altered at any time with the approval of two-thirds of the adhering countries. Different countries have voting powers according to their contributions, which depend on their popu- lation. Self-governing dominions count as independent States.
In addition to the International Research Council, unions were definitely constituted to organize international work in astronomy, geodesy and geophysics and chemistry. In each case the adhering countries constitute National Committees to superintend their part of the work. These National Com- mittees are formed according to the decision of each country, under the responsibility either of its principal academy, or of its National Research Council (where such exists), or of some other national institution or association of institutions, or of its Government.
While the academies of most countries have been satisfied with nominating National Committees on a representative basis for the special purpose of organizing the international work, the United States has established a National Research Council, which is subdivided according to subjects, and which deals with national as well as international activities.
In extensive subjects covering a large range such as astronomy and geophysics, subdivision into groups is necessary, but each union adopts the methods that appear to them to be most effective. While astronomy works through as many, as 32 standing committees, the Union of Geodesy and Geophysics has divided itself into six sections, comprising (a) geodesy, (b) seismology, (c) meteorology, (d) terrestrial magnetism and electricity, (e) physical oceanography, and (/) vulcanology.
In addition to the three unions which were actually brought into being at the time, the conference at Brussels formulated proposals for adding unions in the following subjects: mathe- matics, physics, scientific radio-telegraphy, geology, biological sciences, geography and, finally, bibliography and documentation. The first of these was subsequently constituted at a meeting held in Strassburg, and already counts many countries as adherents. The unions of physics and scientific radio-teleg- raphy also received substantial support, and it was expected in May 1921 that they would probably be constituted shortly. It seems probable that the international work, which is now established on a sufficiently uniform system to avoid over- lapping and waste, while allowing complete liberty of organiza- tion within their respective spheres, will in future be carried out as efficiently as is possible in a domain which presents so many inherent difficulties.
In conclusion, and in order to avoid any misunderstanding or misapprehension as regards the general attitude of inter- national science towards research, a declaration of policy which was adopted at the Paris Conference of Nov. 1918 may be quoted: " The International Research Council recognizes that all great advances in science are initiated by individual efforts, and that it has become increasingly necessary to encourage these efforts. It includes, therefore, within its functions the task of actively encouraging all endeavours to supply the means and freedom necessary to those capable of conducting scientific researches of a high order." (A. S.*)
INTERNATIONAL, THE (see 14.693). After the collapse of the original "International Working Men's Association," known as the First International, there were successive attempts to form a united International of the various socialist and labour movements, the two chief attempts being the Second International, which was formed in 1889 and broke down on the outbreak of the World War in 1914, but was afterwards revived in a mutilated form, and the Third International, which was formed in 1919 on a more exclusively revolutionary basis. In 1921 there was no single International for all the labour and socialist organizations, and the movement as a whole was in flux.
The Second International. In the period following the collapse of the First International, the national labour and socialist move- ments grew up separately in each country with only a slight international connexion. For the 13 years between 1876 and 1889 there was no permanent international bond, but only occasional ad hoc international conferences of labour. These
were summoned by various convening bodies, on one occasio (1888) by the British Trades Union Congress. The list of these intervening conferences is given as follows in the official re- cord of the International Socialist Bureau: 1876, Berne; 1877, Ghent; 1881, Coire; 1883, Paris; 1886, Paris; 1888, London.
In 1889 a new step was taken by the decision of the Paris International Congress to arrange for the periodic holding of International congresses in future. The Paris Congress really consisted of two separately convened conferences, one being Marxian and the other Possibilist or moderate. Subsequent united congresses were held at Brussels in 1891, at Zurich in 1893, and at London in 1896. The starting point of the Second or "New International" is commonly taken as the year 1889.
It was not, however, until 1900, at the Paris Congress of that year, that a definite constitution was set up for the new Inter- national. The 1900 Congress established an International So- cialist Bureau of representatives from each affiliated national section, together with an executive, a paid secretary, and a central office. The bureau met once a year, or more often in the case of emergency. The central office was stationed at Brussels; and the chairman, secretary and executive, who were entrusted with the task of carrying on the continuous work of the Inter- national, were composed of members of the Belgian section.
At the same Congress of Paris in 1900 were laid down the final conditions of membership of the International. By these conditions affiliation was open to
(1) All associations which adhere to the essential principles of socialism: socialization of the means of production and exchange; international union and action of the workers; conquest of public powers by the proletariat organized as a class party.
(2) All the constituted organizations which accept the principle of the class struggle and recognize the necessity for political action (legislative and parliamentary), but do not participate directly in the political movement.
Subsequent congresses under the new regulations were held at Amsterdam in 1904, at Stuttgart in 1907, and at Copenhagen in 1910. A special conference was held at Basel in 1912 to protest against the danger of participation by the Great Powers in the Balkan war. The next regular congress was to have been held at Vienna in Aug. 1914, but was abandoned owing to the out- break of war. The last full congress of the Second International was, in consequence, the Copenhagen Congress of 1910. That congress was attended by 896 delegates representing 23 nation- alities. The total number of nationalities affiliated with the bureau at the outbreak of war was 28; and the membership was given as 12 millions.
The pre-war International was a larger organization than had so far been achieved; but its real strength lay in the national sections, and as a whole it lacked effective adhesion or unity. The compromise which gave it birth in the original fusion of the two Paris conferences of 1889 stamped its proceedings through- out. Two leading controversies occupied its attention in the years before the war. One was the question of socialist par- ticipation in non-socialist governments. The other was the question of the action of the International in the event of war. On neither of these questions was a clear answer given, although on both elaborate resolutions were passed, couched in revolu- tionary but vague phraseology. The decision regarding minis- terial collaboration by socialists was reached at the Amsterdam Congress of 1904, and laid down that
" The Social Democracy can accept no participation in the Government under bourgeois society, this decision being in accord- ance with the Kautsky resolution passed at the International Con- gress of Paris in 1900. '
This decision would in itself appear definite; but the addition at the end introduces a covert reservation, the terms of the 1900 resolution having sanctioned the exceptional entry of a socialist into the Ministry as a " forced expedient of ,a temporary and extraordinary character."
The decision on the question of war is even more important for latter-day controversies. The decision was reached at the Stuttgart Congress of 1907 and reaffirmed at the Copenhagen Congress of 1910. It made the following declaration:
