gave the order to attack. The war which was so rashly and un- justifiably started by the Bulgars ended in disaster for them. They were driven back on their own frontier by the Serbs and Greeks and on July 10 the Rumanians, who had given previous warning of their intentions, crossed the Danube and advanced unopposed on Sofia. A few days later the Turks retook Adrianople and invaded Bulgaria. Danev resigned and a Stambulovist Cabinet was formed, with Radoslavov as prime minister. Bulgaria was thus closed in by four enemies at once and had no choice but to submit unconditionally to the Rumanian terms. On July 30 an armistice was signed at Bucharest. The failure of Bulgarian arms in the second Balkan War was due to several causes. The moral of the troops had suffered owing to the prolongation of the campaign in Thrace and discontent had been rife; the troops were exhausted by their forced march in hot weather from Thrace to Macedonia immediately before hos- tilities, while many had no inclination to fight against their late allies and brother Slavs. The war was the work of politicians rather than of soldiers. Ferdinand and his entourage had underestimated the strength of the Serbian and Greek forces, and they had imagined that if once both these armies could be driven out of territory which had been assigned to Bulgaria by Article 2 of the secret annex to the Serbo-Bulgarian Treaty of 1912, the Powers would acquiesce in a Bulgarian occupation of that part of Macedonia, and also of Sa- lonika. The civil population of southern Macedonia suffered cruelly during the second Balkan War ; atrocities were committed both by Greeks and Bulgars.
Treaty of Bucharest. This treaty, which was signed on Aug. 10 1913 after a fortnight's conference, deprived Bulgaria of almost all her territorial gains of the first Balkan War and also of any immediate prospect of the reunion into one state of all Bulgarian-speaking people. Rumania acquired from Bul- garia that portion of the Dobruja which had been Bulgarian since 1878, from Tutrakan on the Danube to Balchik on the Black Sea. The inhabitants of this region were almost exclu- sively Bulgarian and it comprised some of the best cereal-growing land which had been held by the Bulgars. Serbia and Greece divided Macedonia between them, with the exception of the mountainous region of the Perin and Despoto Dagh. Bulgaria thus retained one outlet on the Aegean, in the shallow-water port of Dede Aghach; her so-called harbour at Porto Lagos consisted only of a short length of quay and a score of buildings. Turkey regained Adrianople and most of Thrace. The Balkan Wars of 1912 and 1913 thus resulted in an increase of territory for Serbia and Montenegro by four-fifths and for Bulgaria by one-fifth, while Greece almost doubled her territory. Serbia and Montenegro increased their respective populations by three-sevenths, Bulgaria by one-twentieth and Greece by two- thirds. The total casualties of the two wars were in inverse ratio to the gains of the three states concerned, viz.: Bulgaria, 150,000; Serbia, 79,500, and Greece, 50,000. The terms of the Treaty of Bucharest King Charles of Rumania himself said of it: " It is not a treaty, it is only a truce and it cannot last " were punitive rather than pacific in tendency, and the attempts of Russia, and possibly of Austria-Hungary also, to secure some modifications for Bulgaria were unsuccessful.
