye-witnesses, especially of members of the Novatian community in Constantinople; some things also he has set down from personal knowledge. The contents of the closing books are for the most part derived from oral tradition, from the narratives of friends and countrymen, from what was still generally known and current in the capital about past events, and from the ephemeral literature of the day.