Radoslavov Government, 1913-4. On July 5 1913 the Radosla- vov Cabinet, at the. critical moment when they assumed office, addressed a letter to the King, which was probably inspired by him, expressing their opinion that " the salvation of our State can only be found in a policy of intimate friendship with Austria- Hungary. That policy should be adopted at once and without hesitation, because every hour is fateful. We invite you to act immediately in order to save Bulgaria from further misfortunes and the dynasty from further responsibility." This letter was signed by Radoslavov, N. Ghenadiev and D. Tonchev. In the personnel of thj Cabinet the King found ready tools for the pursuance of his policy; several of the ministers, including Radoslavov and Ghena- diev, had been prosecuted for corruption, peculation and illegal practices during their previous tenure of office, and Radoslavov him- self had been condemned to a term of imprisonment and loss of civil rights. The elections of Dec. 1913 gave the Opposition a majority of 14 seats in the Sobranye, although the Government had resorted to the usual methods of controlling the elections. Owing to the impossibility of forming a new Cabinet, the Sobranye was dissolved. The suffrage was now extended to the territory which had been ceded to Bulgaria by Turkey by the Treaty of Bucharest. This measure was held by some to be unconstitutional, but the efforts of the Government to conciliate the new Moslem voters and the 150,000 refugees who had been settled in this region resulted in a Government majority of ten in the new Sobranye. The Turkish deputies, many of whom were members of the Committee of Union and Progress, thus held a casting vote in the Sobranye. and, through
them, the Sublime Porte was able to exercise a direct influence on the Bulgarian Government. It became imperative to raise a foreign loan in order to meet the obligations of the country and for certain necessary constructive work. Appeal was made to France, England and Russia successively, but assistance was refused or else only offered on conditions which it did not suit the Bulgarian Government to accept. These conditions, however, can hardly have been more unfavourable than those eventually accepted from the German Disconto Gesellschaft which provided the loan of 500 million francs. By the terms of the loan the syndicate secured the control of the state coal mines, of the projected railway which was to connect central Bulgaria with Porto Lagos, and of that terminal port itself. These terms met with angry opposition throughout the country, for it was realized that Bulgaria was handing over some of her chief economic assets to Germany. The syndicate further sought to obtain the control of the export of tobacco, but, owing to strong expression of public opinion, the Government was obliged to refuse this demand. The consent of the Sobranye to the conditions of the loan was only obtained after violent protests from the Opposition, the uproar preventing the actual reading of the bill (June 1914).
Political Parties and Public Life. The old broad distinctions of Russophil and Russophobe which had marked the two main political camps in the time of Stambulov, gave place later to an increasing number of subdivisions of parties, between whose respective pro- grammes there was not always much apparent difference. Public life in Bulgaria has hitherto left a good deal to be desired ; elections have not been free and ministers have not always been above reproach as regards incorruptibility, patriotism and efficiency, and they have looked on themselves as personal employes of the King rather than as servants of the nation. The King, who was always well informed as to the private affairs of his entourage and who knew their weak points, preferred ministers over whom he had a hold of this description. The Sobranye often showed itself amenable to the manipulation of ministers or of the King. In practice, a change of government meant a change in the holders of most government appointments. The King's control of the army was absolute; according to the constitution he was commander-in-chief, and the power of promotion and dismissal was in his hands. Each officer was made to feel that the success of his career depended on royal favour. There can be no doubt that Ferdinand used his undoubted talents and power in such a way as to debase rather than to elevate the moral standard of his country. The real life of Bulgaria, however, is not to be found in the bureaucracy, but among the peasants who form about 80% of the population. The peasants have no reason to like politics or politicians and they prefer to hold aloof as much as pos- sible from both. It must be remembered that, in spite of corruption in high places, the standard of life among the peasants compares favourably as regards industry, morality and freedom from crime with that of any other European people.
Period of Neutrality (Aug. igiq-Oct. 15 15/5). At the out- break of the World War in 1914 the great majority of Bulgars wished to preserve neutrality; from force of circumstances, however, Bulgaria was already more than half way towards the Central Powers. The policy of the Radoslavov Cabinet, the German loan, the establishment of friendly relations with Tur- key, resentment against Russia for her non-intervention in Aug. 1913, together with the deep sense of humiliation and disappointment created by the Treaty of Bucharest, all com- bined to indicate the direction in which Bulgarian sympathy was likely to be drawn. Moreover, Macedonia, the fate of which had been the dominant factor in the policy of Bulgaria during the whole of her existence and the cause of her sacrifices in the two Balkan Wars, was now in the hands of Serbia and Greece. The Bulgarians naturally asked themselves which group of Powers would be able to help them to realize their national ideal and their material ambitions. It seemed to them unlikely that the Powers which were ranged on the side of Serbia would be willing to deprive their ally of the fruits of her victory in 1913 and to restore Macedonia to Bulgaria. The victory of the Entente might mean Russia at Constantinople, the union of the Serb peoples in one important state and the permanent loss of Mace- donia. To the King, who held the direction of the policy of the country absolutely in his hands, the victory of the Entente might mean the loss of his throne and the end of his dynasty. From an early date it was clear that Turkey would join the Central Powers, while the attitude of Rumania and Greece was uncertain. Owing to her geographical position Bulgaria would evidently be unable to preserve her " benevolent neutrality " for an indefinite time. Should she abandon it, it would be to join the winning side, and there were many in Bulgaria, including the King himself, who believed that Germany was invincible.
